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Norman R. Bennett, editor

Stanley’s Despatches
to the

NEW YORK
HERALD

1871-1872, 1874-1877

$15.95

“Do, dare and endure. . .”

The complete despatches sent to the New
York Herald by Henry Stanley during his two
most famous African expeditions are collected
in this volume for the first time. Editorial
notes serve to clarify the routes of his travels
and to explain his relationships with the Afri-
can peoples he met. Earlier accounts of
Stanley’s travels, in almost every instance,
have merely repeated facts as he reported
them, sometimes replete with errors. By com-
paring his despatches with his books, and
with the findings of modern scholarship on
Africa, Professor Bennett has given a new
dimension to the role of the most important of
nineteenth-century explorers of Africa.

In Part I, “The Search for Livingstone,”
Stanley, an unknown young journalist, de-
scribes how he set out to find the famous
missionary explorer and to bring to the read-
ing public in America news of the great man.
He found Livingstone; he also found a voca-
tion which would occupy him for the next
twenty years — the exploration and develop-
ment of the remote parts of Africa.

In his second and perhaps greatest expedi-
tion (Part II, “The Expedition across Africa”),
Stanley traveled through vast areas in central
Africa never before visited by a white man.
His first accounts of these areas are of great
value to the African specialist today, perhaps
of even more value than his discoveries about
the Nile sources were to the geographers of
his own time.

Stanley was a new kind of explorer for
Africa, sent not by the learned gentlemen of
the Royal Geographical Society, but by a news-
paper whose editor capitalized on the popular
interest in exotic and unknown Africa. Cast in
a different mold from that of the romantic
Burton, Stanley approached his task with Vic-
torian sobriety and seriousness of purpose. “A

(Continued on back flap)

Stanley’s Despatches to the NEW YORK
HERALD , 1871-1872 , 1874-1877
Boston University African Research Studies,
No. 10

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2017 with funding from
Boston Library Consortium Member Libraries

https://archive.org/details/stanleysdespatchOOstan

Stanley’s Despatches to the New York Herald,
1871-1872, 1874-1877

Boston University African Research Studies Number 10

Stanley’s Despatches to the New York Herald
1871-1872, 1874-1877

Edited by Norman R. Bennett

Boston University Press 1970

Standard Book Number 87270-014-3

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 72-96999

Printed in the United States of America

Book design by David Ford

To Robert E. Moody

Preface

Stanley’s despatches first came to my attention in 1960 when I was
checking materials for the study of nineteenth-century East African
history. The despatches contained material that was worthy of publica-
tion and had not been incorporated in Stanley’s published volumes.
Since the despatches are not readily available, it was suggested by
Robert E. Moody that the whole collection be published. Further re-
search demonstrated that an edited and annotated collection would be
useful both to those interested in African history and in Stanley’s life,
especially since the African aspects of Stanley’s career have not yet
been well treated. William O. Brown and A. A. Castagno, past and
present directors of the African Studies Center, gave the project their
full support. It could not have been completed without their con-
tinuing interest.

The documents are presented in their original form (as they ap-
peared in the Herald ), with only minor changes in punctuation for the
sake of clarity. Most of the despatches were taken from photocopies of
the Herald supplied by the Library of Congress. The Boston Athe-
naeum kindly allowed the use of their issues of the Herald for
consultation during the final typing of the manuscript. Additional
materials — part of Stanley’s diary, a sketch by Stanley of Livingstone
at Ujiji, and a photograph of Stanley — were discovered in the Peabody
Museum of Salem, Massachusetts; they are published with the kind
permission of its directors.

Svend Holsoe, Carl Haywood, Barbara Dubins, Marguerite
Ylvisaker, and Shams Bahloo gave vital aid in preparing the docu-
ments; Israel Katoke supplied valuable information on Swahili termi-
nology and on the Lake Victoria region. Charles F. Holmes also
supplied helpful information on the Lake Victoria region. Several of
my colleagues made useful comments on the introduction to this
volume; my especial thanks go to George E. Brooks, Jr., and Roy C.

Vlll

PREFACE

Bridges for their penetrating remarks. Suzanne Marcus, with the aid of
Cynthia Heinonen and Shirley McNerney, performed the laborious
task of typing the manuscript. Ruth Bennett drew the maps. My
thanks go also to Fathers Frits Versteynen and J. van Hensbergen of
the Holy Ghost Mission at Bagamoyo for aid concerning Stanley’s
visit to their mission. A special measure of appreciation goes to Alyce
Havey for ensuring that all went smoothly, especially during my ab-
sence from Boston.

The Tanzania Society and Philip Gulliver kindly allowed me to
adapt a map appearing in Tanganyika Notes and Records , 54(1960),
as did Brian K. Taylor and the International African Institute for a
map appearing in Taylor’s The Western Lacustrine Bantu (London:
International African Institute, 1962). They serve as the bases for
Maps I and III respectively.

My first acquaintance with Stanley’s despatches came while I was
studying the history of East Africa with the aid of a Foreign Area
Training Fellowship from the Ford Foundation. Support from the
African Studies Center allowed the project to continue over the years.
A fellowship from the American Philosophical Society for study of
related East African problems provided an opportunity to check works
of relevance both to Stanley and to East Africa. Finally my thanks go
to the universities of Hamburg and St. Andrews for allowing me the
use of their resources.

Norman R. Bennett

St. Andrews, Scotland
Boston, Massachusetts
August and December 1966
March 1968

Contents

Introduction xiii

Abbreviations xxxix

Part I. In Search of Livingstone

1. July 4, 1871

7. December 26, 1871

September 20, 1871

8. February 21, 1872

120

September 21, 1871

9. March 1, 1872

121

November 10, 1871

10. March 12, 1872

122

November 23, 1871

11. April 29 to May 4, 1872,

December 23, 1871

Stanley’s Journal

123

Part II. The Expedition across Africa

12. October 19, 1874 129

13. October 21, 1874 136

14. October 23, 1874 144

15. November 12, 1874 153

16. November 15, 1874 168

17. December 13, 1874 187

18. March 1,1875 192

19. March 4, 1875 208

20. April 12, 1875 210

21. April 14, 1875 225

22. May 15, 1875 228

23. May 15, 1875 230

24. July 29, 1875 241

25. August 15, 1875 250

26. January 18, 1876 262

27. March 26, 1876 272

28. April 24, 1876 277

29. August 7, 1876 284

CONTENTS

30. August 10, 1876

303

36. August 13, 1877

341

31. August 13, 1876

315

37. September 1, 1877

347

32. October 28, 1876

317

38. September 2, 1877

353

33. October 30, 1876

327

39. September 5, 1877

356

34. November 1, 1876

333

40. September 5, 1877

372

35. August 8, 1877

340

Appendices

A. Stanley’s Arrival in Zanzibar, 1872 397

B. An Interview with Richard M. Whitney 402

C. Lewis Noe to the Editor of The Sun , August 16, 1872 406

D. An Interview with Lewis Noe 416

E. An Interview with Harlow Cook 425

F. Interview with Edward Joy Morris 433

G. Interview with Edward Joy Morris 440

H. Stanley to James Gordon Bennett, September 13, 1872 447

I. Lewis Noe to the Editor of The Sun, September 30, 1872 452

J. Stanley to Edward King, May 19, 1875 456

K. Stanley to Edward King, October 31, 1876 459

L. Stanley to Edwin Arnold, undated 462

M. Stanley to Edward Levy, August 13, 1876 463

N. Edward Pocock to his parents, September 24, 1874 465

O. Edward Pocock to his parents, October 22, 1874 466

P. Francis Pocock to his brother, October 22, 1874 467

Q. Francis Pocock to his parents, May 15, 1875 468

R. Francis Pocock to his parents, undated 470

S. Francis Pocock to his parents, August 14, 1875 473

T. Francis Pocock to his parents, April 18, 1876 475

U. Francis Pocock to his brother, July 20, 1876 477

V. Stanley’s despatches in publication order 483

Bibliography

485

Index

501

CONTENTS

Illustrations

Henry M. Stanley facing page 88

Stanley’s pencil sketch of Livingstone facing page 89

Maps

I. Tanzania 20

II. Stanley’s early sketch map of Lake Victoria 231

III. Uganda and the Lake Victoria region 264

IV. Stanley’s later sketch map of Lake Victoria 278

V. Stanley’s sketch map of the Lukuga region 285

VI. Stanley sketch map of the territory west of Lake Victoria 311

VII. The Congo 358

Introduction

Stanley remains one of the most controversial of the major European
explorers of Africa. His often turbulent career and the internal stresses
of his personality help to explain this fact. Nonetheless, there is no
apparent reason why, more than three-quarters of a century after his
last venture, Stanley should continue to be singled out for his sup-
posed excesses in Africa, while other Europeans, of greater or lesser
note in Africa — often responsible for far more loss of African life than
Stanley — receive sympathetic treatment.1 Much of the problem comes
from the lack of an adequate biographical study of Stanley, one well-
grounded in the multitudinous sources necessary to the understanding
of a life spent in traveling and working in widely different parts of
Africa (and of Europe, Asia, and North America), leaving information
in the oral and written records of numerous countries.2

Instead of carrying out the necessary research, Stanley’s biogra-
phers— with one partial exception3 — have concentrated on his per-
sonality, advancing analyses to explain his career that reveal more of
the authors’ dexterity of interpretation than of their capacity for the
research essential to an understanding of a man and his epoch. Im-
portant data about Stanley’s early life have been uncovered in recent

1. At a recent historical conference he was described by one participant as
“that horror.”

2. The most useful source of information concerning Stanley is Dorothy
Stanley, ed., The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley. There are, however,
many lacunae in Mrs. Stanley’s edited work. Hird, H. M. Stanley. The Authorized
Life, builds on the previous source. Both Anstruther, I Presume: Stanley's
Triumph and Disaster, and Farwell, The Man Who Presumed: A Biography of
Henry M. Stanley, offer new materials on Stanley’s early life, and on some
aspects of his career in Britain and America; they are of limited use for his
African experiences, however. Luwel, Stanley offers a sound and reliable, al-
though brief, account of Stanley and is by far the best source for the explorer’s
life. Luwel also lists the essential bibliographical works concerning Stanley.

3. Luwel, Stanley.

XIV

INTRODUCTION

years, but the mature years, the years of his major impact upon Africa,
have not been satisfactorily treated as yet.

One of the most serious defects of the recent interpretations of
Stanley is their almost total lack of concern with the African milieu in
which he carved out his career. Stanley’s own descriptions — almost
always written in haste — are cited with little or no analysis and with-
out reference to the considerable body of scholarship available on the
peoples and areas through which the explorer passed. Thus, African
names which no longer have any meaning are used; errors of location
that Stanley understandably perpetrated are continued; and legends
about his career long ago disproven are transmitted as fact.4

This edition of Stanley’s despatches to the New York Herald, with
some related documents, is designed then to serve two purposes. The
original reports are of considerable historical value because Stanley,
after his return from the two expeditions dealt with (those of 1871-
1872 and 1874-1877), rewrote the despatches — written during the
heat of his explorations — for publication in book form. In How I Found
Livingstone the differences are no greater than one would expect,5 but
in Through the Dark Continent Stanley, influenced by criticism of
his literary style, used outside help in preparing his published ac-
count.6 More significantly, the many tumultuous encounters with
Africans described in Stanley’s despatches had roused the ire of hu-
manitarians in Europe and the United States;7 consequently, he felt
compelled to rewrite some of the battle descriptions to place himself

4. For example, Farwell, Man Who Presumed, especially 184, 219, demonstrates
a sense of ethnocentric superiority that mars his interpretation of Stanley in
Africa.

5. Some writers refer to How I Found Livingstone as Stanley’s “Diary.” See
Jackson, Meteor Out of Africa, 40, or Macdonald, The Story of Stanley, viii.
Macdonald wrote: “The real Stanley is to be found, not in the newspaper reports,
but in his books, which are for the most part faithful diaries of the thoughts,
acts, and experiences of his adventurous life.” But Stanley did rearrange his
original notes for publication. He said: “I have adopted the narrative form of
relating the story of the search, on account of the greater interest it appears to
possess over the diary form, and I think that in this manner I avoid the great
fault of repetition for which some travellers have been severely criticised.” HIFL,
xxiii. Compare the section of Stanley’s diary given in document 11 with the
relevant HIFL section.

6. TDC, X, viii. Stanley perhaps reacted to a feeling expressed by Burton:
“The letters are evidently written in haste, and after much weariness of mind and
body; and more mature reflection combined with further experience, may in-
troduce important modifications into the more permanent record of travel.”
Burton’s letter of Oct. 19, 1875, in Geographical Magazine 2(1875), 354.

7. See documents 24 and 25.

INTRODUCTION

in a better light. There are several important discrepancies between
the accounts given in the despatches and those presented in Through
the Dark Continent. Even the accounts in the unsatisfactory edition
of Stanley’s diary of the 1874-1877 trip differ from the original re-
ports.8 For this reason, all the despatches written during these two
expeditions are presented here exactly as they appeared in the Herald .9

My second purpose has been to annotate the letters so that the in-
formation Stanley remitted from Africa will be more useful to those
concerned with his life, his two most important African ventures, and
Africa in general. All of the problems the texts present have not been
solved, but hopefully a useful beginning has been made to supplying
the needed context of understanding for what Stanley heard, saw, and
reported from an Africa that was then first coming into contact with
European culture — of which Stanley was often the first representa-
tive.

Stanley's Early Life

John Rowlands, illegitimate son of John Rowland and Elizabeth
Parry, was born at Denbigh, Wales, on January 28, 1841.10 A more
unlikely beginning for the later prominent reporter, explorer, colonial
administrator, member of Parliament, and holder of the Grand Cross
of the Bath is difficult to conceive; and it was a beginning that Stanley
never forgot. Abandoned by his mother, young Rowlands lived for a
time with his maternal grandfather; but early in life the latter’s death
caused him to be boarded with a neighboring couple at an uncle’s ex-
pense. Eventually the cost became more than his relatives were willing
to bear. In 1847 the unwanted child was delivered to St. Asaph Union
Workhouse to be confined and educated in the manner thought
proper for children of his class. Stanley later said of St. Asaph, “to
the young it is a house of torture,” and he called himself “a British
outcast.” 11

But young Rowlands managed to survive the inherent dangers of
this example of nineteenth-century benevolence; he absorbed, during
a nine-year stay, a reasonably good education — he was a leading stu-

8. Stanley and Neame, eds., The Exploration Diaries of H. M. Stanley.

9. Some of Stanley’s despatches as originally published have been printed in
book-form. See the anonymous Life & Finding of Dr. Livingstone; Heudebert, La
Decouverte du Congo; Bellenger, Lettres de H. M. Stanley. None of these collec-
tions are complete and none are annotated.

10. The general information on Stanley’s life is drawn from the sources
mentioned in note 2 unless otherwise indicated.

11. Autobiography, 10-11.

xvi

INTRODUCTION

dent of the institution — and a lasting, if narrow, belief in a Calvinist
God. Finally, when the excesses of a brutal headmaster became too
great, the growing orphan, in what can only be described as a proper
Victorian reaction to injustice, thrashed him, after receiving an unde-
served beating, and fled St. Asaph.

The fifteen-year-old refugee, pudgy and unprepossessing, attempted
life with various relatives in Wales, but he had the not-uncommon
tribulations of a poor and unwanted relation. The gate to a wider world
then opened with the opportunity for the boy to reside with relatives
in Liverpool, where he had hopes of successful employment. But suc-
cess escaped the young Welshman, and he remained a poor relation
employed in menial positions until one day on the busy docks of Liver-
pool, the master of a vessel asked him if he wanted to become a cabin
boy. The dissatisfied errand boy reacted quickly and in December
1858, he left Britain for New Orleans.

Thus occurred the major break with Stanley’s Nonconformist and
restrictive past. Arriving, in February 1859, in that bustling port of
the south, young Rowlands deserted, as the captain, who pocketed his
wages, had intended. The youth joined the quest for position and
advancement offered by the fluid society of a developing America. By
pure chance the new arrival asked his famous question — “Do you
want a boy, Sir?” — to a receptive, and childless, commission mer-
chant, Henry Stanley.12 The result was moderately well-paid em-
ployment and, more important, a gradually developing intimacy with
the older man.

Later in the year Mrs. Stanley died, and soon a virtual father-and-
son relationship developed between the American merchant and
the Welsh immigrant, leading to the youth’s eventual informal adop-
tion and the assumption of the name Henry Stanley. Young Stanley
was groomed in that peculiarly American combination of religion and
business, and until the intendedly temporary departure of his mentor
for Cuba in the fall of 1860, he spent what he described as one of the
happiest periods of his life. While the elder Stanley was absent — he
died in Cuba in 1861 — the younger Stanley was left to work in the
frontier region of Arkansas. There he acquired an appropriate frontier
familiarity with firearms that would stand him in good stead in Africa;
there also Stanley had his first experiences with malarial fevers.

Then came the Civil War to wrench Stanley from what might have
been the undistinguished life of a frontier merchant. Incongruously,
the later self-appointed redeemer of the African now went to wax to
preserve Negro slavery in the South. But Stanley, as most men, natur-

12. Ibid., 87.

INTRODUCTION

XVII

ally took on the views of his immediate environment; and after being
shamed by being sent a chemise and petticoat, he enlisted in an
Arkansas volunteer regiment. Here, as a man of twenty — a photo-
graph shows him slim and manly — Stanley learned the discipline and
harshness of camp life. In April 1862, Stanley had his baptism of fire
at Shiloh where he was taken prisoner; he was sent to Camp Douglas,
near Chicago. The unhealthy life of confinement soon led him to
abandon a cause for which he had no great commitment, and to secure
freedom by enlisting in the Union army in June 1862. But the stay
in Camp Douglas had undermined his health, and in the same month
he was discharged, a very sick man, from army life.

Once recovered, the veteran of the armies of North and South
worked his way back to Liverpool and to his family in Wales. But his
reception, even by his mother, was no better than in earlier years —
he was still a poor relation, after all. A short period of service in the
merchant navy, which included a visit to Cuba, followed; there Stan-
ley learned of the elder Stanley’s death. Returning to the United States
in 1863, he reentered military service in 1864 by joining the Union
Navy.

Stanley was present at the two attacks on Fort Fisher in North
Carolina. These battles signaled the beginning of Stanley’s rise to
eminence, for he wrote accounts of the actions that were published
later in the press. At last he had found his vocation. With the war’s
end approaching, he deserted from the Navy in February 1865. After
perhaps attempting employment in a lawyer’s office, he began to
make his living as a free-lance reporter.13 The character of the man
was now apparent: Stanley was ready for adventure. He began in 1865
a career of twenty-five years’ travel and exploration that would take
him from the American West to the Middle East and Central Asia,
and to Africa.

During 1866, Stanley traveled in western America. For a time he
was based in Omaha, Nebraska. Here his boisterous nature demon-
strated itself in a minor affair over a traveling actress. According to
one account, the young reporter fell in love with one Annie Ward.
Another reporter “made sport” of the affair and was assaulted by Stan-
ley, but in a resulting court case Stanley was acquitted “on the ground
of justifiable cause.” A second version has it that Stanley was not
the aggrieved lover, but the individual who twitted the captive of Annie
Ward’s charms. A fight ensued, and Stanley was acquitted of assault

13. See Appendix C.

xviii

INTRODUCTION

charges.14 The affair was minor and the facts are unclear, but it dem-
onstrated that Stanley had developed the rough temper of the American
frontier, a trait that would show itself again during his African travels.

Stanley capped his western experiences by descending the dan-
gerous Platte River with a new acquaintance, W. H. Cook. Stanley and
Cook resolved to continue their adventures by travel in Asia, so,
accompanied by Lewis Noe, they left Boston for Turkey in July 1866.
But the venture was a failure, and it returned to plague Stanley in
later life.15 (See Appendices A— I.)

In 1867, Stanley traveled to the West again, to report on the efforts
of the Army to resolve the Indian problem. He wrote for the Missouri
Democrat and other newspapers, including the New York Herald.1*

With the earnings from this busy year, the ambitious Stanley de-
cided to visit New York and attempt to secure a more important
position with a major newspaper. He approached James Gordon Ben-
nett, Jr. of the Herald and offered to report on the British expedition
against Emperor Theodore of Ethiopia. Bennett was unenthusiastic
— he judged American interest in Africa to be minimal — but decided
that Stanley could cover the campaign for the Herald at his own
expense; he was promised a permanent post if his efforts were suc-
cessful. Because of a fortuitous agreement with the telegraph oper-
ator at Suez to forward his despatches before all others, Stanley
scooped the field. Even more fortuitously, the telegraph cable broke
after Stanley’s message had been sent so that his story reached Europe
before all other accounts, including the official reports of the British
staff. Bennett was as good as his word, and Stanley entered into the
busy life of a leading correspondent for the Herald in 1868.

Stanley , Livingstone and the New York Herald

While Stanley was making his way as a reporter, the European
exploration of Africa had been increasing in momentum until it had
captured the attention of the European and American press. The most
popular of the explorers opening Africa to the outside world was the
tenacious and troublesome Scot, David Livingstone.17 Born in Blan-

14. Autobiography, 221-22, gives only an oblique reference to the affair.
Farwell, Man Who Presumed, 30, and Hird, Stanley, 45, merely incorporate the
same description. For the affair, Alfred Sorenson, Story of Omaha, 242-44; see
also Appendix H.

15. For details on this period of Stanley’s life, see Appendix E.

16. Excerpts from Stanley’s letters for this period are given in Wheeler, “Henry
M. Stanley’s Letters to the Missouri Democrat ,” 269-86.

17. There is no satisfactory biography of Livingstone; Seaver, David Living-
stone, offers the latest significant account.

INTRODUCTION

xix

tyre, near Glasgow, in 1813, of poor parents, Livingstone managed
to secure an education and to go on to medical training and a career
as a missionary for the London Missionary Society. He did not find the
daily and difficult routine of evangelization congenial, however, and
soon began a series of explorations that he regarded as necessary to
the proper conversion of Africa. In doing so Livingstone became the
greatest propagandist for Africa the European world had yet known.
His explorations were significant; but more important was the way
in which they were carried out. Lacking both extensive resources for
organizing expeditions and the talent to keep large groups of men in
order — either Europeans or Africans — the Scots missionary set about
penetrating Africa in a manner that captured the imagination of his
contemporaries. Accompanied by only a few African companions, he
traveled during 1854-1856 from Luanda on the West coast across the
breadth of the continent to Quelimane. His account of the journey,
enlivened by his curiosity for all things animate and inanimate, be-
came an immediate best seller.18 Livingstone had gained a secure niche
as Africa’s most famous explorer.

In 1858, with government support, Livingstone led a large expedi-
tion of Europeans in exploring the Zambezi and Shire rivers and
Lake Nyasa. Although significant results were accomplished for the
future development of the Nyasa region, Livingstone’s inability to
work with his European subordinates left him with a feeling of
frustration, and he resolved to avoid large expeditions in the future.19

The Scotsman’s final venture into Africa, less important for actual
discoveries — which were nonetheless significant — than for the influ-
ence it had on the course of events in Africa, began in 1866.
Livingstone left the eastern African coast for the interior to inquire
into the imperfectly understood problems of the watershed of central
Africa and the sources of the Nile. The course of his travels was slow
and irregular, and communications were non-existent. By the end of
the 1860’s popular interest in the missionary’s fate turned toward
him the attention of James Gordon Bennett, Jr.20

18. The trip is described in Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in
South Africa. For this early period of his life, see also the following volumes
edited by Schapera: David Livingstone. Family Letters 1841-1856; Livingstone's
Private Journals 1851-1853 ; Livingstone’s Missionary Correspondence 1841-1856;
Livingstone’s African Journal 1853-1856.

19. See [David and Charles] Livingstone, Narrative of an Expedition to the
Zambesi; Wallis, ed., Zambezi Expedition of David Livingstone 1858-1863;
Shepperson, ed., David Livingstone and the Rovuma; Foskett, ed., Zambesi
Journals and Letters of Dr. John Kirk 1858-63.

20. Livingstone’s account is given in Waller, ed., Last Journals of David
Livingstone. See also documents 4 and 7.

INTRODUCTION

Bennett first became interested in the news possibilities of Living-
stone in 1868, when rumors were circulating that Livingstone might
emerge from inland Africa at Zanzibar, or that he might return down
the Nile. Stanley was summoned to London from an assignment in
Spain. The Herald's representative, Finlay Anderson, sent the rising
young reporter to Aden to seek information, with the option of proceed-
ing to Zanzibar if necessary.21 Stanley visited Aden from November
1868, to February 1869, without gaining news of Livingstone; the
rumors of his return proved groundless. But Stanley made a valuable
contact for the future by writing to the American representative in
Zanzibar, Francis R. Webb, for information.22 With no word from
Livingstone, Stanley left Aden and returned to reporting in Spain.23

Popular interest in Livingstone remained acute, and when the mis-
sionary continued in the interior, Bennett called Stanley to Paris in
October 1869 for the interview that led to Stanley’s undertaking the
famous expedition. The assignment would lead him from Egypt
through Central Asia to India, whence, if Livingstone yet remained in
Africa, he was to proceed to Zanzibar and then inland to interview
the long-absent missionary explorer.24 Stanley fulfilled the first part
of the instructions with his usual talent,25 arriving in Zanzibar in
January 1871, to begin the quest after Livingstone described in the
letters given in Part I of this volume.

Stanley’s expedition was to surpass whatever Bennett had had in
mind for his star reporter. Zanzibar sources informed Stanley that
Livingstone would at some time be at Ujiji; Stanley, seizing the initia-
tive, set out to meet the missionary there, or elsewhere in the interior
if necessary. Bennett, however, as was his custom, said little of the
venture in his columns. A first reference came when news from Lon-
don reported: “A Party of Americans is hurrying into the interior
with the object of rescuing the doctor from his perilous position.” 26
No doubt, if the news had not been circulating in Britain, Bennett
would not have published even this brief note.

21. Anderson has been given credit for first suggesting the Herald idea of a
meeting of one of their reporters with Livingstone. Seitz, The James Gordon
Bennetts, 303.

22. See document 1, note 24.

23. Stanley had also checked in Egypt for information concerning Livingstone.
See Macgregor, Rob Roy on the Jordan, 53-54; Balch, “American Explorers of
Africa ” 278-79.

24. Stanley later said about the early section of this trip that he set off
“with a budget of instructions which I look upon even to this day with dismay.”
Stanley, My African Travels, 3.

25. See document 1.

26. NYH, Sept. 19, 1871.

INTRODUCTION

xxi

The Herald's columns kept attention focused on eastern Africa
from then on by publishing, for example, letters about Livingstone
from a British official in Zanzibar, John Kirk.27 Stanley’s first despatch
was published in the Herald of December 22, 1871. Following Bennett’s
policy, Stanley was described only as the “HERALD Commissioner,”
and his name was not given. But the affair was now public and Ben-
nett played the news for its full impact on an interested public. One
theme that emerged was the new role of the American press: “An
African exploring expedition is a new thing in the enterprises of
modern journalism, and in this, as in many other great achievements
of the ‘third estate,’ to the NEW YORK HERALD will belong the credit
of the first bold adventure in the cause of humanity, civilization and
science.” Herald writers advanced the view that Stanley, though un-
named, had given promise of being able to succeed in reaching Liv-
ingstone from his earlier Ethiopian trip, and that the Herald was “thus
encouraged in the hope that this expedition will settle all doubts in
reference to Dr. Livingstone, and we hope too, that it will accomplish
something more than the solution of the Livingstone mystery.” The
something more was the unfinished exploration of central Africa;
the final result would be to join forever the Herald with “the names
of Bruce and Speke and Grant, and of Baker and Burton and Living-
stone” in the development of African exploration. Another theme was
the attack on Britain for leaving the task of reaching Livingstone to
an American newspaper. Britain had been “too slow and too penuri-
ous,” and the Herald would now show how decisive action could
succeed.28

While waiting for more news from Stanley, the Herald columns
ran series of articles under such titles as “The HERALD and Dr. Liv-
ingstone,” or quoted appreciative excerpts from other newspapers — one
described Stanley’s venture as “the most extraordinary newspaper
enterprize ever dreamed of.” 29

Sensing the great public interest in this developing story, Bennett
went deeper into African reporting. The explorer and Egyptian ad-
ministrator, Samuel Baker, was then acting in the Sudan in the
service of Khedive Ismail.30 It was decided to send a “HERALD special
exploring expedition in quest of Sir Samuel Baker.” Alvan S. South-

27. Ibid., Dec. 11, 1871.

28. Ibid., Dec. 23, 1871. A further elaboration on the theme of the role of the
American press came in a Feb. 13, 1872, editorial: “When the HERALD equipped
an expedition to explore Africa ... it marked a new era in journalism as the
ripest phase of modem civilization.”

29. Ibid., Dec. 27, 1871, quoting the Buffalo Express.

30. See document 6, note 5.

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INTRODUCTION

worth — his name was not mentioned until July 5, 1872 — went
south in January 1872, with the “longest streamer ever floated from
a Nile dahabeah” bearing the name of the Herald in black letters,
adding yet another gun to the Herald’s African reporting.31 It also
supplied another opportunity to “twist the lion’s tail”; South worth
wrote of Baker’s expedition: “it has been conducted too much after
the fashion of the British tourist, and too many theodolytes, barom-
eters, sextants and artificial horizons have replaced canned meats
and desiccated necessities. I am of the opinion (hastily formed,
perhaps) that twelve energetic, live, I might say reckless Americans,
each with his special mental and physical gifts, could bare this whole
Continent to the view of an anxious mankind. The British are good,
hardy, stubborn travellers, but they are like their journalism and
ideas — slower than the wrath of the Grecian gods.” 32

Bennett had further material for his news venture when the Royal
Geographical Society decided to send out a relief expedition after Liv-
ingstone.33 The proprietor of the Herald let it be known that this
action was due only to the stimulation of the Herald expedition.34
The rivalry only heightened interest in the Livingstone story, and arti-
cles now came forth ridiculing the Geographical Society and Britain
for their tardy effort, particularly as the British group was not opti-
mistic that Stanley would reach Livingstone.35

On May 2, 1872, came the “Grand Triumph of American Enter-
prize” when the news of the meeting with Livingstone reached Lon-
don, a triumph made even sweeter by letters from John Kirk predicting
that Stanley would not reach Livingstone.36 The dramatic story was
stressed for its full impact and the columns of the Herald were replete

31. NYH, Jan. 19, 1872, Jan. 30, 1872. Southworth went south from Khartoum
until blocked by the sudd of the Nile; he returned to Khartoum and left the Sudan
by traveling overland to Suakin. In addition to his Herald despatches, South-
worth wrote Four Thousand Miles of African Travel. His report to the American
Geographical Society is given in NYH, March 26, 1873. For the “dahabeah,” see
document 1, note 15.

32. Ibid., Dec. 28, 1871.

33. See document 11, note 5.

34. NYH, Jan. 7, 1872. The Herald's London correspondent wrote: “British
munificence at times presents queer aspects. No sum is thought too large to
devote to Christianizing the Fiji islanders, or for the purpose of carrying Bibles
and warming pans to the benighted heathen of Central Africa or Nova Zembla,
but for furthering in comparatively the greatest work of the nineteenth century —
that of the discovery and exploration — the British Government manifests an
apathy and infirmity of purpose singularly at variance with both past policy and
with present interest.” Ibid., Jan. 30, 1872.

35. See ibid., Feb. 14, 1872, Feb. 17, 1872.

36. Kirk’s letters are in ibid., May 5, 1872.

INTRODUCTION

xxiii

with the praises of admiring newspapers and with anti-British senti-
ments.37

Then, certainly much to Bennett’s delight, several prominent British
individuals publicly expressed doubts about the veracity of Stanley’s
accounts.38 These doubts were matched against the information that
continued to come from the yet-unnamed Herald reporter39 and with
continuing encomiums on the role of the American press, then and
in the future.40 To further feed the fires of interest, the Southworth
party was kept in the news, and the Herald optimistically predicted:
“This exploring party will, probably, proceed south over Lake [Vic-
toria] Nyanza, and after reaching Ujiji, go to the east by the caravan
track and come out at Zanzibar.” A hope was expressed that this
group too would meet Livingstone.41

In the midst of these triumphs for the Herald , along came an enemy
of Stanley, with the backing of a rival New York newspaper, The Sun
of Charles A. Dana, to challenge Stanley’s accomplishment.42 The
Sun would call Stanley’s claimed exploits “the most gigantic hoax
ever attempted on the credulity of mankind.” 43 The Sun , through
Lewis Noe, who had accompanied Stanley on his trip to Turkey in
1866, now both attacked Stanley’s character and brought information
forward concerning his Welsh childhood.44 But the Herald did not
avoid the issue; it exploited the quarrel for its full circulation value.45

37. The Elkton Democrat said: “The cause of science, British pride and the
British Treasury, African wilds and jungles and savage beasts and scarcely less
savage men, fever and famine and Egyptian darkness have alike succumbed
before the invincible powers and peerless enterprize of the great untamed, un-
tamable, unconvinced and unconvincible Scotch-American octogenarian prince
of journalists. Three cheers for the HERALD and a tiger for Bennett.” Ibid., May
5, 1872. The Herald demonstrated a touch of humor by publishing in this issue
of the Herald a letter from a reader asking, “Can’t you ‘let up’ a little on Living-
stone? Has he relatives ‘on’ the HERALD that expect to become his heirs?”

38. See ibid.. May 20, 1872, where the Herald’s London correspondent reported:
“From what appears in the daily papers it would seem to be the earnest desire of
all persons here interested in geographical science that the recent good news
from Zanzibar may prove not true.” For the British reaction to Stanley’s reports,
Coupland, Livingstone’s Last Journey, 197 ff.; Anstruther, I Presume, 117 ff.

39. See NYH, July 2, 1872.

40. Ibid., July 3, 1872, where it was stated: “Henceforth the great discoveries
of the world, scientific and geographical, are to be heralded, not by the slow and
ineffectual means of books and through the ordinary agencies of publication,
but by the press of the land.”

41. Ibid., July 5, 1872.

42. See Wilson, Life of Charles A. Dana, 380 ff.

43. Quoted in NYH, Aug. 29, 1872.

44. See the Noe letters and other evidence, given in Appendices A through I.

45. Some of the New York press was not impressed with the sincerity of this
journalistic quarrel. The New York Evening Mail, Aug. 29, 1872, wrote: “We are

xxiv

INTRODUCTION

It printed a letter on Stanley’s Welsh past, containing much correct
information about the former John Rowlands, but upheld Stanley,
stating he was “simply a native American. Missouri and not Wales is
his birthplace.” 46

The quarrel continued, but by July 1872, it was apparent that
Stanley had really met Livingstone; the Herald called it “no myth,
but a sober, substantial and somewhat expensive fact.” 47 Letters
from Livingstone to Bennett arrived to be published,48 and The Sun’s
and Noe’s contention that Stanley had forged them did not convince
many.49 But even if Stanley had met Livingstone, there remained
issues to exploit, particularly Stanley’s charges that John Kirk had
not served Livingstone well in his efforts to send supplies to the mis-
sionary;50 further recriminations came from the break-up of the
Royal Geographical Society expedition which had been sent to Zanzi-
bar to relieve Livingstone before the news of Stanley’s triumph.51

Stanley’s arrival in Europe gave new life to the Herald’s continuing
story. His receptions in France and Britain brought only honor to the
Herald , while the remaining episodes connected with disbelief in
Stanley’s achievements only made his, and the Herald’s, eventual tri-

not to get through with this Livingstone-Stanley-Noe business in a hurry. The
Herald and the Sun have enlisted for a protracted campaign, and each generously
supplies the other with ammunition. Yesterday the Sun borrowed the Herald’s
plates to show that Livingstone’s letters were written by Stanley. Today the
Herald . . . uses the Sun’s plates ... If the controversy can be kept up with such
an economy of materials there is no knowing how long it may last.”

46. NYH, July 6, 1872, July 25, 1872. A generally correct version of Stanley’s
youth became known and was published in several accounts before the end of the
nineteenth century. See for example, Ker, “Africa’s Cortez,” in Keltie, ed., Story
of Emin’s Rescue as Told in Stanley’s Letters, 171; Reichard, Stanley, 3ff.;
Kerfyser, Henry M. Stanley, 3-14. There were many conflicting stories, however,
with Stanley often disseminating conflicting information. See Hoffmann, With
Stanley in Africa, 11-12. A close acquaintance of his later added: “No one
doubted his nationality, for he spoke in those days with a decided American
accent.” Johnston, “Stanley: A Biographical Note,” 451.

47. NYH, July 16, 1872. For Bennett’s initial reluctance to pay Stanley’s large
bills, see document 1, note 7.

48. Ibid., July 26, 1872, July 27, 1872. Livingstone’s letter to Bennett, dated
Nov. 1871, was reproduced in the Herald of Aug. 27, 1872, to answer The Sun’s
charges that Stanley had forged it. The Herald added that if there were still
doubters of Stanley, it would advance one-half the funds for an expedition to seek
out Livingstone to have him settle the affair. The other newspapers were to pay
the other one-half, and all could send correspondents along.

49. See the issues of The Sun from Aug. 27, 1872, through Oct. 21, 1872, for
the campaign against Stanley.

50. NYH, Aug. 4, 1872, Aug. 5, 1872, Aug. 23, 1872. See also the references in
note 38.

51. NYH, Aug. 10, 1872, Nov. 16, 1872. See also document 11, note 5.

INTRODUCTION

XXV

umph all the more convincing.52 The Herald’s columns remained
full of news about this most successful of journalistic ventures.53

The Herald was also quick to advance to itself credit for the new
moves Britain and others were taking against the slave trade in east-
ern Africa.54 The events leading to the Bartle Frere mission to Zanzi-
bar were connected with the meeting of Stanley and Livingstone, and
thus the new British policy was attributed to the Herald’s influence.
The Herald announced the hope that Frere’s forthcoming mission
would succeed; if it did “it will be a source of thankful pride to the
HERALD that its journalistic enterprize struck the first blow against
the slave trade of the Nile basin.” 55 To demonstrate its serious view
of the slave trade, the Herald , reacting to a letter to the editor, put
forward a proposal for an international crusade against the slave
trade. The un-named letter writer had sent $25 to begin a fund to
equip the proposed force, and the Herald added $1000 to the venture.56
Nothing came of the suggestion.

Loaded with honors gained in Britain, including an audience with,
and a gift from, Queen Victoria, Stanley returned to New York on
November 20, 1872. 57 He immediately became the sensation of the
day and was honored at numerous receptions.58

Stanley had agreed while in Britain upon an American lecture tour

52. See the reports on Stanley at Paris and Brighton, ibid., Aug. 18, 1872, Aug.
19, 1872, Aug. 27, 1872. The Herald of July 29, 1872, reported Stanley had been
offered $10,000 for a book on his expedition.

53. Included in the Herald during this period were the following letters from
Livingstone: Aug. 14, 1872 — to Waller, Nov. 1871 and Feb. 19, 1872; Aug. 17,
1872 — to Lord Stanley, Nov. 15, 1870, to Clarendon, Nov. 1, 1871, to Granville,
Nov. 14, 1871, Dec. 18, 1871, and Feb. 20, 1872, and to Kirk, Oct. 3, 1871; Aug. 22,
1872 — to John Livingstone, Nov. 16, 1871; to Braithwaithe, Nov. 1870; Aug. 29,
1872 — to Steams, Feb. 2, 1866, Feb. 15, 1866, and Feb. 19, 1866; Sept. 7, 1872 —
to John Livingstone, Jan. 12, 1866; Sept. 21, 1872 — to Stearns, March 13, 1872;
Nov. 4, 1872 — to Granville, July 1, 1872, to Frere, July 1, 1872.

Other items of interest included an interview with John Livingstone, Sept. 2,
1872, and the following letters from Stanley: Sept. 2, 1872 — to the Times; Sept.
15, 1872 — to the Herald, Sept. 1, 1872; Sept. 26, 1872 — to the Times, Sept. 28,
1872.

54. See document 16, note 22.

55. NYH, April 13, 1872, Aug. 13, 1872, Nov. 5, 1872, Jan. 2, 1873. When the
treaty was signed, the Herald also took the credit. Ibid., June 18, 1873. See also
the report of Stanley’s participation in an anti-slave trade meeting described in
ibid., Nov. 17, 1872.

56. Ibid., Oct. 18, 1872.

57. See ibid., Nov. 21, 1872.

58. Stanley increased the popular interest by appearing with Kalulu (see
document 3, note 41) who was “clothed . . . after the manner of an English
page.” Ibid., Nov. 22, 1872. Details of Stanley’s attendance at various receptions
are given in ibid., Nov. 23, 1872, Nov. 25, 1872, Nov. 27, 1872, Nov. 28, 1872,
Jan. 14, 1873, and Jan. 15, 1873.

xxvi

INTRODUCTION

to recount his African adventures; the fee reported was £10,000
plus all expenses.59 A series of lectures began in New York in De-
cember 1872, but they failed drastically.60 The Herald reported that
the first lecture was given to a crowded audience,61 but other re-
porters commented on an unfilled house.62 Stanley turned out to be
a poor lecturer. The Herald reporter said: “Mr. Stanley still betrays
some of the vices which are the necessary blunders of the tyro. He
speaks too fast in his eagerness not to bore his hearers, the conse-
quence is that they sometimes fail to understand the force of what he
has said.”63 Stanley began with a background summary of African
exploration, beginning with the career of Diaz, going on to prove Mr.
Darwin “insane,” and concluding “by drawing a glowing Christian fu-
ture for Central Africa.” 64 The lecture was held to be “a trifle ab-
struse for his public.” 65 “The audience was remarkably quiet during
the entire course of the lecture, not one single sound of approbation
greeted Mr. Stanley’s remarks.” 66

The second lecture, in which he spoke about Livingstone and his
own mission, although an improvement — the Times reporter said:
“Mr. Stanley retired amid much applause” — was also disappointing as
the hall was only one-third filled.67 When a few individuals came
for the third lecture, they were turned away, the hall’s janitor being
quoted as saying: “Stanley’s played out; there will be no lecture to-

59. Ibid., Oct. 6, 1872.

60. The brochure advertising the lectures gave the following misinformation,
no doubt supplied by Stanley, on the explorer’s youth. It was stated that Stanley
was born in New York city in 1843; after running away from school he went to
sea and had various adventures until the Civil War began. Then he returned to
enlist in the Union army for a period of active service, followed by a period as
a war correspondent. The rest of the details given agree generally with the
accepted facts of Stanley’s life. The brochure, however, made an amusing error;
it said Stanley greeted Livingstone in Ujiji with the words, “Dr. Livingstone, I
Believe.” Henry M. Stanley’s American Lectures on the Discovery of Dr.
Livingstone.

61. NYH, Dec. 4, 1872. Anstruther, I Presume, 175, supports this, with ap-
parent stylistic exaggerations.

62. New York Evening Mail, Dec. 4, 1872; New York Tribune, Dec. 4, 1872;
New York Times, Dec. 4, 1872.

63. NYH, Dec. 4, 1872.

64. New York Times, Dec. 4, 1872.

65. NYH, Dec. 4, 1872.

66. New York Times, Dec. 4, 1872. Farwell, Man Who Presumed, 91-92, and
Anstruther, I Presume, 175-77, make much of the fact that a Herald reporter
commented unfavorably on this and the following lecture in order to win
Bennett’s favor; it is claimed that the Herald owner was upset over the great
public acclaim Stanley received. But the Herald articles on the lectures, in the
Dec. 4 and Dec. 5, 1872, issues, were not unduly severe; they matched the
general comment given in the other New York papers.

67. New York Times, Dec. 5, 1872; NYH, Dec. 5, 1872.

INTRODUCTION

xxvii

night or any other night, as Mr. Stanley’s receipts do not meet ex-
penses.” 68 The Sunday Mercury s evaluation of these disappointing
events was perhaps the fairest : “the tones of the lecturer were distinct,
and his delivery was fair. As nobody cares anything about Africa, he
labored with an unattractive subject, which he failed to present in the
most interesting light.” 69

Stanley, the New York Herald, and
the Expedition across Africa

Despite this minor failure, and the other problems Stanley had in
New York and Washington,70 The Herald reporter had nevertheless
attained a reputation as one of the eminent journalists of his day. He
was given a new African assignment, to cover the British campaign
against the Ashanti in 1873-1874. In the company of other well-
known correspondents, Stanley performed in his usual efficient man-
ner but without any opportunity to gain undue distinction.71

Meanwhile Livingstone had continued his travels with the aid pro-
vided by Stanley. In 1873, his long travels came to an end near Lake
Bangweulu in a manner that would do more for the future of Africa
than all his previous exploits. Livingstone’s men, devoted to their
leader and understandably reluctant to return to Zanzibar without
proof of his death, carried his remains — after burying his heart be-
neath a tree — to the coast. There the full propaganda machine of
humanitarian Britain took over, both as a measure of devotion to
Livingstone himself and as a stimulant for the anti-slavery and pro-
Christian work the humanitarians promoted. Livingstone’s remains
were interred with moving ceremony in Westminster Abbey. Stanley
held an honored position as a pallbearer at the funeral.

Then came a decision to exploit the great interest in Africa evoked
by Livingstone; its successful outcome was to make Stanley the most
famous explorer of his age. The young journalist proposed to com-
plete Livingstone’s explorations, and many other tasks as well, in

68. The Sun, Dec. 7, 1872. See also New York Evening Mail, Dec. 7, 1872. The
Mail of Dec. 6 reported that at this time a false Stanley arrived in Pittsburgh,
where he was treated for two days as the guest of the city.

69. Sunday Mercury, Dec. 8, 1872. The Mercury added a sarcastic note: “A
New Mission for Stanley — the discoverer of Livingstone is reported to have been
dispatched by the Herald at an immense expense in search of an audience. ‘On!
Stanley, on!’ ”

70. See Anstruther, I Presume, 173-81.

71. Ward, “H. M. Stanley’s View of the Sixth Ashanti War through His Dis-
patches to The New York Herald ,” covers this aspect of his career. Stanley
collected his material, as well as that on the earlier Ethiopian campaign in his
Coomassie and Magdala. Despite his fame, the Herald did not mention Stanley by
name in its columns until Feb. 4, 1874.

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

central Africa. The scheme was accepted by the Herald and the British
Daily Telegraph; Stanley’s despatches from this 1874-1877 venture
form Part II of the present volume.

The Herald had been following the activities of Livingstone since
Stanley’s meeting with him at Ujiji in 1871. The dramatic details of
the explorer’s death — given three and a half-columns in the Herald 72
— immediately revived popular interest in Africa.73 Stanley’s partici-
pation in the funeral services was fully covered,74 while readers were
further reminded of Livingstone’s connections with the Herald by
the publication of letters sent by Livingstone to Stanley and Bennett.76

On July 17, 1874, the Herald announced the joint Herald-Telegraph
expedition. The public statement was made only because the news
was known in Britain, since “the policy of the HERALD has always
been to do things and then say what is proper to be said after they
have been done.” But since the news was out, the Herald did drop its
“reserve and modesty” to announce that Stanley would now proceed
into Africa as “the ambassador of two great powers, representing the
journalism of England and America, and in command of an expedi-
tion more numerous and better appointed than any that has ever
entered Africa.” Moreover, this expedition would serve as an example
for nations to follow; they sent armies to conquer, the press sent
“armies of peace and light.” 76

The Herald coverage of this expedition was quite different in char-
acter from that of the Livingstone search. Stanley’s first despatches
were given immoderate praise; his minor trip to the Rufiji was de-
scribed in this fashion: “No more important discovery than this has
been made for years.” 77 But one Herald prophecy was to come true :
“It would not surprize us if Mr. Stanley’s achievements in Africa
would surpass what he has already done in that strange land, impos-
sible as this may seem.” 78

Stanley’s despatches soon began to show that the Herald's state-
ments were not unfounded. But a joint journalistic venture had its

72. NYH, Jan. 24, 1874.

73. See Stanley’s letter concerning Livingstone in ibid., April 4, 1874.

74. For accounts of the funeral, ibid., April 16, 1874, April 19, 1874, April 20,
1874, April 29, 1874, April 30, 1874, May 1, 1874.

75. Ibid., April 20, 1874, for Livingstone to Stanley; April 25, 1874, for
Livingstone to Bennett. A quotation from the latter letter would appear, in part, on
Livingstone’s memorial stone in Westminster Abbey: “All I can add in my loneli-
ness is, may Heaven’s rich blessing come down on every one — American,
English or Turk — who will help to heal this open sore of the world [the slave
trade].”

76. Ibid., July 26, 1874.

77. Ibid., Nov. 17, 1874.

78. Ibid., Nov. 30, 1874.

INTRODUCTION

xxix

problems; a minor quarrel occurred between the Herald and Telegraph
in the fall of 1875. The agreement between the two papers required
the British journal to hold publication of despatches until copies
reached the Herald; then both were to publish simultaneously.79 But
the Telegraph did not wait and on October 10, 1875, in a two-column
attack, the Herald blasted “The Premature Synopsis,” presented in
the Telegraph. The New York paper announced that “we cannot char-
acterize the singular course of our ally in this matter as anything
short of a breach of faith,” adding that in the future the American
paper should follow the rules of American diplomacy — “Avoid all en-
tangling alliances.” 80 The editor of the Telegraph managed to explain
the breach, however, and harmony was restored.81

Stanley’s progress around Lake Victoria and his encounter with the
Africans of Bumbire Island created the human interest and contro-
versy that the second expedition had theretofore lacked.82 While in
Buganda in 1875, Stanley met a French representative of Gordon,
Linant de Bellefonds.83 The two Europeans quickly became friends,
and when Stanley left Buganda he gave De Bellefonds several des-
patches to deliver on his return to the Sudan. The French officer
delivered Stanley’s letters safely but was soon after killed in an en-
counter with Africans. A story spread that the despatches had been
recovered from his body — a Herald sub-heading read “A Blood-Stained
Mail.” 84 The story would soon be disproven but would become an
enduring myth long associated with Stanley’s adventures.85

Between November 1875 and August 1876 there was a long period
without news as Stanley went on to Lake Tanganyika and the Congo.86

79. Ibid., Nov. 30, 1874.

80. Ibid., Oct. 17, 1875. A sufficient reason for the joint venture was the cost;
Stanley estimated this expedition cost around £12,000. H. M. Stanley, “Central
Africa and the Congo Basin,” 22.

81. NYH., Oct. 20, 1875.

82. See documents 24 and 25.

83. See document 20, note 33 for De Bellefonds and for the sources on the
“blood-stained” letter episode.

84. NYH, Nov. 10, 1875. The Herald added that the French officer’s fate “may
well intensify the notion that the correspondent [Stanley] bears a charmed life,”
and that “through revolt and war and treacherous assault and an atmosphere
saturated with the fever poison Stanley always goes safely.”

85. See the sources referred to in note 83. A letter of E. Marston of May 16,
1876, in NYH, May 28, 1876, gave the correct information concerning De
Bellefonds. The old story was however retold as fact in Farwell, Man Who
Presumed, 108-09.

86. The New York Times had not been optimistic on Stanley’s aiming for the
Congo: “It is, however, earnestly to be hoped that he will not undertake an
enterprise so certain to end in irretrievable disaster.” Quoted in NYH, Nov. 19,
1875.

XXX

INTRODUCTION

The Herald announced that it was not worried: “For our own part,
we have no doubt of Stanley’s safety. His courage, coolness, energy
and judgment have been so signally displayed that he merits supreme
confidence. Such a man will triumph when any other explorer would
be baffled and defeated.” 87 Letters from Stanley finally arrived to
be published in August 1876; those detailing the Bumbire Island affair
were to trigger one of the more important conflicts about Stanley’s
career in Africa.

The details Stanley supplied of his punishment expedition to Bum-
hire88 led humanitarian and other groups in Britain to attack the ex-
plorer. The Anti-Slavery Society and the Aborigines Protection Society
memorialized the British government to act against Stanley and his
“act of blind and ruthless vengeance.” It was suggested that Stanley
be returned to the scene of the attack under the British flag and there
“be hanged with impartial justice as other murderers are,” with the
goods of the caravan being auctioned off for the benefit of the injured
population. The government replied that they could not interfere in
the dispute since Stanley was held to be an American citizen; their
only course of action was to attempt to inform Stanley that he had
no authority to fly the British flag.89 This decision amounted to little;
the American representative in Zanzibar merely promised to forward
the message to Stanley.90 There was little else the American diplomat
could do; it is doubtful if the British message ever reached Stanley
in the African interior.

The affair did not, however, end there. At the November 13, 1876,
meeting of the Royal Geographical Society, H. M. Hyndman at-
tempted to introduce a resolution censuring Stanley for his deeds.91
He was ruled against, since the council judged the censure outside
the proper business of the Society. When the Society met on Novem-
ber 27, 1876, Hyndman, through the aid of the influential Henry
Yule,92 was finally permitted to speak. He asked if he could read some
of Stanley’s words and wished the organization to express its opinion
of them. Yule felt this proper as, even though the group had no con-
nection with Stanley, they had praised his African work in the past.

87. Ibid., July 11, 1876.

88. See document 25.

89. Lister to Kirk, Oct. 21, 1876, with enclosures, Q-15, ZA.

90. Bennett, “Stanley and the American Consuls at Zanzibar,” 48.

91. Henry M. Hyndman (1842-1921), then employed by the Pall Mall Gazette.
He later became an important British socialist leader. DNB 1912-1921, 280-82.
Hyndman gives the justification for his moves in his Record of an Adventurous
Life, 151-52.

92. Henry Yule (1820-1889), the well-known geographer and scholar. DNB.,
XXI, 1,320-22.

INTRODUCTION

xxxi

The proposal met with no better success than the previous one, and
no action was taken.93

The affair went on, however, without the Royal Geographical Soci-
ety; the American press joined in. The Herald was perfectly willing
to use the conflict for its own interests and to print the anti-Stanley
articles of other newspapers. 94 Still, Stanley was the Herald’s man,
and he was defended. One strong editorial entitled “Stanley and the
Philanthropists” struck out at those it called the “howling dervishes
of civilization” who while “safe in London” could attack Stanley.95
Other articles dealt with the Royal Geographical Society in a similar
tone.96 All in all, the Herald had found an issue similar to those raised
after the Livingstone expedition — enabling it to praise American vigor
and enterprise while stimulating the latent anti-British sentiments of
the American people.97

Finally, in September 1877, came news of Stanley’s arrival at the
mouth of the Congo River. The Herald sealed “Stanley’s Triumph”
in this fashion : “This will greatly distress the philanthropists of Lon-
don, who will again appeal to the British government to declare him
a pirate. Their humane but rather impractical view is that a leader
in such a position should permit his men to be slaughtered by the
natives and should be slaughtered himself and let discovery go to
the dogs, but should never pull a trigger against this species of hu-
man vermin that puts its uncompromising savagery in the way of all
progress and all increase of knowledge.” 98

The “philanthropists” did try to strike at Stanley, but they had little
chance of success in view of his great discoveries. An earlier writer
had suggested that such “knowledge is dearly bought at the cost of
piratical proceedings of this nature,” 99 but this viewpoint was soon
lost in the triumphal return given to Stanley in Europe. Yule and

93. PRGS 21 (1876-1877), 6, 59-63; Yule and Hyndman, Mr. Henry M. Stanley
and the Royal Geographical Society, passim; see also Grant, “On Mr. H. M.
Stanley’s Exploration of the Victoria Nyanza,” 25-26, for additional moderate
criticisms read to the Society.

94. See, for example, NYH, Aug. 19, 1876.

95. Ibid., Nov. 7, 1876.

96. Ibid., Nov. 25, 1876, Nov. 29, 1876.

97. See ibid., Jan. 1, 1877, March 14, 1877. In the latter issue it was advanced
that “ to explore the sources of the Nile and settle the problem of the Congo needs
a man of bold and soldierly instincts. These Stanley evidently possesses. If the
truly good members of the Royal Geographical Society believe that the difficulties
of the task can be overcome by the distribution of tracts and taffy we see no good
reason why they should not go at once to Ujiji or Uganda and start business as
missionary . . . traders.”

98. Ibid., Sept. 17, 1877.

99. “Mr. Stanley’s Proceedings in the Lake Regions of Central Africa,” 3(1876),
247.

xxxii

INTRODUCTION

Hyndman did attempt to prevent the Royal Geographical Society from
hearing Stanley speak about his exploits; they failed, however, and
both resigned from the Society.100 All other proposals for action
against Stanley met a similar fate.101

Stanley's Later Years

Stanley’s journey was a magnificent one, full of consequence for the
future. Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika had been circumnavigated;
the state of Buganda would soon receive Christian missionaries be-
cause of an appeal from Stanley. Finally, the greatest result of all, a
great navigable river had been revealed to an interested Europe. The
reporting of this epic voyage colored European and American atti-
tudes to Africa for long years — the Africa Stanley called the Dark
Continent.

And, while Stanley was making his troubled way through Africa,
events in Europe were preparing the way for a full utilization of his
discoveries. Missionary societies, boosted by funds and by enthusi-
asm resulting from the reaction to Livingstone’s death and Stanley’s
reporting, were ready for new work. Soon Protestant and Catholic
groups were following in his footsteps to begin a work that, for better
or worse, would permanently change the character of the African life
Stanley had found.102 In Brussels a monarch, too ambitious for his
role as the constitutional sovereign of a small state, would soon be
ready to use Stanley’s discoveries for his own ends.103 In 1876 Leo-
pold II of Belgium had called a conference at Brussels to discuss the
opening of Africa to European civilization — and to his own energies.
Leopold’s plans were flexible and at first were directed to the eastern
side of the continent; but with the revelation of the Congo as a mag-
nificent waterway into the center of Africa, his interest turned to
take advantage of the newly-known region.

Stanley too had plans for developing the Congo area, plans that he
hoped Britain would carry forward. But there was little interest, com-

100. Mill, Record of the Royal Geographical Society 1830-1930, 119; Yule and
Hyndman, Stanley and the Royal Geographical Society, 27ff.

101. A missionary, Farler, suggested a commission of inquiry into the expedi-
tion since he had learned from Stanley’s men “dreadful accounts” of their pro-
ceedings. No action was taken. Pauncefote to Kirk, Feb. 28, 1878, enclosing a
Farler extract of Dec. 28, 1877, Q-19, ZA. See also Bennett, “Stanley and the
American Consuls at Zanzibar,” 48-49.

102. See Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa; Slade, English-Speaking
Missions in the Congo Independent State (1878-1908).

103. See Roeykens, Leopold II et VAfrique 1855-1880 and Anstey, Britain and
the Congo in the Nineteenth Century, 57ff., for accounts of Leopold’s early plans.
For the later period, Slade, King Leopold's Congo.

INTRODUCTION

xxxiii

mercial or political, in such schemes in Britain; inevitably, Leopold
and Stanley came together. Thus in 1879, Stanley left for Africa
again, this time to direct operations for Leopold that would lead to
the founding of the Congo Independent State. He remained in Africa
until 1884, except for a brief visit to Europe in 1882, laying the
groundwork for a political entity stretching along the Congo River
from the Atlantic to Stanley Falls.104 The work was well done, and
it showed Stanley in a new role — no longer as a journalist, but as a
colonial administrator attempting to resolve the complex problems
resulting from the introduction of European ideas and methods into
an African territory.

Even after his retirement from the direction of Congo affairs in
1884, Stanley’s interest in Africa remained constant. He served as a
technical adviser to the American delegation at the Berlin Conference
of 1884-1885 — an expedient to make his knowledge available to
the newly-formed Congo Independent State and to the American in-
terests involved in it.105 But he was denied any more active partici-
pation in the affairs of the Congo state. Although he remained under
contract to Leopold until 1895, the Belgian monarch would not return
him to Africa because Stanley’s rivalry with Pierre Savorgnan de
Brazza, founder of the French Congo, had alienated the French gov-
ernment. Leopold needed French support; Stanley, therefore, was kept
on the shelf.106

Stanley was called, however, to yet one more major task of ex-
ploration. In the area of the present-day southern regions of the
Sudan, an enigmatic European, Eduard Schnitzer, or Emin Pasha,107
was maintaining the remnants of the former Egyptian administra-
tion of the Sudan against the forces of the Mahdi, Muhammad ibn
Abdullah. The position of this able administrator and scholar, who
in the contemporary European view was holding the torch of civiliza-
tion against the hordes of African darkness, soon made Emin a focal
point of European interest. At the same time, more practical ends
could be served by winning over the man and his territory, a matter

104. Stanley’s version is given in his Congo and the Founding of its Free State.

105. There is some discussion of Stanley’s role at Berlin in Bontinck, Aux
Origines de VEtat Independant du Congo. Documents Tires d’Archives
Americaines and in Clendenen, Collins, and Duignan, Americans in Africa
1865-1900, 52 ff. The latter study also deals with Stanley’s career, but the authors
commit several major errors in describing his explorations. See the present
writer’s review in Southwestern Social Science Quarterly 48 (1968), 652-53.

106. Luwel, Stanley, 25-26. For Savorgnan-de Brazza, Brunschwig, L’Avdne-
ment de VAfrique Noire du XIXe siecle & nos jours, 133-69.

107. For Emin’s career in Africa, Stuhlmann, ed., Die Tagebiicher von Dr.
Emin Pascha; see also Simpson, “A Bibliography of Emin Pasha,” 138-65.

xxxiv

INTRODUCTION

of concern to both Leopold and the Imperial British East African
Company (IBEA). So in 1887 Stanley set out on an Emin Pasha Relief
Expedition financed by British and Egyptian funds (the latter to
evacuate Emin and his garrison), but heavily influenced by Leopold
to whom Stanley was still under contract. Stanley carried conflicting
offers of service to Emin from Leopold and the IBEA, but circum-
stances made them of little value. The expedition, after a tortuous
march through the great Congo forest, arrived at Emin’s territory to
upset an equilibrium between Emin and his troops. Emin’s men did
not want to leave the region — it was home to many of them — and
their resultant mutiny against Emin’s authority made Stanley’s mis-
sion futile. Stanley never realized this fact and instead blamed every-
thing on Emin’s vacillating and weak character. To cover his political
failure, Emin had to be rescued, distressingly like a trophy for
Stanley to display to a waiting world; and rescued he was. But the
expedition, despite Stanley’s reporting of much new African territory
— including the Ruwenzori Mountains — would be the least satisfying
of his African ventures. Recriminations from the relatives of staff
members who died during the expedition and arguments between
the various backers of Emin or Stanley filled many pages of print.
Certainly they did much to cement Stanley’s reputation as the most
ruthless explorer of his age.108

This reputation of ruthlessness was the one mark on the otherwise
phenomenal career of Stanley. There was some justice in the criti-
cisms, but Stanley has certainly received an undue share of recrim-
ination for his acts. His own code of ethics — Calvinist based — was
clear. He believed in the redemption of Africa. How could a disciple
of Livingstone believe otherwise? Stanley also, in contrast to many
other Europeans then active in Africa, viewed the individual African
in a favorable light. His feeling of European superiority, natural to
a man of his epoch, was clear, but so was his belief that Africans
were possessed of all the attributes of other humans. The African
in his view needed only long and careful guidance to reach what
secure Europeans of his generation regarded as perfection.109 Stan-
ley cannot be compared to Samuel Baker, who regarded central Africa

108. For the expedition and the diplomatic background, Sanderson, England,
Europe and the Upper Nile 1882-1899, 27-46; Ceulemans, La question arabe et le
Congo (1883-1892), 86ff. Stanley’s account is given in his In Darkest Africa.

109. There are many indications of Stanley’s attitude in his works. See his
fictional My Kalulu, 231, where he said in one instance: “women are the same
all over the world, whether they are white or black, and . . . human love and
kindness belong as much to the black as to the white, and are as often practised.”
See also, for example, TDC, II, 73.

INTRODUCTION

XXXV

as “peopled by a hopeless race of savages, for whom there is no
prospect of civilization”;110 nor to Richard Burton who could say
that the African “would appear rather a degeneracy from the civilized
man than a savage rising to the first step, were it not for his apparent
incapacity for improvement ... He seems to belong to one of those
childish races which, never rising to man’s estate, fall like worn-out
links from the great chain of animated nature.” 111 Any comparison
can only reflect favorably on Stanley’s outlook.

But if Stanley was willing to treat the African as a rational being
and to work for the eventual raising of the African to a level ac-
ceptable to nineteenth-century Europeans, he was not willing to
brook opposition to his efforts. Africans who met him in peace were
received in a similar fashion; Africans who worked loyally for him
were treated in a way that won him a devotion given to few African
explorers.112 There was no turning of the other cheek, however. Stan-
ley was certain he represented the correct path of development,
whether as explorer or administrator, and his hard early years had
not prepared him to accept opposition unanswered. Thus, Africans
who attacked him, however justly in their own view, were punished,
and punished with vigor.113 When observers — often safely residing
in Europe — rose to criticize his acts, Stanley really could not under-
stand them. He met their charges with ridicule and contempt.114 He
may not convince us; but if we can understand Stanley’s actions we
can perhaps understand the man and not condemn him more than
other Europeans of his era who were guilty of similar, or even more
serious, excesses.115

Finally, it might be noted, that critics of Stanley drew much of
their ammunition from his own honest reporting, as well as his lack
of awareness that he was doing anything open to rebuke. Gordon, for
example, who had reasons of his own for feeling guilty about his

110. Baker, Exploration of the Nile Tributaries of Abyssinia, x; see also the
frequent similar references in his Albert N’yanza, especially I, 288-94.

11. Burton, “The Lake Regions of Central Africa,” 328ff.

112. See, for example, the statement of Holmwood quoted in Farwell, Man
Who Presumed, 204. The original is in Holmwood to FO, Feb. 25, 1887, E-99, ZA.

113. In a letter after the Bumbire and Ituru episodes (see documents 18 and
25) Stanley wrote: “I am prudent enough not to seek a quarrel with great or
small tribes, if anything but bullets will answer. But with such people as the
Wanyaturu and Bumbireh what can a man do, for they will listen to no overtures
of peace or amnity?” Stanley to Levy, Aug. 13, 1875, given in Depage, “Notes au
sujet de Documents inedits a deux expeditions de H. M. Stanley,” 135.

114. See document 5, note 4.

115. He certainly cannot be described as one who took a “lustful pleasure” in
beating his men. See Cairns, Prelude to Imperialism. British Reactions to Central
African Society 1840-1890, 44.

xxxvi

INTRODUCTION

treatment of Africans in the southern Sudan, wrote : “He is to blame
for writing what he did (as Baker was). These things may be done,
but not advertised.” 116 It was a hard age, and Stanley’s youthful
experiences had done nothing to soften his feelings. He represented,
perhaps all too well, the civilization Europeans liked to preach they
were bringing to Africa. But we have observed enough brutality to
Africans, then and since, not to single out Stanley unjustly as repre-
sentative of the worst that Europe had to offer Africa.

Following the Emin Pasha expedition, Stanley entered into a new
phase of his life. In 1890, he married Dorothy Tennant, a well-
known British artist and social figure, and began to acquire a position
of standing in British society — a position unusual to one of his origins.
The rounds of society at times grated upon the former adventurer;
but his damaged health, and Leopold’s continued failure to call upon
him, plus concern for his wife’s fears, prevented any return to Afri-
can adventures.

In an effort to keep her restless spouse occupied, Dorothy Stanley
encouraged Stanley to stand for the House of Commons in 1892.
He was defeated, but he stood again and was elected in 1895.
The experience was not a happy one. Stanley, insecure because of
his origins, could not enter into the heat of parliamentary debate as
he could into battle in Africa. His constant references to his “dignity,”
both in the election campaigns and during his time in the House,
make this abundantly clear. And, like other new parliamentarians
who have first made their reputations in fields outside of politics,
he was not prepared for the lack of attention given new members,
especially on the African questions about which he felt so knowl-
edgeable. Thus the explorer who had survived all the hardships Africa
put before him did not stand for reelection in 1900, using the heat
and hours of parliamentary attendance, plus the unsatisfactory ways
of parliamentary life, to justify his decision.

Meanwhile Stanley, who was often ill, was living a full life — a very
full one for a “graduate” of St. Asaph. In 1896, he and his wife
adopted a son, Denzil, for whom no affection was too great. In 1898
a country estate was purchased in Surrey, and from 1899 Stanley
devoted his energies to perfecting it. An award of the Grand Cross
of the Bath came in 1899 as a rather belated recognition of his career.
These years of happiness, however, did not last long. In 1903 Stanley

116. Gordon to Burton, Oct. 19, 1877, quoted in Wilkins, Romance of Isabel
Lady Burton, II, 661. See also Gray, History of the Southern Sudan, 110-12, for
Gordon’s raiding of the Bari. Baker had earlier said: “All must be struck with Mr.
Stanley’s candour in the letters which he had sent home. It was not at all
necessary for him to write about the fights and the bloodshed that occurred be-
tween him and the natives.” PRGS 20(1875-1876), 47.

INTRODUCTION

XXXVll

suffered a stroke; he never completely recovered. Stanley died on
May 10, 1904.

Stanley and Africa

Perhaps the best evaluation of Stanley’s work to date was given
by the noted German geographer, A. Petermann, who characterized
Stanley as the “Bismarck” of African exploration in the complimen-
tary German sense as one who had resolved all of the major problems
of his age — in Stanley’s case of African exploration.117 During the
two expeditions covered in the despatches in this volume Stanley
certainly accomplished major work for Africa. The meeting with
Livingstone, besides turning the attention of the outside world to
Africa, allowed the Scots missionary-explorer to obtain the supplies
he needed to attempt to fulfill his quest. Livingstone’s death while
on this quest gave Africa yet another boost of interest in the European
mind, while his influence on Stanley helped to lead that young re-
porter to attempt to finish the older man’s work. This he did, and
more. With or without respect to the criticisms of his personal quali-
ties, we must give Stanley his due as a major figure in pushing
together the cultures of Europe and Africa. That many find so much
to dislike in what Stanley did in Africa is less a reflection upon
Stanley himself than upon the society he represented. Western society
prefers to see its qualities in a man of the character of a Livingstone
while forgetting those often unpleasant attributes reflected in a Stan-
ley.

Note on the Despatches

The despatches from Stanley are given in this volume as they
appeared in the columns of the New York Herald except for minor
alterations needed to correct errors. Stanley often wrote in haste and
on his return from the Livingstone venture said that his published
letters had “some curious typographical errors, especially in figures
and African names. I suppose my writing was wretched, owing to
my weakness.” 118 Corrections have been made where necessary to
agree with the forms Stanley used in How I Found Livingstone and
Through the Dark Continent. The despatches are arranged by the date
of Stanley’s writing and not by their order of publication.119

117. Petermann, “Henry M. Stanley’s Reise durch Afrika,” 467.

118. HIFL, 649-50, 680.

119. For the original order of publication of Stanley’s despatches in the
Herald , see Appendix V. A contemporary account affirmed that Stanley prepared
more extended versions of the African despatches when he returned to Europe.
Life & Finding of Dr. Livingstone, 41. Stanley arrived in Marseilles on March 2,
1872.

xxxviii

INTRODUCTION

All non-English words explained in the footnotes are from Swahili
unless otherwise indicated and are taken from A Standard Swahili -
English Dictionary (Oxford, 1955).

An effort has been made to indicate differences between Stanley’s
despatches, his published accounts, and his diary of the 1874-1877
expedition. The fullest use of this edition of despatches, therefore,
requires the scholar to utilize all of the above sources for comparison.
Most of the differences can be attributed to haste of writing, etc.,
but some demonstrate considerable rewriting — and often a rewriting
that altered the truth of the materials presented. Individuals, peoples
and places are identified, when possible, on their first appearance.
The works of Gulliver120 and Murdock,121 particularly because of
their tribal maps, were of great use in this process.122

120. Gulliver, “A Tribal Map of Tanganyika,” 61-74.

121. Murdock, Africa. Its Peoples and Their Culture History.

122. The map in Boone, “Carte Ethnique du Congo Beige et du Ruanda-
Urundi,” was also of great use.

Abbreviations

Autobi-

ography

BCB

CCZ

CMS

DAB

Diary

DKB

DKZ

DNB

El HC
FO
GJ
HIFL
JAM
JAS
JRAI

JRGS

LLJ

LMS

MAC

MAE

MFGDS

Dorothy Stanley, ed., The Autobiography of Sir Henry
Morton Stanley, Boston and New York, 1909.

Biographie Coloniale Beige, 5 vols., Bruxelles, 1948-1958.
Correspond ance Commerciale, Zanzibar, Archives des
Affaires Etrangeres, Paris.

Church Missionary Society Archives, London.

Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of
American Biography, 22 vols., New York, 1928-1958.
Richard Stanley and Alan Neame, eds., The Exploration
Diaries of H. M. Stanley, London, 1961.

Deutsches Kolonialblatt.

Deutsche Kolonialzeitung .

Leslie Stephens and Sidney Lee, eds., Dictionary of National
Biography, 28 vols., London, 1921-1959.

Essex Institute Historical Collections.

Foreign Office.

The Geographical Journal.

Henry M. Stanley, How I Found Livingstone, London, 1872.
The Journal of African History.

Journal of the African Society.

Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great
Britain and Ireland.

The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society.

Horace Waller, ed., The Last Journals of David Livingstone,
2 vols., London, 1874.

London Missionary Society Archives, London.

Musee de l’Afrique Centrale, Tervuren, Belgium.

Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres.

Mitteilungen von Forschungsreisenden und Gelehrten aus
den Deutschen Schutzgebieten.

ABBREVIATIONS

NYH

PRGS

PRO

SLRB

TDC

TNR

UMCA

USZ

VGEB

ZGEB

The New York Herald.

Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass.

Mittheilungen aus Justus Perthes’ Geographischer Anstalt
. . . von Dr. A. Petermann.

Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society.

Public Record Office, London.

Politique, Zanzibar, Archives des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris.
Enclosures to Secret Letters Received from Bombay, India
Office Archives, London.

Henry M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent , 2 vols.,
New York, 1878.

Tanganyika Notes and Records (since No. 65, Tanzania
Notes and Records').

Uganda Journal.

Universities Mission to Central Africa Archives, Archives of
the United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel,
London.

Despatches from United States Consuls in Zanzibar (micro-
film), National Archives, Washington, D.C.

Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin.
Zanzibar Archives.

Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft fur Erdkunde zu Berlin.

Part I In Search of Livingstone

Stanley was well fitted for African exploration. He possessed an im-
mense fund of nervous energy, accompanied by a cool courage, which
sustained him undismayed in the face of danger, and by a dogged
resolution, which left him undeterred by the most stupendous diffi-
culties. He was a born leader of men.

— William Garstin, “Fifty Years of Nile Exploration and Some of Its
Results,” GJ 23 (1909), 128

Kwihara, District of Unyanyembe
July 4, 18711

Your2 expedition, sent out under me, has arrived in Unyanyembe.3
Were you living at Zanzibar or on the East African coast you would
have a much better idea what the above few words meant than you
have now. You would know, without any explanation, that it had
travelled 525£ miles, and if you heard that we had travelled that
great distance within eighty-two days — a little under three months
—you would at once know that we had marched it in a very short
time; but since you and your readers live in America I must return
to the island of Zanzibar, close to the coast of East Africa, whence
we started, and give you a brief summary of the incidents and mis-
fortunes which befell us throughout the march.

The instructions which I received from you close on two years ago
were given with the usual brevity of the HERALD. They were, “Find
out Livingstone, and get what news you can relating to his discoveries.”
But before seeking Livingstone in the unknown wilds of Africa I had
other orders to fulfil which you had given me. I had to be present at
the inaguration of the Suez Canal; I had to ascend the Nile to the first
cataract; I had to write full accounts of what I had seen and what
was done — a guide to Lower and Upper Egypt. From Egypt I was
instructed to go to Jerusalem, write up what Warren was discovering
under that famous city;4 thence I had to proceed to the Crimea,
whence I was to send you descriptions of Sebastopol as it stands
to-day, of the graveyards in and about it, of the battle-fields where
England and France met Russia in the shock of war. This done, I
had to travel through the Caucasus, visit Turkestan, find out what
Stoletoff and the Russians were doing towards the conquest of the
Oxus valley,5 and then advance towards India. Next I had to travel
through the length of Persia, and write about the Euphrates valley,

1. NYH, Dec. 22, 1871.

2. James Gordon Bennett (1841-1918), owner of the New York Herald. His
turbulent life is described by Seitz, The James Gordon Bennetts; see also DAB , II,
199-202.

3. Present-day Tabora. Kwihara, one of the settlements in this Nyamwezi
chiefdom, was located three miles south of Tabora. Longland, “A Note on the
Tembe at Kwihara, Tabora,” 84.

4. Charles Warren (1840-1927), then a lieutenant in the Royal Corps of
Engineers, worked for the Palestine Exploration Fund in Palestine from 1867 to
1870. Williams, The Life of General Sir Charles Williams; GJ 69 (1927), 382-83.

5. Colonel N. G. Stoletov was then leading a Russian expedition in the area of
the southern shore of the Caspian Sea. Pierce, Russian Central Asia , 37.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the railroad that has been on the tapis so long, and its prospects.
Lastly, I had to sail to the African coast, and, according as circum-
stances guided me, seek out Livingstone and ascertain from him
what discoveries he had made — only such facts as he would be
pleased to give to one who had made such efforts to reach him.
Quickly and briefly as the instructions were given by you their per-
formance required time and a large expenditure of money. What I
have already accomplished has required nineteen months.6

I arrived at Zanzibar on the 6th of January of this year, and at
once set about making the necessary inquiries from parties who
ought to know about the whereabouts of Dr. Livingstone. The most
that I could glean was that he was in the neighborhood of Ujiji,
which was a little over 900 miles from the coast. It would never do to
return to Bombay or Aden with such scanty and vague news after the
time and money expended in reaching Zanzibar. Why, all the world
knew or supposed such to be the fact. What was I to do? Go by all
means, and never to return unless I could better such information. Go
I did.

It occupied me a month to purchase such things as were necessary
and to organize an expedition to collect such information as would
be useful to me on the long march and would guide me in the new
sphere in which I found myself. The expense which you were incur-
ring frightened me considerably; but then “obey orders if you break
owners” is a proverb among sailors, and one which I adopted. Besides,
I was too far from the telegraph to notify you of such an expense or
to receive further orders from you; the preparations for the expedition
therefore went on. Eight thousand dollars were expended in purchas-
ing the cloth, beads and wire necessary in my dealings with the
savages of the territories through which I would have to traverse.7 As
each tribe has its peculiar choice of cloth, beads and wire, much care
was to be bestowed in the selection and arrangement of these things;
also one had to be careful that an over great quantity of any one kind
of cloth or beads should not be purchased, otherwise such things

6. This entire journey is described in Stanley, My Early Travels in America and
Asia, II, passim. Stanley went to Zanzibar on the American whaler, Falcon. The
captain reported: “I have taken a man as pasenger to Zanzibar that is travlin to
central Africa for the New York Herald . . .” Richmond to Osgood, Dec. 14, 1870,
John C. Osgood Papers, PM. My thanks to Carl Haywood for this reference.

7. Stanley, who found no letter of credit from the Herald awaiting him in
Zanzibar, raised the necessary funds through the aid of the American consul.
Bennett, however, delayed on covering the heavy debts until the news of his
reporter’s success in meeting Livingstone. Bouveignes, “Deux lettres inedites de
Stanley sur le fagon dont il decouvert Livingstone dans l’Afrique Centrale,” 9-10;
Bennett, “Stanley and the American Consuls at Zanzibar,” 42^13.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

would soon become a mere impediment of travel and cause a waste
of money. The various kinds of beads required great time to learn, for
the women of Africa are as fastidious in their tastes for beads as
the women of New York are for jewelry. The measures also had to be
mastered, which, seeing that it was an entirely new business in which
I was engaged, were rather complicated, and perplexed me consider-
ably for a time.

These things having been purchased, arranged and adjusted in
bales and packages, there remained for me to raise a small company
of faithful men, who should act as soldiers, guards to the caravan and
servants when necessary. Some of Speke’s8 faithfuls and Burton’s9
soldiers yet lived in Zanzibar. These were found out by Johari, the
American Consul’s dragoman,10 and, as they were willing to accom-
pany me, were immediately engaged. Bombay,11 the honestest of
black men who served with Burton, and subsequently with Speke,
was commissioned captain and ordered to collect a company of twenty
men, in which he succeeded most admirably. All these men are with
me to-day. I could not have been better served by any set of men than
I have by these faithful people. By twos and threes I sent them out
with the carriers as they were collected, and entrusted to them my
bales of cloth, bags of beads and coils of wire, which you must recol-

8. John H. Speke (1827-1864) accompanied Burton on his 1857-1859 expedi-
tion from Zanzibar to Lake Tanganyika. On the return from Tanganyika, while
Burton remained in Tabora, Speke in 1858 visited the southern shore of Lake
Victoria. With Grant, in an 1860-1863 exploration, he partially explored the
connection of the Nile with Lake Victoria. Speke’s death in 1864 left problems
concerning the Nile and Lake Victoria that Stanley would later attempt to resolve.
DNB, XIII, 732-35. For the best account of the various British explorers of eastern
Africa, see Bridges, “The British Exploration of East Africa, 1788-1885, with
Special Reference to the Activities of the Royal Geographical Society.”

9. Richard F. Burton (1821-1890), the brilliant and irreverent linguist, traveler
and scholar, did not return to eastern Africa after his successful Lake Tanganyika
venture. His opinions, however, on Speke’s Lake Victoria finds would help frame
the objectives for Stanley’s 1874-1877 African expedition. Burton yet requires an
adequate biography; see Brodie, The Devil Drives, for the latest attempt at pre-
senting his complex career. See also the able account of Burton’s period as consul
in West Africa (1861-1864) in Newbury’s introduction to A Mission to Gelele
King of Dahome by Sir Richard Burton and Waterfield’s introduction to First
Footsteps in East Africa by Sir Richard Burton.

10. Johari bin Saif served the Salem firm of John Bertram, and its successor
Ropes, Emmerton and Co., as interpreter for over forty years. He died in 1887.
Bennett, “Edward D. Ropes, Jr., Salem Merchant at Zanzibar.”

11. Mbarak Bombay, a Yao and a former slave, served with the Burton-Speke
and Speke-Grant expeditions. After accompanying Stanley he traveled with
Cameron and with the Church Missionary Society in 1876. Bombay then retired
from caravan life; he died around 1886. Speke, What Led to the Discovery of the
Source of the Nile, 186, 210-12, 264-65; Smith to Wright, Aug. 22, 1876, C.A6/
M2, CMS; Johnston, The Nile Quest, 169.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

lect are as gold, silver and copper money in Africa. Three months
afterward I found every bale, every bag of beads, every coil of wire in
Unyanyembe, 525J miles from Bagamoyo, their initial point on the
African coast. Arms were purchased for these men who were to be
my soldiers; a musket, a hatchet, a knife, a shot pouch and powder
flask, flints, bullets and powder were to be served out to each man.
Then there were cooking utensils and dishes, tents to cover the prop-
erty during the rainy season, which was fast approaching, to be
required. In order to guard against such contingencies as might very
possibly arise — viz: lack of carriers on the coast, one very grave one
— I was obliged to purchase twenty-five donkeys, in which task I had
to be careful lest any worthless animals might be passed on me.
Twenty-five saddles for the donkeys had to be manufactured by my-
self, or by such men as could understand what kind of saddles I
needed, for there were nothing of the kind obtainable at Zanzibar.

To assist me in such work, and in tasks of similar nature, I hired
two white men, sailors, who had been mates of ships — one an Eng-
lishman and the other a Scotchman12 — and having cut the canvas
for the saddles and cloth for the tents, gave to these practical men
the task to sew them up. After they had finished their work I re-engaged
them to accompany me to Africa, to fill the respective duties of first
and second mates. As I had the success of the NEW YORK HERALD
Expedition near and dear to my heart, constant thinking about it and
the contingencies that might arise to prevent its success, over and
over I had long sketched its march from the sea coast to Ujiji, and
knew almost as well as if I had been there before what kind of diffi-
culties I should meet. The following is one of my sketches made on
board ship while coming to Zanzibar :

“One hundred pagazis13 will be required to convey cloth, beads and
wire enough to keep me and my soldiers for one year and to pay
expenses, such as hire of fresh pagazis, &c.; twenty men, to act as
guards or soldiers; fifty bales of cloth, ten bags of beads and five
loads of wire, for food and pagazi hire. In three months I will try to
reach Unyanyembe. Shall stop in Unyanyembe two weeks probably.
From Unyanyembe is one month’s march to Ujiji, on the Tangan-
yika Lake. And after! — where is Livingstone? If Livingstone is at
Ujiji my work is easy. I will get what information I can and return to
Unyanyembe. The race is now for the telegraph. It is three months to
Zanzibar, and from Zanzibar, as I was three months coming to Zanzi-

12. John W. Shaw of London, a recently discharged third-mate of the ship
Nevada, and William L. Farquhar, former first-mate of the bark Polly. Shaw and
Farquhar left no defense to help evaluate the subsequent criticisms of Stanley,
but a fair discussion concerning the two men is given in Jackson, Meteor Out of
Africa, 134, 181-83, 351-53.

13. Mpagazi, a caravan porter.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

bar from Bombay, I may be three months going from Zanzibar to
Bombay. That will not do. We will try another road. To Lake Victoria
N’Yanza from Unyanyembe is twenty-six days. By boat to Uganda
would be fifteen days. From Uganda to Gondokoro14 twenty days.
From Gondokoro by Dahabeah15 down the Nile to Cairo forty or fifty
days. I have then the telegraph from Unyanyembe to Bombay from
five to six months, from Unyanyembe three to four months. The lat-
ter route is the best by far.

“Again: I have reached Ujiji. Where is Livingstone? He may be in
Marungu,16 Ubembe,17 Uguhha,18 Usige,19 Urundi20 or somewhere else
on the other side of the Lake Tanganyika. Shall I expose my mission,
which requires speed, to the caprice of a King Kannena21 or a Hamed
Bin Sulayyam?22 No. I shall take my own boat from Zanzibar, carry it
with me to Ujiji, and with it search its coast from Ujiji to Marungu,

14. An administrative post in the southern Sudan then serving as a base for
Samuel Baker, representative of the Khedive of Egypt. Baker, Ismailia, I, 220ff.

15. A Nile sailing vessel. See C. A. M., “Sketches from Egypt. No. I. The
Dahabiah,” for a description.

16. The area of the Tabwa, or Marungu, along the southwestern coast of Lake
Tanganyika. The Arabs of central Arica would later take advantage of the lack of
central authority in Marungu, and of its inter-tribal strife, to make the region a
principal arena of their raids for slaves. Maes and Boone, Les Peuplades du Congo
Beige, 178-80; Hore, “On the Twelve Tribes of Tanganyika,” 16; Vansina,
Introduction a VEthographie du Congo, chap. 13.

17. The Bemba occupied the plateau between the lakes Tanganyika, Nyasa,
Bangweulu and Mweru. Equipped with firearms gained from the Arabs and under
the leadership of their powerful chief, the Citimukulu, they formed a society that
lived largely on the profits derived from their extensive raids on neighboring
Africans. Richards, “The Bemba of North-Eastern Rhodesia”; Whitely, Bemba and
Related Peoples of Northern Rhodesia, 7-32; Tweedie, “Towards a History of the
Bemba from Oral Tradition.”

18. The Holoholo, or Guha, occupying “the gateway from Tanganyika to the
West,” lived along the shores of Lake Tanganyika between 5°30' south latitude
and the mouth of the Lufuko River. Their then flourishing port of Mtowa was on
the main caravan route from the east African coast into the Congo. Schmitz, Les
Baholoholo ; Hore’s letter of April 16, 1879, The Chronicle of the London Mission-
ary Society (1880) 13; Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 64-67;
Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 13.

19. One of the few districts of Burundi with active trading relations with
outsiders — here the Arabs of Ujiji. Bennett, “Mwinyi Kheri,” 139-64.

20. Burundi. See d’Hertefeldt, Trouwborst, Scherer, Les Anciens Royaumes de
la Zone Interlacustrine Meridionale, 119ff.

21. The umutware munini, or chief, in the Ha state of Bujiji. Burton and
Speke had difficulties with Kannena, Speke bitterly characterizing him as “ a very
ill-disposed chief . . . tyrannical, and, as such savages invariably are, utterly
unreasonable.” Speke, “Journal of a Cruise on the Tanganyika Lake, Central
Africa,” 342. See also Burton, “Lake Regions of Central Equatorial Africa . . . ,”
224-26.

22. A prominent Arab trader of Lake Tanganyika at the time of the visit of
Burton and Speke. They attempted to hire his dhow, but without success. Hamed
was later killed while trading to the west of the lake. Ibid., 215-16, 238, 246; Speke,
What Led to the Discovery, 229-33, 239-42; Burton, Zanzibar, II, 301.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Marungu to Usige, Usige to Ujiji, for the long absent Livingstone, and
the same boat shall carry me from Muanza, at the southern extremity
of the lake, to the Ripon Falls,23 the point where the Nile issues out of
the N’Yanza.”

This was one of many sketches I made, and the one I adopted for
my guidance. I purchased two boats in Zanzibar — one twenty-five
feet long and six feet wide, the other ten feet long and four and a
half feet wide. I stripped them of their boards, and packed up the
timbers, or ribs, with a few of the boards, keel, stem and stern pieces,
thwarts and knees, which should be screwed together as the boat was
required, and covered with double canvas skins well tarred. These
were my boats, and having such men as sailors with me I doubted
not but they could be made to answer. In the absence of anything
better they must be made to answer.

Before leaving Zanzibar Captain Francis R. Webb,24 United States
Consul, introduced me to Syed Barghash, Sultan of Zanzibar and
Pemba.25 After a very kind reception, besides furnishing me with
letters to Said Bin Salim (formerly Ras Cafilah to Burton), now Gov-
ernor of Unyanyembe,26 and Sheikh Bin Nasib27 and to all his Arab
subjects, he presented me with an Arab horse. Mr. Goodhue,28 an

23. Named by Speke in 1862 after the Earl of Ripon (1827-1909), president of

the Royal Geographical Society when Speke’s expedition was organized. Speke,
Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile , 466-70; DNB, Twentieth

Century, 1901-1911, 216-21.

24. Francis R. Webb (1833-1892) of Salem, after serving as master of Salem
vessels in the Zanzibar trade, acted as resident agent for John Bertram in Aden
and Zanzibar. He was American consul in Zanzibar, and later held a similar office
in New Zealand. Stanley later affirmed that Webb was the only person then in
Zanzibar who knew the real aim of his expedition. Putnam, “Salem Vessels and
their Voyages,” 22-23; Ropes to Seward, Jan. 7, 1867, USZ, V; Stanley, My
African Travels, 5.

25. Barghash bin Said (c. 1840-1888), ruler of Zanzibar from 1870, was
generally regarded by Europeans as “able and enlightened.” The best account of
his career remains Coupland, The Exploitation of East Africa 1856-1890, passim.
See also Holmwood, “The Trade between India and the East Coast of Africa,” 420.

26. After participating in the Burton-Speke expedition, Said bin Salim joined
the Speke and Grant venture, but was left at Tabora in 1861 because of illness. He
became governor of the Arab community of Tabora shortly thereafter, holding the
position until Arab rivals drove him from office in 1878. He died at nearby Uyuwi
in 1879. Speke, Journal of the Discovery, 99; A. M. Mackay (by his sister), 66;
Bennett, Studies in East African History, 5-15.

27. Shaykh bin Nasibu, brother of Abdulla bin Nasibu, one of the most in-
fluential Arabs of the interior, resided at Tabora. He died in 1882, allegedly
poisoned by Barghash. Reichard, Deutsch-Ostafrika, 101; Reichard, “Die Unruhen
in Unjanjembe.”

28. William Goodhue of Salem, a merchant, was long resident in Zanzibar. He
served as American diplomatic resident in 1862-1863. Goodhue’s Zanzibar career
apparently closed in 1873 when his business failed. Bennett and Brooks, eds.,

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

American gentleman, residing at Zanzibar, also made me a present of
a blooded horse, imported from the Cape of Good Hope. To the other
American gentlemen — Mr. Spalding,29 Mr. Morse30 and Mr. Spar-
hawk31 — I am indebted for many courtesies, but more particularly
to Captain Webb and Mrs. Webb, whose many kindnesses were
innumerable. It was at Captain Webb’s house I lived for a month, and
during that time his forbearance knew no bounds; for, as you may
imagine, I littered his house with tons upon tons of bulky material
of cloth, beads, wire, tar, canvas, tents, utensils and a thousand other
things.

On the morning of the 5th of February, one month after arrival
at Zanzibar, a fleet of dhows bore the expedition and its effects from
the Island of Zanzibar to Bagamoyo, on the main land, distant about
twenty-five miles from the island. We were detained at Bagamoyo
nearly two months for lack of sufficient pagazis; but as fast as they
were obtained a small number was at once fitted out and despatched
to the interior under guard of two or three soldiers. But despite the
utmost efforts and double prices which I paid in order to induce the
pagazis or carriers the collecting together of over a hundred men
proceeded but slowly. The reason of this was that the cholera, which
last year desolated Zanzibar and the coast, had frightened the Wan-
yamuezi32 from coming to a place where they were almost certain to
meet their fate.33 They were but just recovering from the effects of
their fear when the expedition disembarked at Bagamoyo.

New England Merchants in Africa, 521; Webb to Seward, March 31, 1862, USZ,
IV; Webb to Ropes, May 11, 1873, Ropes Papers, PM.

29. Henry Spalding was Zanzibar agent for the American firm of Arnold, Hines
and Co., the successor to Rufus Greene of Providence. He was recognized as a
very able competitor by his Salem rivals, while his influence with the Indian
merchants of Zanzibar secured valuable information for Christie’s important
study of the spread of cholera in East Africa. Burton, Zanzibar, I, 318; J. Webb to
Ropes, May 29, 1871, June 21, 1871, Ropes Papers, PM; Christie, Cholera Epi-
demics in East Africa, xi, 108.

30. Morse was a coworker in Spalding’s agency. He left Zanzibar in 1871 after
a three-year stay. J. Webb to Ropes, March 10, 1871, May 17, 1871, Ropes Papers,
PM.

31. Augustus Sparhawk was Zanzibar agent for the firm of John Bertram. In
1879 he left commercial life to serve with Stanley in the Congo, where he became
commander of the Vivi station. Sparhawk left Africa because of illness in Dec.
1881. BCB, I, 859-60; Bennett, “Stanley and the American Consuls at Zanzibar,”
50.

32. The Nyamwezi of central Tanzania, divided politically into numerous
states — many of a very limited territorial extent — played a major role as carriers
in East African caravan organizations. See Abrahams, The People of Greater
U nyamwezi, Tanzania, and The Political Organization of JJ nyamwezi.

33. A useful discussion of the recurring cholera epidemics is given by Christie,
Cholera Epidemics in East Africa.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

As I must employ the word pagazi often in this letter I had best
explain what the word means. A pagazi is a Kinyamuezi word for
“carrier”34 — one who carries ivory or any other goods on his shoul-
ders. This useful person is the camel, the horse, the mule, the ass, the
train, the wagon and the cart of East and Central Africa. Without
him Salem would not obtain her ivory, Boston and New York their
African ebony, their frankincense, myrrh and gum copal.35 He travels
regions where the camel could not enter and where the horse and
the ass could not live. He carries the maximum weight of seventy
pounds on his shoulders from Bagamoyo to Unyanyembe, where he
belongs, for which he charges from fifteen doti to twenty-five doti of
American sheeting36 or Indian calico, dyed blue, called kaniki, mixed
with other cloths, imported from Muscat and Cutch, equal to from
$7.50 to $12.50. He is therefore very expensive to a traveller. For
the carriage of my goods I had to disburse nearly two thousand
dollars’ worth of cloth. The pagazi belongs to Unyamwezi (Land of
the Moon), an extensive country in Central Africa, in which Unyan-
yembe, the central depot of the Arabs, is situated, and which all
caravans for the interior must reach, and where they must obtain
fresh relays of carriers before they can proceed further. The doti in
which he is paid, and which is equivalent to his dollar, measures four
yards. A shukka is half a doti, or two yards. The proprietor of a
caravan purchases his cloth by the bale, or gorah. A gorah of Merikani
(a corrupted name for American sheeting) means a piece of Merikani
of thirty yards, into which they are folded up by the mills of Salem
and Nashua, N.H. The gorah, therefore, contains seven and a half
doti, or fifteen shukka.

During the two months we were halted at Bagamoyo there was
plenty of work for us. The eight thousand yards of American sheeting
which I had purchased had to be made into bales for the pagazis. A
bale is a package of cloth weighing not more than seventy pounds,
wherein pieces of American sheeting must be laid in layers alter-
nately with the cloths of India, Cutch and Muscat; so that if one bale
or two are lost you do not lose too much of one thing, which might
by and by prove fatal to your enterprise. When the cloths are thus
laid in alternate layers and the scale indicates the maximum weight
a doti of cloth spread out receives them, and after being tied or pinned

34. Mupagasi, or porter. Dahl, Nyamwezi-Worterbuch, 230.

35. For a general account of the porter in East Africa, Lamden, “Some Aspects
of Porterage in East Africa.”

36. Sheeting was brought to East Africa in pieces of thirty yards in length and
from thirty-six to thirty-eight inches in breadth. Burton, “Lake Regions,” 422. For
the doti , see below.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

over it neatly it is then bound as firmly as possible with coir rope and
pounded by two men until the bale is one solid roll, three and a half
feet long, a foot wide and a foot deep. It is then taken and put in a
makanda, or a mat bag, until the pagazi coming for his load and
hire cradles it in three long sticks arranged in a fork to receive it,
and binds the fork firmly on the bale, for the purpose of protecting
the bale from injury from wet, moisture and white ants and for the
convenience of lifting it on his shoulder and stacking it when his
day’s march is over. Beads are placed in long narrow bags of domestics,
and not more than sixty- two pounds are put in the bag, as the bead
load is not so flexible as the cloth bale. Wire is conveyed in coils —
six coils generally considered a handsome load — averaging sixty
pounds. It is arranged for carriage, in three coils, at each end of a
five-foot pole.

My life at Zanzibar I thought hard, but my two months at Baga-
moyo a convict at Sing Sing would not have envied. It was work all
day, thinking all night; not an hour could I call my own. It was a
steady grind on body and brain this work of starting. I state with
truth, now resting at Unyanyembe, after the fatigues of the long
march, after the dangers and vexations we have suffered, that I
would prefer the three months’ march, with all its horrors, anxieties,
swamps and fevers, to the two months’ preparation for the expedition
I had at Bagamoyo. The greatest trouble of all that I endured at
Bagamoyo — I am sure you will smile at the thought — was with my
agent, who obtained me my pagazis, without whom I could not have
started even to this day, probably never; for had I stayed so long I
would have thrown up the job as impracticable and would have
committed suicide by putting my head in a barrel of sand, which I
thought to be a most easy death, and one I gratuitously recommend
to all would-be suicides. Smile now, please, when I tell you that his
name was Soor Hadji Palloo, and his age nineteen.37 During my

whole stay at Bagamoyo this young gave me more trouble

than all the scoundrelism of the city of New York gives to its Chief of
Police. Half a dozen times a day I found him in dishonesty, yet the
boy was in no way abashed by it; otherwise there had been hopes
for him. Each day he conceived a new system of roguery. Every in-
stant of his time seemed to be devoted to devising how to plunder

37. Sewa Haji Paru (1851-1897); he rose from a street peddler in Zanzibar to
become one of the most important, and wealthy, of East Africa’s Indians. In 1895
he became head of the East African Khoja community and local representative of
the Agha Khan. “Sewa Hadji”; Clyde, History of the Medical Services of Tangan-
yika, 5-11; Heudebert, Vers les Grands Lacs de VAfrique Orientate, 86; Matson,
“Sewa Haji: A Note.”

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

me, until I was at my wits’ end how to thwart or check him. Ex-
posure before the people brought no shame to his cheeks. A mere
shrug of the shoulders, which I was to interpret any way I pleased,
was the only proof he gave that he heard me. A threat to reduce his
present had no effect on him — “a bird in the hand was worth two in
the bush;” so $10 worth of goods stolen from me was worth a promise
of $20 when his work should be finished. Several times a day the
young Hindoo38 dog escaped a sound thrashing because I knew his
equal for collecting pagazis was not to be found. Will you believe it,
that after the most incomparable rascality, at the end of two months
he had escaped a flogging and received a present of money for his
services? The reason was, at last he had released me from torment
and I was free to go.

The convict free to go after a protracted imprisonment — the con-
demned man on the scaffold, with the awful cord dangling before
his eyes, the executioners of the dread sentence of the law ready to
perform their duties, when told he was at liberty to depart, could
not feel keener pleasure than I felt when my business was concluded
with Soor Hadji Palloo and I felt myself at liberty to depart on my
mission. Five caravans had already been despatched — four under
the protection of soldiers, the fifth under the Scotchman who acted
as my first mate. The sixth and last was to be led by myself.39 Burton
and Speke arrived at Zanzibar in 1857, in January — the same month
that I, fourteen years later, had arrived. But as the masika, or rainy
season, which lasts for forty days, was then drawing near, they pre-
ferred to wait on the coast and defer their departure until after the
masika. It was not until the 16th June that they left Zanzibar for
Kaole (three miles below Bagamoyo), and not until the 27th of the
same month that they made the great start, the pagazis, soldiers and
donkeys having been collected for them by Ladha Danyee,40 the most
influential man in Zanzibar, second only to the Sultan of the island.
But my mission was one that required speed; any delay would render
it valueless; immediate departure was essential to success — departure
from the coast — after which my movements would depend in a
great measure on my own energy. Forty days’ rain and a 200 mile

38. In East Africa, Muslim Indians were designated as Wahindi; non-Muslim
Indians were called Banyans. Baumann, Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete, 67.

39. In HIFL , 70, Stanley asserts he led the fifth caravan.

40. Ladha Damji was the customs master of Zanzibar. See Bennett and Brooks,
New England Merchants, 409. He was the recipient of some bitter strictures from
Livingstone for advancing credit to Arab slave and ivory traders. Livingstone to
Kirk, Oct. 30, 1871, Zanzibar Museum; Chamberlin, ed., Some Letters from
Livingstone 1840-1872, 272-74.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

swamp must not prevent the NEW YORK HERALD correspondent
from marching, now that the caravan is ready.

On Saturday, the 1st of April, exactly eighty-three days after ar-
rival at Zanzibar,41 the sixth caravan, led by myself, left the town of
Bagamoyo for our first journey westward, with “Forward” for its
mot de guet and the American flag borne aloft by the Kirangozi or
guide of the caravan. As it defiled out of the town we bid a long
farewell to the dolce far niente of civilization, to the blue sea and its
open road to home and to the hundreds of dusky spectators who
were gathered to witness our departure with repeated salvos of mus-
ketry.

The caravan which I led consisted of ten pagazis, carrying the
boats; nine soldiers, under Captain Bombay, in charge of seventeen
donkeys and their loads; Selim, my boy interpreter, a Christian Arab
from Jerusalem, who had been with me through Persia; one cook
and sub from Malabar, and Shaw, the English sailor, now transformed
into a rear guard and overseer, mounted on a good riding donkey;
one dog from Bombay, called Omar, from his Turkish origin, who
was to guard my tent at night and bark at insolent Wagogo,42 if not
to bite their legs — a thing he is very likely to do — and, lastly, myself,
mounted on the splendid bay horse given me by Mr. Goodhue, the
mtongi43 leader, the thinker and reporter of the expedition. Alto-
gether the expedition numbers three white men, twenty-two soldiers,
four supernumeraries, with a transport train of eighty-two pagazis,
twenty-seven donkeys and two horses, conveying fifty-two bales of
cloth, seven man-loads of wire, sixteen man-loads of beads, twenty
loads of boat fixtures, three loads of tents, four loads of clothes and
personal baggage, two loads of cooking utensils and dishes, one load
of medicines, three of powder, five of bullets, small shot and metallic
cartridges; three of instruments and small necessaries, such as soap,
sugar, tea, coffee, Liebig’s extract of meat, pemmican, candles, &c.,

41. In HIFL, 70, Stanley notes that he left on March 21, seventy-three days
after his arrival.

42. The Gogo, politically divided into small and independent groups, profited
from their strategic location, between areas subject to raids from such predatory
groups as the Masai and Hehe, and from their control of scarce water supplies, to
levy a tax on passing caravans. Although excessive rates at times led to friction,
most travelers bowed to necessity and accepted the system, many recognizing the
work required to provision passing caravans justified some recompense. Claus, Die
Wagogo; Schweinitz, Deutsch-Ost-Afrika in Krieg und Frieden, 203; see also the
studies by Rigby, “Dual Symbolic Classification among the Gogo of Central
Tanzania” and “Sociological Factors in the Contact of the Gogo of Central
Tanzania with Islam.”

43. Probably mtunga, the arranger.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

which make a total of 116 loads — equal to eight and a half tons of
material.44 The weapons of defence which the expedition possesses
consist of one double-barrelled smooth bore No. 12, two American
Winchester rifles or “sixteen shooters,” two Starr’s breech-loading
carbines, one Jocelyn breech-loader, one elephant rifle, carrying balls
eight to the pound; two breech-loading revolvers, twenty-four flint-
lock muskets, six single-barrelled pistols, one battle axe, two swords,
two daggers, one boar spear, two American axes, twenty-four hatch-
ets and twenty-four long knives.

The expedition has been fitted up with care; whatever was needed
for its success was not stinted; everything was provided; nothing was
done too hurriedly, yet everything was purchased, collected, manu-
factured and compounded with the utmost despatch consistent with
efficiency and means.45 Should it fail of success in its errand, of
rapid marching to Ujiji and back, it must simply happen from an
accident which could not be controlled. So much for the personnel of
the expedition and its purpose.

We left Bagamoyo, the attraction of all the curious, with noisy
eclat , and defiled up a narrow lane shaded to twilight by the dense
umbrage of two parallel hedges of mimosas. We were all in the highest
spirits — the soldiers sang extempore, the Kirangozi lifted his voice
into a loud, bellowing note, and fluttered the American flag, which
told all on-lookers, “Lo, a musungre’s46 (white man) caravan,” and
my heart, I thought, palpitated much too quickly for the sobriety of a
leader. But I could not help it. The enthusiasm of youth still clung to
me despite my travelled years, my pulses bounded with the full glow
of staple health; behind me were the troubles, which had harassed
me for over two months; with Soor Hadji Palloo I had said my last
word; with the blatant rabble of Banyans, Arabs and Beloochees47
I had taken my last look, and before me beamed the sun of promise
as he sped toward the Occident. Loveliness glowed around me as I

44. In HIFL, 68, 70, 72, there are slightly different totals for the men and
equipment of the expedition.

45. Other travelers and writers would comment, often with envy, at Stanley’s
well-equipped and well-financed expeditions. They became a standard for com-
parison to demonstrate that a particular explorer had achieved good results, even
if he had not had the resources available to Stanley. For example, Burton, The
Life of Captain Sir Richd F. Burton, I, 304; Jackson, Early Days in East Africa,
142—43; Schmidt, “Die Bedeutung Hermann von Wissmann’s in der Entdeck-
ungsgeschichte Afrikas und in Deutschlands Kolonialgeschichte,” 357-58.

46. Mzungu, a European.

47. Baluchis, from the Makran coast. Many had come to the Zanzibar region
for service in the army of Barghash’s father, Said bin Sultan. Baumann, Der
Sansibar-Archipel. II. Die Insel Sansibar und ihre Kleineren N achbarinseln, 24.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

looked at the fertile fields of manioc, the riant vegetation of the
tropics, the beautiful, strange trees and flowers, plants and herbs, and
heard the cry of pee-wit and cricket and the noisy sibilance of many
insects; me thought each and all whispered to me, “At last you are
started.” At such a time what more appropriate could I do than lift
up my face toward the pure, glassy dome of heaven and cry “God
be thanked?”

We camped that night on the banks of the Kingani, our dreams be-
ing sadly disturbed by the sportive hippopotami, which emerged at
night for their nocturnal feed on the tall, high grass that grows on
the savannahs to the westward of the Kingani River.

“Sofari, Sofari, leo — a journey, a journey to-day,” shouted the Ki-
rangozi as he prepared to blow his kudu horn — the usual signal for
a march. “Set out, set out,” rang the cheery voice of Captain Bombay,
echoed by that of my drum major, servant, general help and inter-
preter, Selim. As I hurried my men to their work, lent a hand with
energy to drop the tents, I mentally resolved that if my caravans
ahead gave me clear room for travel I should be in Unyanyembe be-
fore that day three months. By six o’clock A.M. our early breakfast was
despatched, and the pagazis and donkeys were en route for Kikoka.
Even at this early hour there were quite a collection of curious natives
to whom we gave the parting “quahary” 48 with sincerity. My bay
horse was found to be invaluable for the service of a quartermaster
of a transport train, for as such was I compelled to compare myself.
I could stay behind until the last straggler had left camp, and by a
few moments’ gallop put myself at the head of the caravan, leaving
the white man Shaw to bring up the rear.

The road, as it is, throughout Africa, was a mere footpath, leading
over a sandy soil of surprising fertility — producing grain a hundred
fold, though the sowing of it might be done in the most unskilful
manner. In their fields, at heedless labor, were men and women in
the scantiest costumes, compared to which the fig-leaf apparel of our
first parents must have been en grande tenue. Nor were they at all
abashed by the devouring gaze of men who were strangers to clothe-
less living men and women; nor did they seem to understand why
their inordinate curiosity should be returned with more than interest.
They left their work as the Wasungu drew near — such hybrids were
they in white flannels, solar topees and horse boots! But were the
Wasungu desirous of studying the principles of comparative anatomy
and physiology, what a rich field for study! We passed them with

48. Kwa heri, good-by.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

serious faces enough, while they giggled and laughed outright, point-
ing with their index fingers at this or that thing in our dress which
to them seemed so strange and bizarre.

The western side of the Kingani was a considerable improvement
upon the eastern. We were travelling over a forest-clad and jungly
plain, which heaved upward as smoothly as the beach of a watering
place, culminating at intervals in rounded ridges, whence fair views
might be obtained of the new and strange land. The scenery was as
beautiful as that which many an English nobleman is proud to call his
“park.” On the whole it was lawn and sward, with boscage sufficient to
agreeably diversify it.

Passing Kikoka we traversed on the next day a young forest of
ebony trees, where guinea fowl were seen, besides pigeons, jays, ibis
sacra, golden pheasants, quails, moorhens florican, hawks, eagles,
and now and then a solitary pelican winged its way to the distance.
As we advanced further into the interior antelopes bounded away to
our right and left, the steinbok and noble kudu fled in terror, giraffes
rushed away from us like moving forests and zebra galloped frantic
toward the far horizon at the sound of the strange noises which the
caravan made.

By Sunday, the 23d of April, we had travelled 125 miles, and had
reached Simbawenni, situated in longitude 37°42' east, latitude 6°20'
south.49 We had experienced no trouble on the road up to this place.
The country was like that above described — park-like — abounding in
large and noble game. Not until we had left Simbawenni did we
experience any trouble.

The first which we experienced was from the Sultana of Simba-
wenni,50 in Usagara,51 which we found to be a large and well built

49. In HIFL, 115, Stanley gives an earlier date. Kisabengo, a Zigula leader of
fugitive slaves from the East African coast, raided among the Kami and founded
near present-day Morogoro the strongly fortified center that Stanley called
Simbawenni. Kisabengo died around 1867. Baur and Le Roy, A Travers le
Zanguebar, 200-04; Burton, “Lake Regions,” 45, 76; Heudebert, Vers les Grands
Lacs, 159-60; Young and Fosbrooke, Smoke in the Hills, chap. 2.

50. Kisabengo was succeeded by a daughter, who was known as Simbawenni
(lion-like). She had especially close relations with the Zanzibar authorities
during her long reign and even visited the island in 1884. Her town declined
somewhat after Stanley’s visit because of a natural disaster, but it remained an
important station on the route to the interior. In her later years effective power
appears to have passed to her relative, Kingo of Morogoro. Heudebert, Vers les
Grands Lacs, 150-53; A VAssaut des Pays Negres. Journal des Missionaires d’ Alger
dans VAfrique Equatoriale, 100-01; Ledoulx to MAE, Oct. 11, 1884, PZ, I;
Ledoulx to MAE, Oct. 23, 1884, CCZ, I; Spring, Selbsterlebtes in Ostafrika, 22-23,
177; Winans, Shambala, 23, 80-81.

51. Simbawenni was located in the territory of the Luguru, not among the
Sagara. Beidelman, Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern Tanzania, 26-34, describes
them. The designation Sagara was often extended to other peoples. See the ex-

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

town, fortified by four towers and a stone wall, having considerable
pretensions to architectural skill. The Sultana sent her ambassadors
to demand tribute from me. I refused to pay, though she possessed
300 muskets and 500 slaves, on the ground that as my caravans had
paid already I was exempted from it according to her custom. The
ambassadors retired with a “Ngema” — very well. Soon after passing
the town we arrived at Simbo Khombi, and here I was compelled to
order my cook to be flogged for his incorrigible dishonesty and waste.
Upon leaving Simbo for the wilderness and swamp of Makata I was
made aware that the cook had deserted. I despatched three soldiers
in pursuit, who, in the ardor of following his tracks, fell into the hands
of the Sultana of Simbawenni, who robbed them of their guns and
put them in chains. Some Arabs happening to see them in this con-
dition, and knowing they were my men, made haste to inform the
Sultana that she did not know what white people were capable of
doing if they were angered; that I had guns with me that would kill
her in her house at the distance of half a mile. This extraordinary
announcement caused her to mitigate her anger against me and to
release my soldiers, returning one gun and retaining two as just and
equitable tribute. The cook was afterward reported to me to be mur-
dered.52

From Simbo to Rehenneko in Us agar a extends the terrible Makata
swamp, a distance of forty-five miles. It is knee deep of water and
black mire, and for five days we marched through this cataclysm.
From here commenced the list of calamities which afterwards over-
took me. First the white man Shaw caught the terrible fever of East
Africa, then the Arab boy Selim, then myself, then the soldiers one by
one, and smallpox and dysentery raged among us. As soon as I had
recovered from the effects of the fever I was attacked with dysen-
tery, which brought me to the verge of the grave. From a stout and
fleshy person, weighing 170 pounds, I was reduced to a skeleton, a
mere frame of bone and skin, weighing 130 pounds. Two pagazis
fell victims to this dysentery.53 Even the dog “Omar” was attacked by
it, and presently died. At Rehenneko we experienced the last of the
rainy season. It had rained almost every day since we had left Baga-
moyo, but until we had arrived at the verge of the Makata swamp we
did not experience much inconvenience from it.

amples given in Beidelman, “Hyena and Rabbit: A Kaguru Representation of
Matrilineal Relations,” 73.

52. In HIFL, 126-29, Stanley asserts that after the flogging he gave the cook
his kit and told him to leave the expedition. Stanley claimed that he did not really
mean this, but the cook did leave and Stanley was unsuccessful in his efforts to
recall him.

53. Ibid., 141, says one porter died.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Two days beyond Rehenneko we caught up with the fourth cara-
van, which had been sent out under the leadership of the Scotchman.
I found the white man in a most miserable plight. All the donkeys
— numbering nine — that I had sent out with him were dead and he
was attacked by dropsy or elephantiasis — a disease of which he has
since died. He had wasted upward of six bales of cloth, five of which
had been entrusted to him to convey to Unyanyembe. An Arab pro-
prietor would have slaughtered him for his extravagance and im-
becility; but I — I had no other course but to relieve him of all charge
of such goods. Had I not foreseen some such mismanagement and
provided plenty of cloth against such loss I should have been com-
pelled to return to the coast for more bales to replace them.

By the 24th May we had travelled 278 miles, and had entered the
dangerous land of the Wagogo. We had passed through the territories
of the Wakami,54 Wakwere,55 Wadoe,56 Wasegura,57 Wasagara58

54. The Kami are now held to be Luguru and not a separate people. Beidelman,
Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern Tanzania, 26. Nineteenth century observers located
them in an upland district near the seventh parallel of latitude and in the midst
of the Zigula. They had earlier suffered much from slave traders. Last, Polyglotta
Africana Orientalis, 11; A VAssaut des Pays Negres, 93; Ricklin, La Mission
Catholique du Zanguebar. Travaux et Voyages du R. P. Horner, 160ff., for a full
contemporary account.

55. The Kwere were bordered by the Luguru on the west, the Zaramu on the
east, and the Zigula to the north. They were a peaceful people whose largest
political unit was the lineage, and have many similarities with the Luguru and
Sagara. Ibid., 129-30; Brain, “The Kwere of the Eastern Province”; Beidelman,
Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern Tanzania, 22-25.

56. The Doe, a small group living not far from Bagamoyo, have the reputation
of being East Africa’s only cannibals and at times are discussed in a rather
sensational manner — as in Bojarski, “The Last of the Cannibals in Tanganyika.”
For examples of their activity, on both Europeans and Africans, Schynse, A
Travers VAfrique avec Stanley et Emin-Pacha, 290; Central Africa 2(1884), 9.
For explanations of their practices, Baumann and Westermann, Les Peuplades
et les Civilisations de VAfrique, 233; J. Brain, Letter on the Doe. The dangers of
adopting European reports of cannibalism are presented in Evans-Pritchard,
“Zande Cannibalism.”

57. The Zigula were a warlike but not centrally organized people inhabiting an
area behind the coast between the Ruvu and Wami rivers. They suffered heavily in
the early nineteenth century from slave raids and were famous for some partic-
ularly serious risings against their Arab owners. Last, Polyglotta Africana
Orientalis, 8; Baumann, Der Sansibar-Archipel. III. Die Insel Pemba und Ihre
Kleineren Nachbarinseln, 97. For a full contemporary account, Picarda, “Autour
de Mandera”; Beidelman, Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern Tanzania, 66-72.

58. For a general account of the Sagara region, Meyer, Das Deutsche Kolonial-
reich, 192-99. European visitors were generally much impressed with the lands of
the Sagara; Stanley’s favorable descriptions were credited with stimulating the
decision of the later German empire-builders to begin their efforts in East Africa.
Pfeil, Die Erwerbung von Deutsch-Ostafrika, 56-57; Peters, Wie Deutsch-
Ostafrika entstandl, 25; for the Sagara, Beidelman, Matrilineal Peoples of Eastern
Tanzania, 51-53.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

and Wahehe.59 We had crossed the rivers Kingani, Ungerengeri,
Little Makata, Great Makata, Rudewa and Mukondokwa. We had
discovered the sources of the Kingani, Wami and Mukondokwa riv-
ers60 and the Lake of Ugombo,61 three miles long by two and a
half miles wide. Our losses up to this date were seventeen donkeys
dead, one coil of wire stolen, one tent eaten up by white ants, one
tent lost, also one axe, one pistol, twenty pounds of bullets, and Cap-
tain Bombay’s stock of uniform clothes, all of which losses I ascribe
to the fatigues experienced during the transit of the Makata swamp.
Three pagazis had deserted, two were dead; also one white man62
and two natives of Malabar had died. The two horses died on the third
day after leaving Bagamoyo, for so fatal is this land to both men and
animals.

In entering Ugogo we were entering a new land, to meet with differ-
ent dangers, different accidents from those we had now left behind
us. We had ascended a plateau 3,700 to 4,200 feet above the level of
the sea; the extraordinary fertility and rivers of the maritime region
we should not see in Ugogo, but a bare and sterile plateau, though
cultivated by the Wagogo.

The Wagogo are the Irish of Africa — clanish and full of fight. To
the Wagogo all caravans must pay tribute, the refusal of which is
met by an immediate declaration of hostilities.63 The tribute which

59. The Hehe, inhabiting the area around present-day Iringa, were one of the
most militant groups in East Africa. In the 1870’s they were infiltrating some of
the areas on the caravan route to Tabora where such people as the Kaguru
welcomed their settlement in return for the military support they provided.
Beidelman, “A History of Ukaguru: 1857-1916,” 14, 30; Beidelman, “The
Baraguyu,” 255. For the organization and history of the Hehe, Brown and Hutt,
Anthropology in Action; Nigmann, Die Wahehe.

60. Stanley had crossed the river systems of the Ruvu and the Wami. The
Ngerengere is part of the Ruvu system. (The Ruvu is known as the Kingani near
the ocean). The Mkata, Rudewa, and Mkondoa are part of the Wami system. Later
ventures proved both systems of little use for navigation. For the Kingani, or
Ruvu, Holmwood, “On the River Kingani in East Africa”; Mackay to Wright, July
25, 1876, C.A6/M1, CMS; Behr, Kriegsbilder aus dem Araberauf stand in Deutsch-
Ostafrika, 141-43; Ricklin, Mission Catholique du Zanguebar, 221. For the ex-
ploration of the Wami, see document 12, note 4.

61. Because of the variations in the size of Lake Ugombo, due to the state of
the rains, Cameron asserted that Stanley “must have been dreaming” when he
gave its extent. Hore, with more understanding, and after visiting the lake in
the dry season, said such conditions were “a reminder that one ought to have
charitable considerations for apparently conflicting accounts of different
travellers.” Cameron’s letter of June 16, 1873, PRGS 18(1873-1874), 70; Hore,
Tanganyika, 58.

62. W. L. Farquhar.

63. Velten, Schilderungen der Suaheli, Iff., provides an interesting account on
the problems of a caravan moving through this and other areas.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Map I. Tanzania

I alone paid to these people amounted to 170 doti ($170 in gold), for
the mere privilege of travelling through their country to Unyanyembe
beyond.

On the thirtieth day after entering Ugogo we arrived in Unyan-
yembe, at the Arab village of Kwihara — so called from the plain
of Kwihara, in which it is situated. The march of this last month
had been very rapid, we having travelled 247-J miles, while the pre-
vious march of 278 miles, viz., from Bagamoyo to Ugogo had occu-
pied fifty-four days. Altogether we had travelled 525J miles in

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

eighty-four days, including halts, which makes our rate of marching
per day six and a quarter miles. Burton and Speke in travelling the
same distance from Kaole to Unyanyembe in 134 days, which is at
the rate of three and one-sixth miles per day. You must not imagine
that I am stating this in order to make an invidious comparison, but
simply to show you how expeditiously we have travelled. The Arabs
travel the distance from two months and twelve days to four months.
On the second visit of Speke with Grant64 to Unyanyembe he made
the march in 115 days.

I should like to enter into more minute details respecting this
new land, which is almost unknown, but the very nature of my mis-
sion, requiring speed and all my energy, precludes it. Some day,
perhaps, the HERALD will permit me to describe more minutely the
experiences of the long march, with all its vicissitudes and pleasures,
in its columns, and I can assure your readers beforehand that they
will not be quite devoid of interest. But now my whole time is occu-
pied in the march, and the direction of the expedition, the neglect of
which in any one point would be productive of disastrous results.

I shall here proceed to relate what I have heard of Livingstone
verbatum.

On the 12th of April I met at Moussoudi, on the Ungerengeri River,
four marches from Simbawenni, Salim bin Rasheed,65 who gave
me the following intelligence respecting Livingstone :

“I saw the musungu who came up from the Nyassa a long time ago,
at Ujiji last year. He lived in the next tembe to me. He has a long,
white mustache and beard, and was very fat. He was then about going
to Marungu and Manyema.” 66

On the 18th of May Sheikh Abdullah bin Nasib67 found me en-
camped at Mpwapwa and gave me the following :

64. James A. Grant (1827-1892). After his return from exploring with Speke,
Grant remained an active member of the Royal Geographical Society, where he
always commented fully on the relation of new discoveries to those of Speke.
DNB, XXII, 764-66; Gray, “Speke and Grant,” 154-59.

65. Salim bin Rashid al Manzuri was a well-known Arab of Zanzibar; his
travels included a visit to the area of Lake Victoria. He supplied Burton with
information of his expeditions. Burton, “Lake Regions,” 260, 270, 275, 346.

66. The region of the eastern Congo bordered roughly by the Lualaba River on
the west, by the mountains west of Lake Tanganyika on the east, by a line one
degree north of the Lukuga River on the south, and by a line parallel with the
southern extremity of Lake Edward on the north. Manyema is inhabited by
diverse tribal groups. For the area and its peoples, Stuart, “Manyema Culture and
History prior to 1894”; Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap 7.

67. Abdulla bin Nasibu, Arab governor of Tabora from 1878 to 1881, was
noted for his successful raids upon Africans. He was recalled to Zanzibar by
Barghash and was poisoned allegedly by his orders in 1882. Bennett, Studies in
East African History, 5-15; Becker, La Troisidme Expedition Beige, 89; Reichard,
Deutsche-0 stafrika, 93-96, 101; Reichard, “Die Unruhen in Unjanjembe.”

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

The musungu (white man) has gone to Maniema, a month’s
march from Ujiji. He has met with a bad accident, having shot
himself in the thigh while out hunting buffalo. When he gets well
he will return to Ujiji. There are many lakes on the other side of
the Tanganyika. Lake Ujiji is very great; Lake Uruwa is also
great, Lake Bangweolo is great, but Lake Maniema is great, ex-
ceedingly great.68

At Kusuri, in Mgunda Mkhali, or the land of the Wayanzi,69 on
the 13th of June, I met Sheik Thani bin Massoud, who imparted the
following :

“You are asking me about the musungu whom people call T)ochter
Fellusteen’ (Dr. Livingstone). Yes; I lived near him about three
months at Ujiji. His men have all deserted him, except three slaves,
whom he was obliged to buy.”

“Why?”

“He used to beat his men very hard if they did not do instantly
what he told them. At last they all ran away; no one would stop
with him. He had nothing with him, no cloth nor beads, to buy food
for a long time; so he had to go out and hunt buffalo every day. He is
a very old man and very fat, too; has a long white beard. He is a
great eater, Mashallah! He would eat a pot of ghee and a big plateful
of rice three or four times a day. Mashallah! but you see this thing
(pointing to a tea saucer)?”

“Yes.”

“Well he would eat that full of butter, with a potful of ugali (por-
ridge).”

On the 16th of June I met Hassan, a Balooch soldier of Sheikh
Said bin Salim, of Unyanyembe, who gave news about Livingstone
to this effect:

“He is a very old man, with a beard nearly white. His left shoulder
is out of joint from a fight he had with a suriba (lion). He has gone
to Maniema with some Arabs. Maniema is three months’ march from
Ujiji. He is about returning to Ujiji soon, owing to a letter he re-
ceived from the ‘Balyuz’ (Consul).70 They say that although he has
been out here so long he has done nothing. He has fifteen bales of
cloth at Unyanyembe, not yet sent to him.”

68. See document 4, note 25.

69. The Mgunda Mkali, or Itigi thicket, “a dense, fully closed thicket of
coppicing shrubs, 8 to 15 feet high, covering over 2,000 square miles,” was a
major hindrance to travelers. Moffett, ed., Handbook of Tanganyika, 153-54. The
Yanzi were the first Nyamwezi group on the caravan route after it left Ugogo.
Blohm, Die Nyamwezi. Land und Wirtschaft, 9; Burton, “Lake Regions,” 153-55.

70. Balozi , a consul or political agent; specifically, the British representative at
Zanzibar.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

On the 20th, at Kubuga, three days from Unyanyembe, Sheikh
Amir bin Sultan71 informed me as follows:

“Yes, there is a musungu, a very old man, who came to Ujiji by
the way of Lake Nyassa and Cazembe.72 After coming to Ujiji he
went to Marungu, and then returned to Ujiji. About a year ago he
crossed the Tanganyika Lake, and accompanied some Arabs to Lake
Maniema, which, I am told, is a very great lake, much larger than
Tanganyika. Lately a caravan coming from Ukonongo73 brought the
news that he was dead. I don’t know whether the news be true or not.”

At this place I have received the following additional information :
He is on the road to Ujiji from Lake Maniema, which is west of
Uguhha. The lake is fifteen camps from the Tanganyika, in a south-
southwest direction. With me are going to Ujiji for him fifteen loads
of cloth, eight loads of beads and twelve boxes, containing wine, pro-
visions— such as sugar, tea, salt, pepper, spices and such little lux-
uries— besides clothes, books and newspapers. If at Ujiji in one month
more I shall see him, the race for home shall begin. Until I hear
more of him or see the long absent old man face to face I bid you a
farewell; but wherever he is be sure I shall not give up the chase. If
alive you shall hear what he has to say; if dead I will find and bring
his bones to you.

Kwihara, Unyanyembe
September 20, 18711

The African expedition of the NEW YORK HERALD arrived at Un-
yanyembe on June 23, 1871. It had suffered considerably in its per-
sonnel and transport. One of the white men has died, he but lived to
reach half-way here; two of the armed escort as well as eight pagazis

71. Amir bin Sultan al Harthi, a long-time resident of Tabora, was later sent by
Barghash in command of a Zanzibari army against the Nyamwezi leader
Mirambo. Amir bin Sultan was a member of the Arab group that drove Said bin
Salim from office. Bennett, Studies in East African History, 5-6; Mackay to
Wigram, May 25, 1878, CMS. See also HIFL, 219-20.

72. The Kazembe was the ruler of the important Lunda state centered around
the valley of the Luapula River. See Cunnison, The Luapula Peoples of Northern
Rhodesia; Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna, 78ff. The ruler Livingstone
visited was Kazembe VII, Muonga Sunkutu. Cunnison, “The Reigns of the
Kazembes,” 135.

73. The Konongo are members of the southern Nyamwezi. Moffett, Handbook
of Tanganyika, 272; Broyon-Mirambo, “Note sur TOuniamouezi,” 255.

1. NYH, July 15, 1872.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

died also from dysentery and smallpox. Two horses and twenty-seven
asses have also perished. On arriving at Unyanyembe your corres-
pondent wrote two letters and entrusted them to Said Ben Salim
(Burton and Speke’s former Ras cafilah), now Governor of Unyan-
yembe. One gave an account of our journey from the coast here; the
other of our battle with Mirambo,2 who occupied the country lying
between the HERALD expedition and the object of its search. I then
prepared for the second stage, viz: the journey to Ujiji and Manyema.

But difficulties had been on the increase for about a month before
our arrival here. Mirambo, King of Uyowa, in western Unyamwezi,
had been levying blackmail to an unconscionable amount upon a 11
caravans bound westward to Ujiji, the lake and the regions lying
behind; to Urundi, to Karagwah,3 Uganda4 and Unyoro.5 The road
to these countries led through his country, a serious misfortune not
only to the expedition but to all caravans bound anywhere westward.
About the time the expedition arrived Mirambo capped his arbitrary
course by taking from a caravan five bales of cloth, five guns and
five kegs of powder, and then refusing it permission to pass, declaring
that none should pass any more except over his body. This, of course,
led to a declaration of war on the part of the Arabs, which was
given after I had secured new carriers and was almost ready for
the journey.

The Arabs were so confident of easy victory over the African King,
declaring that fifteen days at the most would suffice to settle him,
that I was tempted in an unlucky moment to promise them my aid,
hoping that by this means I would be enabled to reach Livingstone
sooner than by stopping at Unyanyembe awaiting the turn of events.
Mirambo was but twenty-seven hours’ march from Unyanyembe.

On the first day we burned three of his villages, captured, killed or

2. Mirambo (c. 1830/40-1884), the most important of all Nyamwezi leaders.
For his life, Bennett, Studies in East African History, 1-30. Kabeya, Mtemi
Mirambo, has valuable oral information on Mirambo.

3. The Haya state of Karagwe, through which led the trade route to Buganda,
was one of the more important African states of the Lake Victoria region
during the first two-thirds of the nineteenth century. Taylor, The Western
Lacustrine Bantu, 132-44; Cory, History of the Bukoba District, 17-34.

4. Buganda, on the northwestern side of Lake Victoria, one of the most highly
centralized states in Africa, was the dominant power on the lake during this
period. Fallers, The Eastern Lacustrine Bantu (Ganda and Soga ); Fallers, ed..
The King's Men, for an excellent collection of studies on the Baganda state.

5. Bunyoro, to the north of Buganda, was losing during the nineteenth cen-
tury its former dominance of the region to the rising state of Buganda. Taylor,
Western Lacustrine Bantu, 17—41; Beattie, “Bunyoro: An African Feudality?”;
Beattie, Bunyoro: An African Kingdom.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

drove away the inhabitants. On the second I was taken down with
the ever-remitting fever of the country. On the third a detachment
was sent out and audaciously attacked the fenced village where the
King was, and after an hour’s fighting entered it at one gate while
Mirambo left it by another.

In returning to our camp this detachment was waylaid by Mirambo
and his men and a great slaughter of the Arabs took place. Seventeen
Arab commanders were slain, among them one or two personal friends
of mine, who had travelled with me from the coast. Five of the sol-
diers of the HERALD expedition were killed. The fourth day was a
frightful retreat, from the simple cause of seeing smoke in the dis-
tance, which was believed to be caused by Mirambo’s advance or
Ruga-Ruga6 freebooters. Without informing each other the Arabs,
followed by their slaves, rushed out of their village, and I was left
in my tembe alone, in a fever. My own men, frightened by their isola-
tion, lost courage and ran, all but six, my Arab boy, Selim, and the
Englishman Shaw. With these I reached Mfuto, half-way to Unyan-
yembe, at midnight. After this graceless retreat it became evident to
me that it was going to be a long affair between Arab and African.
Livingstone’s caravan, which had gone to its first camp preparatory
for the journey, had been ordered back, and the goods had been safely
lodged in my house.

The Arabs’ cowardly retreat invited Mirambo to follow them to
their homes. While I was debating what to do (knowing that speed
was a necessity with the expedition) Mirambo entered Tabor a, the
Arab capital of Central Africa, with his ferocious allies, the Watuta.7
Tabora is one mile from Kwihara, the place where I date this tele-
gram. The Kazeh of Speke and Burton8 is not known here except

6. The ruga-ruga were the professional fighting men of the area. Descriptions
of them can be found in Storms, “L’Esclavage entre le Tanganika et la Cote
Est,” 14-15; Reichard, “Die Wanjamuesi,” 307-309.

7. The Ngoni, who, moving up from southern Africa, spread destruction
through much of Tanganyika in the nineteenth century. The group Stanley met
were settled to the northwest of Tabora under the leader, Mtambalika. Hatchell,
“The Angoni of Tanganyika Territory.” See also Barnes, Politics in a Changing
Society. A Political History of the Fort Jameson Ngoni.

8. The future Tabora was then made up of a complex of settlements, each
with its own name. See the list in Velten, Schilderungen der Suaheli, 9. Speke
and Burton had used the name, and despite Stanley’s opinion, later visitors
would also. Cameron added, “By the way, Kazeh and Taborah turn out to be
one and the same place, and the name Kazeh is well known to all the Arabs
here. They laugh at Stanley’s idea of Kazeh meaning a kingdom.” Cameron’s
letter of Oct. 16, 1873, in PRGS 18 (1873-74), 178; see also Burdo, Les Beiges
dans VAfrique Centrale. De Zanzibar au Lac Tanganika, 305. See document 3.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

as the fenced residence of an old Arab. Tabora includes all the Arab
residences.9 The Arabs of Kwihara were in great alarm and their
thorough selfishness came out strongly. The Governor and others
were for running to the coast at once, declaring Central Africa forever
closed to travel and trade.

About one-fourth of Tabora was burned; five eminent Arabs were
killed; cattle, ivory and slaves carried away. Expecting attack I turned
the Governor’s house into a little fort, in order to defend the property
of the expedition and that of Livingstone from the Watuta. All fugi-
tives from Tabora who were armed were invited in, until I had 150
armed men within the tembe. Provisions and water were brought to
last five days. At the end of that time Mirambo and his allies retired
with great booty. During the state of siege the American flag was
hoisted.

After this event I informed the Arabs that I could not assist them
any more, for if they ran away once they would run away again, and
declared my intention to travel at once to Ujiji by another road. They
all advised me to wait until the war was over; that I was going
straight to death by travelling during war time. But I was obstinate,
and they looked on me as a lost man. I engaged thirty men of Zanzi-
bar at treble prices. The effects of the expedition were reduced to
the smallest scale consistent with the actual necessities of the journey.
As the day drew near the restlessness of the men increased and
Bombay (Burton and Speke’s handy man, but always my stumbling
block), did his utmost to slacken the courage of the armed escort —
the Englishman Shaw even became so smitten with fear that he could
not assist in my preparations. The Arab reports of the wars along
our road were influencing the men of the expedition.

Kwihara, Unyanyembe
Sept. 21, 18711

How can I describe my feelings to you, that you may comprehend
exactly the condition that I am in, the condition that I have been in,
and the extremely wretched condition that the Arabs and slave trad-

9. Kabeya, Mirambo, 16, derives the name, Tabora, from the Kinyamwezi
word, matobolwa, or sweet potato.

1. NYH, Aug. 9, 1872.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

ing people of the Mrima2 — the hill land or the coast — would fain
keep me in? For the last two months I have been debating in my
own mind as to my best course. Resolves have not been wanting,
but up to to-day they have failed. I am no nearer the object of my
search apparently than I was two years ago, when you gave me the
instructions at the hotel in Paris called the “Grand Hotel.” This object
of my search you know is Livingstone — Dr. David Livingstone —
F.R.G.S., LL.D., &c. Is this Dr. David Livingstone a myth? Is there
any such person living? If so, where is he? I ask everybody — Omani,
Arab-half-cast, Wamrima-pagazis — but no man knows. I lift up my
head, shake off day dreams and ask the silent plains around and the
still dome of azure upheaving to infinity above, where can he be?
No answer. The attitude of my people, the asinine obstinacy of Bom-
bay, the evidently determined opposition of the principal Arabs to
my departure from here, the war with Mirambo, the other unknown
road to Central Lake, the impossibility of obtaining pagazis, all com-
bine, or seem to, to say: “Thou shalt never find him. Thou shalt
neither hear of him. Thou shalt die here.”

Sheikh, the son of Nasib, one of the ruling Powers, here declares
it an impossibility to reach Ujiji. Daily he vexes me with “There is
no road; all roads are closed; the Wakonongo, the Wagara3 and the
Wawendi4 are coming from the south to help Mirambo; if you go
to the north, Usukuma5 is the country of Mirambo’s mother; if you
take the Wildjankuru road,6 that is Mirambo’s own country. You see,
then, sir, the impossibility of reaching the Tanganyika. My advice
is that you wait until Mirambo is killed, then, inshallah (please God),
the road will be open, or go back.” And oftentimes I explode, and cry
out: “What! wait here until Mirambo is killed? You were five years

2. The coast opposite Zanzibar.

3. Ugala, a southeastern district of the Nyamwezi. Burton, “Lake Regions,”
165. A later traveler reported that the aggressive acts of Abdulla bin Nasibu
had made the Gala very hostile to the Arabs. Reichard, “Das afrikanische Elfen-
bein und sein Handel,” 165.

4. The Bende, occupying the territory known as Ukawendi, lived along Lake
Tanganyika’s shores from the area of Karema to the Malagarasi River. Hore,
“Twelve Tribes of Tanganyika,” 18; Avon, “Vie sociale des Wabende au Tan-
ganika.”

5. The Sukuma lived to the north of their close relations, the Nyamwezi.
They were divided into numerous independent political entities. See the sources
given above for the Nyamwezi, and Malcolm, Suhumaland. Stanley later said
of their territory: “It was while traversing through Usukuma that I first awoke
to the bare possibility that some portions of Equatorial Africa might really be
worth serious attention from Europe.” Stanley, My African Travels, 15.

6. Bulyankulu, a Nyamwezi chiefdom. See Bennett, Studies in East African
History, 83; Spellig, “Die Wanjamwesi,” 205.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

fighting Manua Sera!7 Go back! after spending $20,000! O Sheikh,
the son of Nasib, no Arab can fathom the soul of a muzungu (white
man) ! I go on and will not wait until you kill Mirambo; I go on, and
will not go back until I shall have seen the Tanganyika,” and this
morning I added, “and the day after to-morrow I start.”

“Well, master,” he replied, “be it as you say; but put down the
words of Sheikh, the son of Nasib, for they are worthy to be remem-
bered.”

He has only just parted from me, and to comfort myself after the
ominous words I write to you. I wish I could write as fast as the
thoughts crowd my mind. Then what a wild, chaotic and incoherent
letter you would have! But my pen is stiff, the paper is abominable,
and before a sentence is framed the troubled mind gets somewhat
calmer. I am spiteful, I candidly confess, just now; I am cynical — I
do not care who knows it. Fever has made me so. My whining white
servant contributes toward it. The stubbornness of Bombay — “in-
carnation of honesty” Burton calls him — is enough to make one cyn-
ical. The false tongues of these false-hearted Arabs drive me on to
spitefulness; the cowardice of my soldiers is a proverb with me. The
rock daily, hourly growing larger and more formidable against which
the ship of the expedition must split — so says everybody, and what
everybody says must be true — makes me fierce and savage-hearted.
Yet I say that the day after to-morrow every man Jack of us who can
walk shall march.

But before the expedition tries the hard road again — before it com-
mences the weary, weary march once more — can I not gain some
information about Livingstone from the scraps of newspapers I have
been industriously clipping for some time back? May they not with
the more mature knowledge I have obtained of the interior since I
went on this venture give me a hint which I might advantageously
adopt? Here they are, a dozen of them, fifteen, twenty, over thirty
bits of paper. Here is one. Ah, dolor of heart, where art thou? This
mirth-provoking bit of newspaper is almost a physician to me. I
read: [“]Zanzibar, Feb. 6, 1870. I am also told by Ludha Damjee that
a large caravan, laden with ivory, and coming from Nayamweze, has
completely perished from this disease in Ujiji.[”] To you who stay

7. Mnywa Sere, former Nyamwezi ruler of Tabora, who was deposed by the
Arab community when he sought to secure a larger share of the profits of the
trade passing through his chiefdom. After several years of warfare, Mnywa
Sere was killed by the Arabs in 1865. Tippu Tip, Maisha ya Hamed bin Mu-
hammed el Murjebi Yaani Tippu Tip, 8, 41, 43.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

at home in America may be accorded forgiveness if you do not quite
understand where “Nayamweze” or “Ujiji” is; but to the British
politico and Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul, Dr. John Kirk,8 a for-
mer companion of Livingstone, a man of science, a member of the
Royal Geographical Society, and one who is said to be in constant
communication with Livingstone, forgiveness for such gross ignor-
ance is impossible. A parallel case of ignorance would be in a New
York editor writing, “I am also told by Mr. So and So that a large
wagon train, bringing silver bricks from Montana, has perished in
Alaska.” Ujiji, you must remember, is about a month’s march west-
ward of Unyamwezi — not “Nayamweze” — and to me it is inconceiv-
able how a person in the habit of writing weekly to his government
about Livingstone should have conceived Ujiji to be somewhere be-
tween the coast and “Nayamweze,” as he calls it. But then I am spiteful
this morning of September 21, and there is nothing loveable under
the sun at this present time except the memory of my poor little dog
“Omar,” who fell a victim to the Makata Swamp. Poor Omar!

Amid these many scraps or clippings all about Livingstone there
are many more which contain as ludicrous mistakes, mostly all of
them having emanated from the same scientific pen as the above. I
find one wherein Sir R. Murchison,9 President of the Royal Geo-
graphical Society, stoutly maintains that Livingstone’s tenacity of
purpose, undying resolution and herculean frame will overcome every
obstacle. Through several scraps runs a vein of doubt and unbelief
in the existence of the explorer. The writers seem to incline that he
has at last succumbed. But to the very latest date Sir Roderick rides
triumphant over all doubts and fears. At the very nick of time he
has always a letter from Livingstone himself, or a despatch from

8. John Kirk (1832-1922), who served for over twenty years in Zanzibar,
was the dominant political figure on the island from the early 1870’s until the
declaration of the German protectorate on the East African mainland in 1885.
For his career, Coupland, Exploitation of East Africa, passim. Kirk and Stanley
were to have a famous feud (see document 7, notes 3 and 14); it can largely
be blamed on the interaction of two overbearing personalities. As one Zanzi-
bar resident said of Kirk: “He is a great hand at contradicting you flat, and
aims at being the authority on all points under debate.” Tozer to Steere, Sept.
30, 1869, A.l.I, UMCA.

9. Roderick I. Murchison (1792-1871), described by Livingstone as “the best
friend I ever had — true, warm, and abiding,” was the influential president
of the Royal Geographical Society for most of the years that Livingstone was
exploring in Africa. Seaver, David Livingstone, 316; Geikie, Life of Sir Rod-
erick I. Murchison, especially II, 294-99. For Murchison’s role as a stimulator
of East African exploration. Bridges, “John Hanning Speke and the Royal Geo-
graphical Society.”

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Livingstone to Lord Clarendon,10 or a private note from Dr. Living-
stone to his friend Kirk at Zanzibar. Happy Sir Roderick! Good, Sir
Roderick! a healthy, soul-inspiring faith is thine.

Well, I am to tell you the outspoken truth, tormented by the same
doubts and fears that people in America and England are — to-day
uncommonly so. I blame the fever. Yet, though I have heard nothing
that would lead me to believe Livingstone is alive, I derive much
comfort in reading Sir Roderick’s speech to the society of which he
is President.

But though he has tenacity of purpose and is the most resolute
of travellers, he is but a man, who, if alive, is old in years. I have
but to send for Said bin Habib,11 who claims to be the Doctor’s best
friend, and who lives but a rifle shot from the camp of the HERALD
and Livingstone expeditions, and he will tell me how he found him
so sick with fever that it seemed as if the tired spirit was about to
take its eternal rest. I have but to ask Suliman Dowa, or Thomas,
how he found “old Daoud Fellasteen” — David Livingstone — and he
will tell me he saw a very old man, with very gray beard and mus-
tache, who ought to be home now instead of wandering among those
wild cannibals of Manyema.

What made me to-day give way to fears for Livingstone’s life was
that a letter had reached Unyanyembe, from a man called Sherif , 12
who is in charge of Livingstone’s goods at Ujiji, wherein he asked
permission from Said bin Salim, the Governor here, to sell Living-
stone’s goods for ivory, wherein he states further that Sherif had sent
his slaves to Manyema to look for the white man, and that these
slaves had returned without hearing any news of him. He (Sherif)
was therefore tired of waiting, and it would be much better if he
were to receive orders to dispose of the white man’s cloth and beads
for ivory.

It is strange that these goods, which were sent to Ujiji over a year

10. George Villiers, Earl of Clarendon (1800-1870), was foreign secretary at
times after 1853 and thus in contact with Livingstone, who held an appoint-
ment from the Foreign Office during his later explorations. DNB, XX, 347-50.

11. Said bin Habib, one of the most enterprising of Zanzibari Arabs, had
returned to Zanzibar in 1860 after a sixteen-year stay in Africa. During this
period he had traveled across the continent to Luanda. Said bin Habib returned
to the interior to become one of the Arab leaders around Lake Tanganyika and
in the Congo. He died in 1889 while returning to Zanzibar. “Narrative of Said
bin Habeeb, an Arab Inhabitant of Zanzibar”; Rigby to Anderson, March 20,
1860, E-27, ZA; Ceulemans, La question arabe et le Congo (1883-1892), 50-51,
147; Muxworthy to LMS, Aug. 2, 1889, LMS.

12. Sherif Bashaykh bin Ahmed; he reached Ujiji on Nov. 10, 1870. See
his letter to Kirk of Nov. 15, 1870, PRGS 15 (1870-1871), 206. See also Liv-
ingstone to Kirk, Oct. 20, 1871, in H1FL, 704-07, for Livingstone’s complaints.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

ago, have not yet been touched, and the fact that Livingstone has
not been in Ujiji to receive his last year’s supplies puzzles also Said
bin Salim, Governor of Unyanyembe, or, rather, of Tabor a and Kwi-
hara, as well as it puzzles Sheikh, the son of Nasib, accredited Consul
of Syed Barghash, Sultan of Zanzibar and Pemba at the Courts of
Rumanika13 and Mtesa,14 Kings respectively of Karagwah and Ugan-
da.1®

In the storeroom where the cumbersome moneys of the NEW
YORK HERALD Expedition lie piled up bale upon bale, sack after
sack, coil after coil, and the two boats, are this year’s supplies sent
by Dr. Kirk to Dr. Livingstone — seventeen bales of cloth, twelve
boxes of wine, provisions, and little luxuries such as tea and coffee.
When I came up with my last caravan to Unyanyembe I found Liv-
ingstone’s had arrived but four weeks before, or about May 23 last,
and had put itself under charge of a half-caste called Thani Kati-Kati,
or Thani, “in the middle,” or “between.” Before he could get carriers
he died of dysentery. He was succeeded in charge by a man from
Johanna, who, in something like a week, died of small-pox; then
Mirambo’s war broke out, and here we all are, September 21, both
expeditions halted. But not for long, let us hope, for the third time I
will make a start the day after to-morrow.

To the statement that the man Sherif makes, that he has sent slaves
to Manyema to search for Dr. Livingstone, I pay not the slightest
attention. Sherif, I am told, is a half-caste. Half Arab, half negro.
Happy amalgamation! All Arabs and all half-castes, especially when
it is in their interest to lie, lie without stint. What and who is this
man Sherif, that he should, unasked, send his slaves twenty days off
to search for a white man? It was not for his interest to send out
men, but it was policy to say that he had done so, and that his slaves
had returned without hearing of him. He is, therefore, in a hurry to
sell off and make money at the expense of Livingstone. This man has
treated the old traveller shamefully — like some other men I know of,
who, if I live, will be exposed through your columns. But why should

13. Rumanika, ruler of Karagwe from the 1850’s until his death in 1878;
he is considered by the Haya as “the wisest and one of the cleverest Kings of
Karagwe” since he brought their state to the height of its power. Wilson to
Wigram, May 23, 1878_addenda of July 3, 1878, C.A6/025, CMS; Berger,
“Oral Traditions in Karagwe,” 6-7; Cory, History of Bukoba, 23ff.

14. Mutesa I, kabaka of Buganda from 1856 until his death in 1884. Stan-
ley would meet him on his next expedition. For Mutesa’s reign, Low, “The
Northern Interior, 1840-84,” 333ff.

15. Shaykh bin Nasibu was perhaps acting in this office when he wrote to
Livingstone in 1871; the Arab leader was then proceeding to Karagwe. LLJ,
II, 102.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I not do so now? What better time is there than the present? Well,
here it is — cooly, calmly and deliberately. I have studied the whole
thing since I came here, and cannot do better than give you the results
of the searching inquiries instituted.

It is the case of the British Public vs. Dr. John Kirk, Acting Po-
litical Agent and Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar, as I
understand it. The case is briefly this: Some time in October, 1870,
Henry Adrian Churchill, Esq., was Political Agent and Her Britannic
Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar.16 He fitted out during that month a
small expedition to carry supplies to Dr. Livingstone, under the escort
of seven or eight men, who were to act as armed soldiers, porters or
servants. They arrived at Bagamoyo, on the mainland, during the
latter part of October. About the latter part of October or the early
part of November Mr. Churchill left Zanzibar for England, and Dr.
John Kirk, the present occupant of the consular chair, succeeded
him as “acting” in the capacity Mr. Churchill heretofore had done. A
letter bag, containing letters to Dr. Livingstone, was sealed up by Dr.
John Kirk at Zanzibar, on which was written “November 1, 1870 —
Registered letters for Dr. David Livingstone, Ujiji,” from which it
appears that the letter bag was closed on the 1st November, 1870.
On the 6th January, 1871, your correspondent in charge of the NEW
YORK HERALD Expedition arrived at Zanzibar, and then and there
heard of a caravan being at Bagamoyo, bound for the interior with
supplies for Dr. Livingstone. On the 4th of February, 1871, your
correspondent in charge of the HERALD Expedition arrived at Baga-
moyo and found this caravan of Dr. Livingstone’s still at Bagamoyo.
On or about the 18th February, 1871, appeared off Bagamoyo Her
Britannic Majesty’s gunboat Columbine, Captain Tucker,17 having
on board Dr. John Kirk, acting Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul. Three
days before Dr. John Kirk arrived at Bagamoyo Livingstone’s caravan
started for the interior, hurried, no doubt, by the report that the
English Consul was coming. That evening about the hour of seven
p.m. your correspondent dined at the French mission18 in company

16. Henry A. Churchill was British representative at Zanzibar from 1867 to
1870. See Coupland, Exploitation of East Africa, 58ff.; Gavin, “The Bartle Frere
Mission to Zanzibar,” 126ff., for aspects of his work there.

17. John C. Tucker, captain of H.M.S. Columbine ; he was especially active
against the slave trade in 1871. There are reports on some of this activity in
E-61, ZA. See also Clowes et al., The Royal Navy, VII, 234.

18. The Holy Ghost Mission, a French order established in Zanzibar since
1860 and in Bagamoyo since 1868. Bennett, Studies in East African History,
54-75. Stanley was received at the mission with great hospitality — including a
bottle of champagne left by the French consul. On p. 44 of HIFL Stanley
painted such special treatment as the normal course of living at the mission.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

with the peres, Dr. Kirk and Captain Tucker of the Columbine. The
next morning Dr. Kirk and Captain Tucker and another gentleman
from the Columbine , and Pere Horner,19 Superior of the French mis-
sion, left for Kikoko, first camp on the Unyanyembe road beyond the
Kingani River; or, in other words, the second camp for the up cara-
vans from Bagamoyo. Pere Horner returned to Bagamoyo the evening
of that same day; but Messrs. Kirk and Tucker, the French Consul,
M. Diviane,20 and, I believe, the surgeon of the Columbine, re-
mained behind that they might enjoy the sport which the left bank of
the Kingani offered them.

A good deal of ammunition was wasted, I heard, by the naval offi-
cers, because, “you know, they have only pea rifles,” so said Dr. Kirk
to me. But Dr. Kirk, the companion of Livingstone and something of
a sportsman, I am told bagged one hartbeest and one giraffe only
in the four or five days the party was out. M. Diviane, or Divien,
hurried back to Bagamoyo and Zanzibar with a piece of the aforesaid
hartbeest, that the white people on that island might enjoy the sight
and hear how the wondrous animal fell before the unerring rifle of
that learned showman of wild beasts, Dr. John Kirk. Showman of
wild beasts did I say? Yes. Well I adhere to it and repeat it. But to
proceed. At the end of a week or thereabouts the party were said to
have arrived at the French mission again. I rode up from the camp
of the HERALD Expedition to see them. They were sitting down to
dinner, and we all heard the graphic yarn about the death of the
hartbeest. It was a fine animal they all agreed.

“But, Doctor, did you not have something else?” (Question by
leader of HERALD Expedition. )

“No! we saw lots of game, you know — giraffe, zebra, wild boar,

thus leading an irate missionary to write on p. 44 of the mission’s copy of
HIFL: “Yes!! a gift of the French Consul — an honour fr Stl. Very nice and
thankful from the Yankee!” When Stanley returned to the mission in 1874 the
fathers made sure that he received their normal fare. See LeRoy’s letter of
Oct. 1, 1883, in Annates de la Propagation de la Foi 56 (1884), 58; Bulletin
General de la Congregation du St. Esprit et du Vlme. Coeur de Marie, XI,
722-23.

19. Anton Horner (1827-1880); he arrived in Zanzibar in 1863 to lead the
Holy Ghost Mission, a task he performed with great efficiency until ill health
caused his permanent return to France in 1879. Ibid., 796-808; Bennett, Studies
in East African History, 54ff.

20. Charles de Vienne, French representative at Zanzibar at different inter-
vals between 1869 and 1874. He was actively interested in Africa and once
traveled inland to Ukami. Ricklin, La Mission Catholique, 24-25, 147-48; De
Vienne, “De Zanzibar a l’Oukami.” For his controversial role during the Bartle
Frere mission to Zanzibar, Bennett, “Charles de Vienne and the Frere Mission
to Zanzibar.”

34 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

&c. — but they were made so wild, you know, by the firing of pea
rifles by the officers, that immediately one began to stalk them off
they went. I would not have got the hartbeest if I had not gone alone.”

Well, next morning Dr. Kirk and a reverend padre came to visit
the camp of the HERALD Expedition, partook of a cup of tea in my
tent, then went to see Moussoud 21 about Dr. Livingstone’s things.
They were told that the caravan had gone several days before. Satis-
fied that nothing more could be done, after a dejeuner at the French
Mission, Dr. Kirk about eleven a.m. went on board the Columbine.
About half-past three p.m. the Columbine steamed for Zanzibar.

On the 15th of March your correspondent returned to Zanzibar
to settle up the last accounts connected with the expedition. While
at Zanzibar your correspondent heard that the report had industri-
ously been spread among those interested in Livingstone, the travel-
ler, that Dr. Kirk had hurried off the Livingstone caravan at once, and
that he had accompanied the said caravan beyond the Kingani, and
that your correspondent could not possibly get any pagazis whatever,
as he (Dr. Kirk) had secured them all. I wondered, but said nothing.
Really the whole were marvellous, were it not opposed to fact. Liv-
ingstone’s caravan needed but thirty-three men; the HERALD Ex-
pedition required 140 men, all told. Before the Livingstone caravan
had started the first caravan of the HERALD Expedition had preceded
them by four days. By the 15th of March 111 men were secured
for the HERALD Expedition, and for the remainder donkeys were
substituted.

June 23 saw us at Unyanyembe, and there I heard the reports of the
chiefs of the several caravans of the HERALD Expedition. Living-
stone’s caravan was also there, and the men in charge were interro-
gated by me with the following questions :

Q. When did you see Dr. Kirk last?

A. 1st of November, 1870.

Q. Where?

A. At Zanzibar.

Q. Did you not see him at Bagamoyo?

A. No; but we heard that he had been at Bagamoyo.

Q. Is this true; quite, quite true?

A. Quite true, Wallah (by God).

The story is told. This is the case — a case, as I understand it to be,
of the British Public vs. John Kirk. Does it not appear to you that

21. See HIFL, 272. He apparently died while leading the caravan.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

Dr. John Kirk never had a word to say, never had a word to write to
his old friend Dr. Livingstone all the time from 1st November, 1870,
to about the 15th February, 1871; that during all this period of three
and a half months Dr. John Kirk showed great unkindness, unfriend-
liness towards the old traveller, his former companion, in not pushing
the caravan carrying supplies to the man with whom all who have
read of him sympathize so much? Does it not seem to you, as it
does to me, that had Dr. John Kirk bestirred himself in his grand
character of English “Balyuz” — a noble name and great title out here
in these lands — that that small caravan of thirty-three men might
have been despatched within a week or so after their arrival at Baga-
moyo, by which it would have arrived here in Unyanyembe long be-
fore Mirambo’s war broke out? This war broke out June 15, 1871.

Well, I leave the case in your hands, assured that your intelligence,
your natural power of discrimination, your fine sense of justice,
will enable you to decide whether this man Dr. John Kirk, professed
friend of Livingstone, has shown his friendship for Livingstone in
leaving his caravan three and a half months at Bagamoyo; whether,
when he went over to Bagamoyo in the character of showman of
wild beasts to gratify the sporting instincts of the officers of Her
Britannic Majesty’s ship Columbine , did he show any very kindly
feeling to the hero traveller when he left the duty of looking up that
caravan of the Doctor’s till the last thing on the programme.

Unyamwezi is a romantic name. It is “Land of the Moon” rendered
into English — as romantic and sweet in Kinyamwezi as any that
Stamboul or Ispahan can boast is to a Turk or a Persian.22 The
attraction, however, to a European lies only in the name. There is
nothing of the mystic, nothing of the poetical, nothing of the roman-
tic, in the country of Unyamwezi. I shudder at the sound of the name.
It is pregnant in its every syllable to me. Whenever I think of the
word immediately come thoughts of colycinth, rhubarb, calomel,
tartar emetic, ipecacuanha and quinine into my head, and I feel
qualmish about the gastric regions and I wish I were a thousand
miles away from it. If I look abroad over the country I see the most
inane and the most prosaic country one could ever imagine. It is the
most unlikely country to a European for settlement; it is so repulsive
owing to the notoriety it has gained for its fevers. A white mis-
sionary would shrink back with horror at the thought of settling in

22. The question of the derivation of the word Unyamwezi is discussed in
Blohm, Die Nyamwezi. Land und Wirtschaft, 8—10; Bosch, Les Banyamwezi ,
3-9. The term appears to be derived from the Nyamwezi word for the west.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

it.23 An agriculturist might be tempted; but then there are so many
better countries where he could do so much better he would be a
madman if he ignored those to settle in this. And, supposing it were
necessary to send an expedition such as that which boldly entered
Abyssinia24 to Unyamwezi, the results would be worse than the re-
treat of Napoleon from Moscow. No, an ordinary English soldier
could never live here. Yet you must not think of Unyamwezi as you
would of an American swamp; you must not imagine Unyamwezi to
have deep morasses, slushy beds of mud, infested with all abominable
reptiles, or a jungle where the lion and the leopard have their dens.
Nothing of the kind. Unyamwezi is a different kind of country alto-
gether from that. To know the general outline and physical features
of Unyamwezi you must take a look around from one of the noble
coigns of vantage offered by any of those hills of syenite, in the de-
batable ground of Mgunda Makali, in Uyanzi.

From the summit of one of those natural fortresses, if you look
west, you will see Unyamwezi recede into the far, blue, mysterious
distance in a succession of blue waves of noble forest, rising and
subsiding like the blue waters of an ocean. Such a view of Unyam-
wezi is inspiring; and, were it possible for you to wing yourself
westward on to another vantage coign, again and again the land
undulates after the same fashion, and still afar off is the same azure,
mystic horizon. As you approach Unyanyembe the scene is slightly
changed. Hills of syenite are seen dotting the vast prospect, like
islands in a sea, presenting in their external appearance, to an imag-
inative eye, rude imitations of castellated fortresses and embattled
towers. A nearer view of these hills discloses the denuded rock,
disintegrated masses standing on end, boulder resting upon boulder,
or an immense towering rock, tinted with the sombre color age paints
in these lands. Around these rocky hills stretch the cultivated fields
of the Wanyamwezi — fields of tall maize, of holcus sorghum, of
millet, of vetches, &c. — among which you may discern the patches
devoted to the cultivation of sweet potatoes and manioc, and pasture
lands where browse the hump-shouldered cattle of Africa, flocks of
goats and sheep. This is the scene which attracts the eye, and is ac-
cepted as promising relief after the wearisome marching through the

23. The Roman Catholic White Fathers established a mission there in 1881.
Its troubled progress is given in Bulletin des Missions d’Afrique (d’ Alger) ( 1879-
1882), 466-69, and in subsequent issues.

24. The British expedition against Theodore. See the account in Marston,
Britain’s Imperial Role in the Red Sea Area, 1800-1878, 271ff. Stanley’s account is
given in his Coomassie and Magdala, 265ff .

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

thorny jungle plains of Ugogo, the primeval forests of Uyanzi, the
dim plains of Tura25 and Rubuga,26 and when we have emerged
from the twilight shades of Kigwa.27 No caravan or expedition views
it unwelcomed by song and tumultuous chorus, for rest is at hand.

It is only after a long halt that one begins to weary of Unyanyembe,
the principal district of Unyamwezi. It is only when one has been
stricken down almost to the grave by the fatal chilly winds which
blow from the heights of the mountains of Usagara, that one begins
to criticize the beauty which at first captivated. It is found, then, that
though the land is fair to look upon; that though we rejoiced at the
sight of its grand plains, at its fertile and glowing fields, at sight of
the roving herds, which promised us abundance of milk and cream
— that it is one of the most deadly countries in Africa; that its fevers,
remittent and intermittent, are unequalled in their severity.

Unyamwezi, or the Land of the Moon — from U (country) nya
(of the) mwezi (moon) — extends over three degrees of latitude in
length and about two and a half degrees of longitude in breadth. Its
principle districts are Unyanyembe, Ugunda,28 Ugara, Tura, Ru-
buga, Kigwa, Usagozi29 and Uyoweh.30 Each district has its own
chief prince, king, or mtemi ,31 as he is called in Kinyamwezi. Un-
yanyembe, however, is the principle district, and its king, Mkasiwa,32
is generally considered to be the most important person in Unyam-
wezi. The other kings often go to war against him, and Mkasiwa

25. Tula, or Tura, an eastern Nyamwezi district; it was often the first Nyam-
wezi area visited by travelers coming from the coast. Burton, “Lake Regions,”
159, 178; Guillet’s letter of March 8, 1882, in Annales de la Propagation de
la Foi 55 (1883), 62-63.

26. The Nyamwezi area to the west of Tura. Burton, “Lake Regions,” 164,
178; Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika, 57.

27. The Nyamwezi district to the west of Tura and Rubuga. Burton, “Lake
Regions,” 179.

28. Ugunda, one of the more important Nyamwezi chief doms, was located
south of Tabora. Many European travelers visited it; the volumes of the
Mittheilungen der Afrikanischen Gesellschaft in Deutschland have the fullest
contemporary accounts because of the Gesellschaft’s stations located there.

29. Usaguzi, one of the western regions of Nyamwezi. Burton, “Lake Re-
gions,” 168-69, 191-92.

30. Uyowa, a small Nyamwezi chiefdom; Mirambo was a member of its rul-
ing family. Bennett, Studies in East African History, 1, 84; Kabeya, Mtemi
Mirambo, 1.

31. See Oliver, “Discernible Developments in the Interior, c. 1500-1840,”
191-92, for a brief discussion of the significance of this office.

32. Mkasiwa was made the ruler of Unyanyembe after Mnywa Sere had
been deposed. He ruled in close agreement with his Arab allies until his death,
apparently during the latter part of 1876. Speke, Journal of the Discovery, 77-78;
Shorter, “Nyungu-Ya-Mawe.”

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

often gets the worst of it; as, for instance, in the present war between
the King of Uyoweh (Mirambo) and Mkasiwa.

All this vast country is drained by two rivers — the Northern and
Southern Gombe,33 which empty into the Malagarazi River, and
thence into Lake Tanganyika. On the east Unyamwezi is bounded by
the wilderness of Mgunda Makali and Ukimbu,34 on the south by
Urori35 and Ukonongo, on the west by Ukawendi and Uvinza,36 on
the north by several small countries and the Ukereweh Lake.37 Were
one to ascend by a balloon and scan the whole of Unyamwezi he
would have a view of one great forest, broken here and there by the
little clearings around the villages, especially in and around Unyan-
yembe.

The forests of Southern Unyamwezi contain a large variety of game
and wild beasts. In these may be found herds of elephants, buffaloes,
giraffes, zebras, elands, hartbeests, zebras, springboks, pallahs, black
bucks and a score of other kinds. In the neighborhood of the Gombe
(Southern) may be seen any number of wild boars and hogs, lions
and leopards. The Gombe itself is remarkable for the number of
hippopotami and crocodiles to be found in it.

I have been in Unyanyembe close on to three months now. By and
by I shall tell you why; but first I should like to give you a glimpse
of our life here. The HERALD Expedition has its quarters in a large,

33. The Southern Gombe is the Ugalla River. The German explorer Bohm
corrected Stanley’s error in 1881. Bohm, Von Sansibar zum Tanganyika, 56, 63.
The Northern Gombe is the Igombe River.

34. The Kimbu, a group closely allied to the Nyamwezi, were then pushing
into the Mgunda Mkali, and were bringing parts of it under cultivation. They
had migrated into Nyamwezi territory from the south due to pressure from
the Sangu. Mirambo’s wars destroyed much of their work in the Mgunda
Mkali, but they remained around the area. Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika,
240; Burton, “Lake Regions,” 155, 165, 195—96; Cameron, Across Africa, I,
127-28 and II, 295-96; A VAssaut des Pays Negres, 157; Reichard, “Die Wan-
jamuezi,” 229; Shorter, “Nyungu-Ya-Mawe.”

35. The Sangu, or Rori, lived to the west of the Hehe and Bena. Under their
leader, Merere, they played an important role in this region from the 1870’s.
Meyer, Deutsches Kolonialreich, 190-92; Oliver, “Discernible Developments in
the Interior,” 210; Mumford, “The Hehe-Bena-Sangu Peoples of East Africa,”
203-22; Heese, “Sitte und Brauch der Sango.”

36. The Vinza, a people with similarities to the Ha, controlled a main ferry
across the Malagarasi River. They were generally regarded as unfriendly to
visitors, and in 1881-1882 suffered heavily in a war with Tippu Tip. The
Vinza maintained their reputation, however, despite their losses. Moffett, Hand-
book of Tanganyika, 271; Burton, “Lake Regions,” 193, 207; Hutley to LMS,
Feb. 28, 1881, Griffith to LMS, Jan. 15, 1882, Hore to LMS, Feb. 11, 1883,
LMS; Leue, Dar-es-Salaam, 249ff.

37. Lake Victoria; it here took its name from the island of Ukerewe. For a
description of the island and its people, Chacker, “The Kerewe. Aspects of
their Nineteenth Century History.”

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

strong house, build of mud, with walls three feet thick.38 It is of one
story, with a broad mud veranda in front and a broad flat roof. The
great door is situated directly in the centre of the front, and is the
only one possible means of ingress and egress. Entering in at this
door we find a roomy hallway; on our right is the strong storeroom,
where the goods of the HERALD Expedition and Livingstone’s cara-
van are kept well padlocked up to guard against burglars. Soldiers at
night occupy this hallway with loaded guns, and during the day there
are always two men on guard, besides Burton’s bull-headed Ma-
brouki,39 who acts as my porter or policeman. On our left is a room
open to the hallway, on the floor of which are spread straw mats and
two or three Persian carpets, where the Arab sheikhs squat when
they come to visit me. Passing through the hallway we come to the
courtyard, a large quadrangle, fenced in and built around with houses.
There are about a dozen pomegranate trees planted in the yard, more
for their shade than for their fruit. The houses around consist, first,
of the granary, where we keep the rice, the matama, the Indian corn,
the sweet potatoes, &c.; next comes the very much besmoked kitchen,
a primitive affair, merely a few stones on which the pots are placed.
The cook and his youthful subs are protected from the influences of
the weather by a shed. Next to the kitchen is the stable, where the
few remaining animals of the expedition are housed at night. These
are two donkeys, one milch cow and six milch goats. The cow and
the goats furnish me with milk for my gruel, my puddings, my
sauces and my tea. (I was obliged to attend to my comfort and make
use of the best Africa offers). Next to the stable is another large
shed, which serves as barracks for the soldiers. Here they stow them-
selves and their wives, their pots and beds, and find it pretty com-
fortable. Next to this is the house of the white man, my nautical help,
where he can be just as exclusive as he likes, has his own bedroom
veranda, bathroom, &c.; his tent serves him for a curtain, and, in
English phrase, he has often declared it to be “jolly and no mistake.”
Occupying the half of one side of the house are my quarters, said
quarters consisting of two well-plastered and neat rooms. My table

38. This tembe became the usual staying place for European visitors to Ta-
bora. See the list in Thomson, To the Central African Lakes and Back, II, 249-51.
For the tembe type, Huntingford, “The Distribution of Certain Culture Ele-
ments in East Africa”; Bosch, Les Banyamwezi, 324ff.

39. Mabruki served on expeditions with Burton, Speke, Grant, von der Decken,
Livingstone, and New. Gray, “Livingstone’s Muganda Servant,” 128; Speke,
What Led to the Discovery, 264—65; New, “Journey from the Pangani, via
Usambara to Mombasa,” 414. See also Burdo, Les Beiges dans VAfrique Cen-
trale, 166.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

is an oxhide stretched over a wooden frame. Two portmanteaus, one
on top of the other, serve for a chair. My bedspread is only a dupli-
cate of my table, over which I spread my bearskin and Persian carpet.

When the very greatest and most important of the Arab sheikhs
visit me Selim, my invaluable adjunct, is always told to fetch the
bearskin and Persian carpet from the bed. Recesses in the solid wall
answer for shelves and cupboards, where I deposit my cream pots
and butter and cheese (which I make myself) and my one bottle of
Worcestershire sauce and my tin candlestick. Behind this room, which
is the bed, reception, sitting, drawing room, office, pantry, &c., is my
bathroom, where are my saddle, my guns and ammunition always
ready, my tools and the one hundred little things which an expedition
into the country must have. Adjoining my quarters is the jail of the
fortlet, called “tembe” here — a small room, eight by six feet, lit up by a
small air hole just large enough to put a rifle through — where my
incorrigibles are kept for forty hours, without food, in solitary con-
finement. This solitary confinement answers admirably, about as
well as being chained when on the road, and much better than brutal
flogging.

In the early morning, generally about half-past five or six o’clock,
I begin to stir the soldiers up, sometimes with a long bamboo, for
you know they are such hard sleepers they require a good deal of
poking. Bombay has his orders given him, and Feragji,40 the cook,
who, long ago warned by the noise I make when I rouse up, is told
in unmistakable tones to bring “chai” (tea), for I am like an old
woman, I love tea very much, and can take a quart and a half without
any inconvenience. Kalulu,41 a boy of seven, all the way from Ca-
zembe’s country, is my waiter and chief butler. He understands my
ways and mode of life exactly. Some weeks ago he ousted Selim from
the post of chief butler by sheer diligence and smartness. Selim, the
Arab boy, cannot wait at table. Kalulu — young antelope — is frisky.
I have but to express a wish and it is gratified. He is a perfect Mer-

40. Feraji had served on the Speke-Grant expedition. Speke, Journal of the
Discovery, 614; HIFL, 351. A Feraji accompanied Stanley on his 1874-1877
journey; he drowned in the Congo River in 1877. TDC, II, 340. But see
Maurice, H. M. Stanley: Unpublished Letters, 141, for a Feraji serving under
Stanley in 1882, and Gibbons, “British East African Plateau Land and its
Economic Conditions,” 243, for another Feraji who claimed he had crossed
Africa with Stanley.

41. Kalulu, a Lunda youth, was given to Stanley by a Tabora Arab in 1871.
Kalulu caught Stanley’s fancy and accompanied the explorer to Britain and
the United States after the close of the Livingstone expedition. He drowned in
the Congo in 1877 while again accompanying Stanley. Bennett, “Some Notes
on Two Early Novels concerning Tanzania.”

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

cury, though a marvellously black one. Tea over, Kalulu clears the
dishes and retires under the kitchen shed, where, if I have a curiosity
to know what he is doing, he may be seen with his tongue in the tea
cup licking up the sugar that was left in it and looking very much as
if he would like to eat the cup for the sake of the divine element it
has so often contained.

If I have any calls to make this is generally the hour; if there are
none to make I go on the piazza and subside quietly on my bearskin
to dream, may be, of that far off land I call my own or to gaze
towards Tabora, the Kaze of Burton and Speke, though why they
should have called it Kaze as yet I have not been able to find out (I
have never seen the Arab or Msawahili who had ever heard of Kaze.
Said bin Salim, who has been traveling in this country with Burton,
Speke and Grant, declares he never heard of it); or to look towards
lofty Zimbili and wonder why the Arabs, at such a crisis as the pres-
ent, do not remove their goods and chattels to the summit of that
natural fortress. But dreaming and wondering and thinking and
marvelling are too hard for me; this constitution of mine is not able
to stand it; so I make some ethnological notes and polish up a little
my geographical knowledge of Central Africa.

I have to greet about 499 people of all sorts with the salutation
“Yambo.” This “Yambo” is a great word. It may mean “How do you
do?” “How are you?” “Thy health?” The answer to it is “Yambo!” or
“Yambo Sana!” (How are you; quite well?) The Kinyamwezi — the
language of the Wanyamwezi — of it is “Moholo,” and the answer
is “Moholo.” The Arabs, when they call, if they do not give the Arabic
“Spal-kher,” give you the greeting “Yambo;” and I have to say ‘Tambo.”
And, in order to show my gratitude to them, I emphasize it with
“Yambo Sana! Sana! Sana?” (Are you well? Quite well, quite, quite
well? ) 42 And if they repeat the words I am more than doubly grate-
ful, and invite them to a seat on the bearskin. This bearskin of mine
is the evidence of my respectability, and if we are short of common-
place topics we invariably refer to the bearskin, where there is room
for much discussion. If I go to visit the Arabs, as I sometimes do,
I find their best Persian carpets, their silk counterpanes and ki-
tandas43 gorgeously decorated in my honor. One of the principal
Arabs here is famous for this kind of honor-doing. No sooner did I
show my face than I heard the order given to a slave to produce the
Kitanda, that the Muzunga — white man — might lie thereon, and that

42. Mhola, good news. Dahl, Nyamwesi-Worterhuch, 180. Sabalkheri — good
morning (from Arabic).

43. Swahili — a bedstead.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the populous village of Maroro might behold. The silk counterpane
was spread over a cotton-stuffed bed; the enormously fat pillows,
covered with a vari-colored stuff, invited the weary head; the rich
carpet of Ajim spread alongside of the Kitanda was a great tempta-
tion, but I was not to be tempted; I could not afford to be so effeminate
as lie down while four hundred or five hundred looked on to see how
I went through the operation.

Having disposed of my usual number of “Yambos” for the morning
I begin to feel “peckish,” as the sea skipper says, and Feragji, the
cook, and youthful Kalulu, the chief butler, are again called and told
to bring “chukula” — food. This is the breakfast put down on the
table at the hour of ten punctually every morning: Tea, Ugali, a
native porridge made out of the flour of dourra, holcus sorghum, or
matama, as it is called here; a dish of rice and curry — Unyanyembe
is famous for its rice;44 fried goat’s meat, stewed goat’s meat, roast
goat’s meat, a dish of sweet potatoes, a few “slapjacks” or specimens
of the abortive efforts of Feragji to make dampers or pancakes, to be
eaten with honey. But neither Feragji’s culinary skill nor Kalulu’s
readiness to wait on me can tempt me to eat. I have long ago eschewed
food, and only drink tea, milk and yaourt — Turkish word for “clabber”
or clotted milk. Plenty of time to eat goat meat when we shall be on
the march; but just now — no, thank you.

After breakfast the soldiers are called, and together we begin to
pack the bales of cloth, string beads and apportion the several loads
which the escort must carry to Ujiji some way or another. Carriers
come to test the weight of the loads and to inquire about the induce-
ments offered by the “Muzungu.” The inducements are in the shape
of so many pieces of cloth, four yards long, and I offer double what
any Arab ever offered. Some are engaged at once, others say they
will call again, but they never do, and it is of no use to expect them
when there is war, for they are the cowardliest people under the sun.

Since we are going to make forced marches I must not overload
my armed escort, or we shall be in a pretty mess two or three days
after we start; so I am obliged to reduce all loads by twenty pounds,
to examine my kit and personal baggage carefully, and put aside
anything that is not actually and pressingly needed. As I examine
my fine lot of cooking utensils, and consider the fearfully long dis-
tance to Ujiji, I begin to see that most of them are superfluous, and
I vow that one saucepan and kettle for tea shall suffice. I must leave

44. For comments on the extensive cultivations of the Tabora Arabs, Burdo,
Les Arabes dans I’Afrique Centrale, 14—15.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

half my bed and half my clothes behind; all my personal baggage is
not to weigh over sixty-four pounds. Then there are the ammunition
boxes to be looked to. Ah, me! When I started from the coast I re-
member how ardently I pursued the game; how I dived into the tall,
wet grass; how I lost myself in the jungles; how I trudged over the
open plains in search of vert and venison. And what did it all amount
to? Killing a few inoffensive animals the meat of which was not
worth the trouble. And shall I waste my strength and energies in
chasing game? No, and the man who would do so at such a crisis as

the present is a . But I have my private opinion of him, and

I know whereof I speak. Very well; all the ammunition is to be left
behind except 100 rounds to each man. No one must fire a shot
without permission, nor waste his ammunition in any way, under
penalty of a heavy fine for every charge of powder wasted. These
things require time and thought, for the HERALD Expedition has a
long and far journey to make. It intends to take a new road — a road
with which few Arabs are acquainted — despite all that Sheikh, the
son of Nasib, can say against the project.

It is now the dinner hour, seven p.m. Ferrajji has spread himself
out, as they say. He has all sorts of little fixings ready, such as in-
digestible dampers, the everlasting ugali, or porridge, the sweet po-
tatoes, chicken and roast quarter of a goat; and lastly, a custard, or
something just as good, made out of plantains.

At eight p.m. the table is cleared, the candles are lit, pipes are
brought out, and Shaw, my white man, is invited to talk. But poor
Shaw is sick and has not a grain of spirit or energy left in him. All
I can do or say does not cheer him up in the least. He hangs down
his head, and with many a sigh declares his inability to proceed with
me to Ujiji.

“Not if you have a donkey to ride?” I ask.

“Perhaps in that way I may be able,” says Shaw in a most melan-
choly tone.

“Well, my dear Shaw,” I begin, “you shall have a donkey to ride
and you shall have all the attendance you require. I believe you are
sick, but what is this sickness of yours I cannot make out. It is not
fever, for I could have cured you by this, as I have cured myself and
as I have cured Selim; besides, this fever is a contemptible disease,
though dangerous sometimes. I think if you were to exert your will
— and say you will go, say you will live — there would be less chance
of your being unable to reach the coast again. To be left behind,
ignorant of how much medicine to take or when to take it, is to die.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Remember my words — if you stop behind in Unyanyembe I fear for
you. Why, how can you pass the many months that must elapse be-
fore I can return to Unyanyembe? No man knows where Livingstone
is. He may be at Ujiji, he may be in Manyema, he may be going
down the Congo River for the West Coast, and if I go down the
Congo River after him I cannot return to Unyanyembe, and in that
event where would you be?”

“It is very true, Mr. Stanley. I shall go with you, but I feel very
bad here (and he put his hand over his liver); but, as you say, it
is a great deal better to go on than stop behind.”

But the truth is that like many others starting from the coast with
superabundant health Shaw, soon after realizing what travel in Africa
was, lost courage and heart. The ever-present danger from the natives
and the monotony of the country, the fatigue one endures from the
constant marches which every day take you further into the unin-
teresting country, all these combined had their effect on him, and
when he arrived in Unyanyembe he was laid up. Then his intercourse
with the females of Unyanyembe put the last finishing touch to his en-
feebled frame, and I fear if the medicines I have sent for do not arrive
in time that he will die. It is a sad fate. Yet I feel sure that if another
expedition fitted out with all the care that the HERALD Expedition
was, regardless of expense, if the members composing it are actuated
by no higher motives than to get shooting or to indulge their lust, it
would meet with the same fate which has overtaken my white
man Farquhar, and which seems likely will overtake Shaw. If on the
day I depart from here this man is unwilling or unable to accompany
me I shall leave him here under charge of two of my soldiers, with
everything that can tend to promote his comfort.

It was on the 23d day of June that the expedition arrived here, and
after resting ten days or thereabouts I intended to have continued
the journey to Ujiji. But a higher power ordained that we should not
leave without serious trouble first. On the 6th of July we heard in
Unyanyembe that Mirambo, a chief of Unyamwezi, had, after taking
very heavy tribute from a caravan bound to Ujiji, turned it back,
declaring that no Arab caravan should pass through his country while
he was alive. The cause of it was this: Mirambo, chief of Uyoweh,
and Wilyankuru had a long grudge against Mkasiwa, King of Unyan-
yembe, with whom the Arabs lived on extremely friendly terms.
Mirambo proposed to the Arabs that they should side with him against
Mkasiwa. The Arabs replied that they could not possibly do so, as
Mkasiwa was their friend, with whom they lived on peaceable terms.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

Mirambo then sent to them to say: “For many years I have fought
against the Washenzi45 (the natives), but this year is a great year
with me. I intend to fight all the Arabs, as well as Mkasiwa, King
of Unyanyembe.”

On the 15th July war was declared between Mirambo and the
Arabs. Such being the case, my position was as follows: Mirambo
occupies the country which lies between the object of my search and
Unyanyembe. I cannot possibly reach Livingstone unless this man is
out of the way — or peace is declared — nor can Livingstone reach
Unyanyembe unless Mirambo is killed. The Arabs have plenty of
guns if they will only fight, and as their success will help me forward
on my journey, I will go and help them.

On the 20th July46 a force of 2,000 men, the slaves and soldiers
of the Arabs, marched from Unyanyembe to fight Mirambo. The sol-
diers of the HERALD Expedition to the number of forty,47 under
my leadership, accompanied them. Of the Arabs’ mode of fighting I
was totally ignorant, but I intended to be governed by circumstances.
We made a most imposing show, as you may imagine. Every slave
and soldier was decorated with a crown of feathers, and had a lengthy
crimson cloak flowing from his shoulders and trailing on the ground.
Each was armed with either a flintlock or percussion gun — the Ba-
looches with matchlocks, profusely decorated with silver bands. Our
progress was noisy in the extreme — as if noise would avail much in
the expected battle. While traversing the Unyanyembe plains the
column was very irregular, owing to the extravagant show of wild
fight which they indulged in as we advanced. On the second day we
arrived at Mfuto, where we all feasted on meat freely slaughtered
for the braves. Here I was attacked with a severe fever, but as the
army was for advancing I had myself carried in my hammock almost
delirious. On the fourth day we arrived at the village of Zimbizo,
which was taken without much trouble. We had arrived in the enemy’s
country. I was still suffering from fever, and while conscious had
given strict orders that unless all the Arabs went together that none of
my men should go to fight with any small detachment.

On the morning of the fifth day a small detachment went out to
reconnoitre, and while out captured a spy, who was thrown on the

45. Singular, mshenzi, a barbarian. The Muslim Africans of the coast used
the term to show contempt for Africans of the interior.

46. In HIFL, 274-75, Stanley explains that the forces left on July 29. Fever
had caused him to lose a week in his dating.

47. Ibid., 275, 279, lists fifty soldiers.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

ground and had his head cut off immediately. Growing valiant over
this little feat a body of Arabs under Soud, son of Said bin Majid,48
volunteered to go and capture Wilyankuru, where Mirambo was just
then with several of his principal chiefs. They were 500 in number
and very ardent for the fight. I had suggested to the Governor, Said
bin Salim, that Soud bin Said, the leader of the 500 volunteers, should
deploy his men and fire the long dry grass before they went, that
they might rout all the forest thieves out and have a clean field for
action. But an Arab will never take advice, and they marched out of
Zimbizo without having taken this precaution. They arrived before
Wilyankuru, and, after firing a few volleys into the village, rushed in
at the gate and entered the village.

While they entered by one gate Mirambo took 400 of his men out
by another gate and instructed them to lie down close to the road
that led from Wilyankuru to Zimbizo, and when the Arabs would
return to get up at a given signal, and each to stab his man. The
Arabs found a good deal of ivory and captured a large number of
slaves, and, having loaded themselves with everything they thought
valuable, prepared to return by the same road they had gone. When
they had arrived opposite to where the ambush party was lying on
each side the road Mirambo gave the signal, and the forest thieves
rose as one man. Each taking hold of his man, speared him and
cut off his head.49

Not an Arab escaped, but some of their slaves managed to escape
and bring the news to us at Zimbizo. There was great consternation
at Zimbizo when the news was brought, and some of the principal
Arabs were loud for a retreat, but Khamis bin Abdullah 50 and myself
did our utmost to prevent a disgraceful retreat. Next morning, how-
ever, when again incapacitated by fever from moving about, the
Governor came and told me the Arabs were going to leave for Un-

48. Said bin Majid was one of the leading Arabs of Tabora and Ujiji; Stan-
ley also noted that he was a relative of the Sultan of Zanzibar. Said bin Majid
had traveled widely in the interior and had met Livingstone who described him
as “a good man.” He later left Ujiji to become one of the Arab leaders in the
war against Mirambo. Burton, The Lake Regions of Central Africa, I, 323;
Autobiography, 265; LLJ, II, 155, 176; Bennett, Studies in East African His-
tory, 87; Kirk to FO, April 10, 1872, FO 84/1357, PRO.

49. The French representative at Zanzibar reported an Arab version of this
defeat; they claimed they were attacked at night and not as Stanley stated. De
Vienne to MAE, Oct. 20, 1871, CCZ, II.

50. Khamis bin Abdulla al Barwani, one of the leaders in the struggle with
Mirambo; he was killed during the conflict. Khamis bin Abdulla had been
active in the difficulties with Mnywa Sere and had also traded to Buganda.
Speke, Journal of the Discovery, 107; Welbourn, “Speke and Stanley at the
Court of Mutesa,” 223; Brode, Tippoo Tib, 136.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

yanyembe. I advised him not to think of such a thing, as Mirambo
would then follow them to Unyanyembe and fight them at their own
doors. As he retired I could hear a great noise outside. The Arabs and
Wanyamwezi auxiliaries were already running away, and the Gov-
ernor, without saying another word, mounted his donkey and put
himself at their head and was the first to reach the strong village of
Mfuto, having accomplished a nine hours’ march in four hours, which
shows how fast a man can travel when in a hurry.

One of my men came to tell me there was not one soldier left;
they had all run away. With difficulty I got up and I then saw the
dangerous position I had placed myself in through my faith in Arab
chivalry and bravery. I was deserted except by one Khamis bin Ab-
dullah, and he was going. I saw one of my soldiers leaving without
taking my tent, which lay on the ground. Seizing a pistol, I aimed it
at him and compelled him to take up the tent. The white man, Shaw,
as well as Bombay, had lost their heads. Shaw had saddled his donkey
with my saddle and was about leaving his chief to the tender mercies
of Mirambo, when Selim, the Arab boy, sprung on him, and pushing
him aside, took the saddle off, and told Bombay to saddle my don-
key. Bombay I believe would have stood by me, as well as three or
four others, but he was incapable of collecting his senses. He was
seen viewing the flight of the Arabs with an angelic smile and with
an insouciance of manner which can only be accounted for by the
charitable supposition that his senses had entirely gone. With bitter
feelings toward the Arabs for having deserted me I gave the order to
march, and in company with Selim, the brave Arab boy; Shaw, who
was now penitent; Bombay, who had now regained his wits; Mabruki
Speke, Chanda, Sarmeen51 and Uredi Manu-a-Sera52 arrived at Mfuto
at midnight. Four of my men had been slain by Mirambo’s men.

The next day was but a continuation of the retreat to Unyanyembe
with the Arabs; but I ordered a halt, and on the third day went on
leisurely. The Arabs had become demoralized; in their hurry they
had left their tents and ammunition for Mirambo.

Ten days after this, and what I had forewarned the Arabs of, came
to pass. Mirambo, with 1,000 guns, and 1,500 Watuta, his allies,

51. Sarcnean also accompanied Stanley on his 1874-1877 expedition. In Ma-
nyema he received the lasting nickname of Kacheche, or “the weasel,” for his
qualities as a detective. Kacheche perhaps led an embassy to Buganda in 1879
with a message from Kirk to Mutesa; later he served on Thomson’s journey
into Masailand. TDC, II, 69, 89, 379; Yule, Mackay of Uganda, 127; Thomson,
Through Masailand, 21.

52. Apparently the Uledi Pagani whose adventures are given in Ward, A
Voice from the Congo, 193-200.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

invaded Unyanyembe, and pitched their camp insolently within view
of the Arab capital of Tabor a. Tabora is a large collection of Arab
settlements, or tembes, as they are called here. Each Arab house is
isolated by the fence which surrounds it. Not one is more than two
hundred yards off from the other, and each has its own name, known,
however, to but few outsiders. Thus the house of Amram bin Mou-
soud 53 is called by him the “Two Seas,” yet to outsiders it is only
known as the “tembe of Amram bin Mousoud,” in Tabora, and the
name of Kaze, by which Burton and Speke have designated Tabora,
may have sprung from the name of the enclosed grounds and settle-
ment wherein they were quartered. South by west from Tabora, at
the distance of a mile and a half, and in view of Tabora is Kwi-
hara, where the HERALD Expedition has its quarters. Kwihara is
a Kinyamwezi word, meaning the middle of the cultivation. There
is quite a large settlement of Arabs here — second only to Tabora.

But it was Tabora and not Kwihara that Mirambo, his forest thieves
and the Watuta came to attack. Khamis bin Abdallah, the bravest
Trojan of them all — of all the Arabs — went out to meet Mirambo
with eighty armed slaves and five Arabs, one of whom was his little
son, Khamis.54 As Khamis bin Abdallah’s party came in sight of
Mirambo’s people Khamis’ slaves deserted him, and Mirambo then
gave the order to surround the Arabs and press on them. This little
group in this manner became the targets for about one thousand
guns, and of course in a second or so were all dead — not, however,
without having exhibited remarkable traits of character.

They had barely died before the medicine men came up, and with
their scalpels had skinned their faces and abdominal portions, and
had extracted what they call “mafuta,” or fat, and their genital organs.
With this matter which they had extracted from the dead bodies
the native doctors or waganga made a powerful medicine, by boiling
it in large earthen pots for many hours, with many incantations and
shakings of the wonderful gourd that was only filled with pebbles.
This medicine was drunk that evening with great ceremony, with
dances, drum beating and general fervor of heart.

Khamis bin Abdallah dead, Mirambo gave his orders to plunder,
kill, burn and destroy, and they went at with a will. When I saw the
fugitives from Tabora coming by the hundred to our quiet valley of

53. Amrani bin Masudi was subsequently killed in Usangu. He had earlier
traded there profitably; then he returned to raid. According to information
gained by a missionary, Amrani bin Masudi was ordered by Barghash to return
to Zanzibar; when he refused Barghash sent aid to the Sangu and Amrani was
killed in the fighting. Last to Wigram, Jan. 20, 1879, C.A6/014, CMS; Brode,
Tippoo Tib, 29; Frere to Granville, May 7, 1873, F0 84/1391, PRO; LLJ, II, 194.

54. In HIFL, 293-94, Stanley calls him the “son of a dead friend.”

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

Kwihara, I began to think the matter serious and began my operations
for defence. First of all, however, a lofty bamboo pole was procured
and planted on the top of the roof of our fortlet, and the American
flag was run up, where it waved joyously and grandly, an omen to
all fugitives and their hunters.

Then began the work of ditch making and rifle pits all around the
court or enclosure. The strong clay walls were pierced in two rows
for the muskets. The great door was kept open, with material close
at hand to barricade it when the enemy came in sight, watchmen
were posted on top of the house, every pot in the house was filled
with water, provisions were collected, enough to stand a siege of a
month’s duration, the ammunition boxes were unscrewed, and when
I saw the 3,000 bright metallic cartridges for the American carbines
I laughed within myself at the idea that, after all, Mirambo might
be settled with American lead, and all this furor of war be ended
without much trouble. Before six p.m. I had 125 muskets and stout
fellows who had enlisted from the fugitives, and the house, which
only looked like a fortlet at first, became a fortlet in reality — im-
pregnable and untakable.

All night we stood guard; the suburbs of Tabor a were in flames;
all the Wanyamwezi and Wanguana55 houses were destroyed, and
the fine house of Abid bin Sulemian56 had been ransacked and then
committed to the flames, and Mirambo boasted that "to-morrow”
Kwihara should share the fate of Tabora, and there was a rumor that
that night the Arabs were going to start for the coast.

But the morning came, and Mirambo departed, with the ivory
and cattle he had captured, and the people of Kwihara and Tabora
breathed freer.

And now I am going to say farewell to Unyanyembe for a while.
I shall never help an Arab again. He is no fighting man, or, I should
say, does not know how to fight, but knows, personally, how to die.
They will not conquer Mirambo within a year, and I cannot stop to
see that play out. There is a good old man waiting for me some-
where, and that impels me on. There is a journal afar off which
expects me to do my duty, and I must do it. Goodby; I am off the
day after to-morrow for Ujiji; then, perhaps, the Congo River.

55. Mwungwana, freeman. The term was applied generally to men from
the coast and Zanzibar (even though their original homes might have been in
the interior). See Burton, “Lake Regions,” 115; Wilson and Felkin, Uganda
and the Egyptian Sudan, I, 14—17.

56. Abid bin Suliman was a rich Arab trader of Tabora and Ujiji. He later
proved a friend to the missionaries of the London Missionary Society at Ujiji.
Hore to Kirk, April 15, 1879, Q-22, ZA.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Ujiji, Lake Tanganyika
November 10, 18711

The HERALD expedition, upon leaving Unyanyembe, intended to
make Ujiji the end of the second stage, then to march to Manyema,
whither Livingstone had gone in 1869; then, if he had gone down the
Congo, to go after and overtake him, or, if he was dead, as was often
reported to me, to seek his grave and satisfy myself of its identity,
and to take the bones home in proper cases. Fortunately, as this tele-
gram will prove, the expedition has no such mournful task to per-
form, but what it did perform was far more meritorious, in my
opinion.

Instead of going west along a well known road the NEW YORK
HERALD expedition struck into regions very little known and trav-
elled by Arabs. For ten days it journeyed south as if bound for West-
ern Urori, during which time many deserted and the Englishman
had been sent back as perfectly useless. Crossing Ukonongo westward
we travelled until we entered Kawendi, an entirely new country. After
supplying the men of the expedition with ten days’ provisions we
plunged into the wilderness and went north, from which we did not
emerge until we had sighted the Malagarazi River. Here, after al-
ready dodging and escaping from four wars, which make the country
dangerous to travellers, we were confronted with hostilities waged
by Sultan Nzogera2 against Lokanda Mira, another Sultan of Uvinza,
which was a most serious inconvenience to me — nay, it well nigh
ruined the expedition. After paying heavy tribute to Nzogera and
crossing the Malagarazi River, we might have reached Ujiji without
further trouble had there been no war. But this war compelled me
to adopt the Uhha3 route — one always avoided by Arabs. It was al-
most as bad as if I had gone straight into the middle of their battle-
field. While not yet half-way through Uhha, which in its entire

1. NYH, July 15, 1872.

2. Burton had found a Mzogera, perhaps the same chief, in control of the
ferry in 1858. Mzogera died before Feb. 1874, when Cameron arrived to find
his heirs quarreling over the succession. Burton, “Lake Regions,” 193; “Journal
of Lieutenant V. L. Cameron,” 149.

3. The Ha were divided into six independent chief doms during the nine-
teenth century; Stanley went through the Luguru chief dom. Scherer, “The Ha
of Tanganyika.” Ha hostility to outsiders was marked, especially to Arabs. One
traveler remarked: “In fact an Arab would dare not enter the country except
with a large force of armed men.” Griffith to LMS, May 15, 1882, LMS.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

length is only two good-days’ journey, I had been mulcted of half
the available property of the expedition, and had, as often as the
tribute was imposed, been in danger of open rupture owing to the
insolence of the Uhha chiefs. Had I continued on this road the ex-
pedition might possibly have arrived at Ujiji with a month’s provisions
left.

Our resolve was taken. At midnight we left the Mutware’s4 vil-
lage, with guns loaded, and left the road, plunging into the low jungle,
and, travelling parallel to the road westward, marched twenty-five
miles without halting. We then cooked and rested, and at night again
marched all night until we had crossed Uhha and had arrived in
Ukaranga5 safely. Two marches more, and we were entering the
suburbs of Ujiji, firing away our guns as only exuberant heroes do,
to the intense astonishment of the Arabs of Ujiji, who turned out
en masse to know what it meant.

Among those who came to question us were the servants of Dr.
Livingstone, who shortly ran ahead in haste to inform him that an
Englishman was coming; “Sure, sure,” he was an Englishman, they
said, though the American flag was in the front, held aloft by the
stout arms of my gigantic Kirangoze. We entered slowly, the im-
mense number of people who had collected about us impeding rapid
progress. As we advanced the crowd became larger and more min-
gled with the chief Arabs, and the noise of firing and shouting became
deafening. Suddenly the firing and hubbub ceased; the van of the
expedition had halted.

Passing from the rear of it to the front I saw a knot of Arabs, and,
in the centre, in striking contrast to their sunburnt faces, was a pale-
looking and gray-bearded white man, in a navy cap, with a faded
gold band about it, and red woollen jacket. This white man was Dr.
David Livingstone, the hero traveller, the object of the search.

It was the dignity that a white man and leader of an expedition
ought to possess that prevented me from running to shake hands
with the venerable traveller; but when I first caught sight of him —
the man with whose book on Africa I was first made acquainted
when a boy — so far away from civilization, it was very tempting.
False pride and the presence of the grave-looking Arab dignitaries of

4. The umutware munini, or sub chief, was subordinate to the umwami, or
chief, of a Ha state. Scherer, “The Ha,” 880-84.

5. Ukaranga was located between the Ha state of Bujiji and Ukawendi. The
people were part of the Bende group. Avon, “Vie sociale des Wabende,” 109;
Burton, “Lake Regions,” 213-14, 218.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Ujiji restrained me and suggested to me to say, with a shake of the
hand,

“Dr. Livingstone, I presume?” 6

“Yes,” was the answer, with a kind smile.

Together we turned toward his house. We took seats on goatskins
spread over the mud floor of his veranda. Conversation began, it
would be difficult to say about what — the topics changed so rapidly;
but shortly I found myself acting the part of a newspaper — I had
five years of news to give him.

Our first day was passed in eating so voraciously and talking so
fast, and about such manifold subjects, that it is difficult to say
which we did most. But it is certain that, before retiring, he asserted
his belief that I had brought new life to him; he already felt stronger
and better. That night he read the packet of letters which I had
brought him, the reading of which he had deferred for that time.
Some days after my arrival at Ujiji I elicited from him the following
story of his travels and sufferings and discoveries for the last five
years :

Dr. Livingstone’s expedition left Zanzibar in March, 1866. 7 On
the 7th of April he left the sea coast with an expedition consisting of
twelve Sepoys, nine Johanna men, seven liberated slaves and two
Zambezi men — in all thirty men. He also had with him six camels,
three buffaloes, two mules and three donkeys. The expedition trav-
elled up the left bank of the Rovuma River, a route teeming with
difficulties. The dense jungles which barred their way required great
labor with the axes before they could proceed, which retarded very
much the progress of the expedition. Soon after leaving the coast Dr.
Livingstone was made aware of the unwillingness of the Sepoys and
Johanna men to march into the interior. Their murmurings and
complaints grew louder day by day. Hoping that he might be induced
to return the Sepoys and Johanna men so abused the animals that in
a short time not one was left alive. This plan not succeeding they

6. This rather unfortunate remark has provided abundant fodder for biog-
raphers of Stanley when they attempt analyses of his character. See in par-
ticular, Anstruther, I Presume. To a scholar with broader interests, the state-
ment is also of importance since it “reflected the psychology of racial superiority”
— i.e., of how Europeans felt they should maintain their dignity in the presence
of Africans. Cairns, Prelude to Imperialism, 38. In any case, the greeting was
soon so well known that it was only natural when one explorer met another
that he “came forward, and according to the African salutation d la mode
he touched his hat, and said, ‘Mr. Thomson, I presume?’ ” Thomson, Central
African Lakes, II, 4.

7. Livingstone’s version is given in LLJ. See also Coupland, Livingstone’s
Last Journey ; Debenham, The Way to Ilala, 214ff.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

set about poisoning the minds of the simple natives towards the
Doctor by circulating the most mischievous and false reports con-
cerning his character and intentions. As this might possibly become
dangerous the Doctor resolved to discharge the Sepoys, and accord-
ingly sent them back to the sea coast, with a sufficiency of cloth
to purchase food on their return.

The first of his troubles began with these men. A more worthless
crew as escort it would be impossible to conceive. After suffering
considerably from hunger during the transit of a wide extent of
unoccupied country after leaving the Rovuma River, the Doctor and
his party arrived in the country of a Mhiyow8 chief on the 18th of
July, 1866. Desertion of faithless men, in the meanwhile, had greatly
thinned his party. Early in August, 1866, Dr. Livingstone and what
remained of his expedition arrived at Mponda’s,9 a chief of a tribe
of Wahiyow, living near the Nyassa lake.

Here Wakotani10 — one of the “nice honorable fellows” of Mr.
Horace Waller11 — a protege of the Doctor, insisted upon his dis-
charge, alleging as an excuse, which the Doctor subsequently found
to be false, that he had seen his brother. He also claimed Mponda’s
chief wife as his sister. After delivering himself of many more false-
hoods Wakotani was given by the Doctor in charge of Mponda until
his “big brother” should call for him.

This ingrate — released from slavery and educated at the Nassick
School,12 Bombay, at the sole charge of the Doctor — perceiving his

8. The Yao; see Mitchell, “The Yao of Southern Nyasaland,” 292-353; Tew,
Peoples of the Lake Nyasa Region, 2-22.

9. Mponda, whose center was near the Shire outlet of Lake Nyasa, remained,
through his contacts with Arab traders, one of the most important exporters
of ivory and slaves of the Lake Nyasa region until his death in 1886. Moir,
“Eastern Route to Central Africa,” 104; Hawes to FO, June 3, 1886, FO 84/1751,
PRO; Young, Nyassa, 61ff.

10. Wakotani, a Yao, had been freed from slavers by Livingstone and others
in 1861. When the Universities Mission to Central Africa left the Nyasa region
Wakotani was brought to India and put in the care of the Scots missionary,
Wilson, until Livingstone prepared his next expedition. After leaving Living-
stone, Wakotani apparently held a position of trust with Mponda. LLJ, I, 108-09;
Smith, The Life of John Wilson, 583-85; Laws to Mitchell, March 18, 1878, in
Home and Foreign Missionary Record of the Free Church of Scotland (1878),
165.

11. Horace Waller (1833-1896) had been a member of the abortive 1861-
1864 venture of the Universities Mission to Central Africa to the Nyasa region.
On his return to Britain he became an influential worker in the movement
against the slave trade. DNB, XX, 586.

12. An establishment near Nasik, in India, for the training of Africans
rescued from slavery. Stock, The History of the Church Missionary Society,
II, 173, 432. Neither Wakotani nor Chuma (see below) attended the Nasik
institution.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

application for a discharge to be successful, endeavored to persuade
Chumah,13 another protege, to go with him, in order, as the Doctor
believes, to enslave him. Upon Chumah consulting the Doctor, he
was strongly advised not to put himself in the power of Wakotani.

From Mponda’s the Doctor proceeded to the heel of the Nyassa, to
the village of a Babisa14 chief, who required medicine for a skin
disease. To treat the malady he stopped at this place two days. While
stopping here a half-caste Arab arrived at the same place from the
western shore of Lake Nyassa, who reported that he had been plun-
dered by a band of the Ma Zitu15 at a place which the Doctor and
Musa,16 the chief of his Johanna men, knew perfectly was at least
one hundred and fifty miles north-northwest, or twenty days’ march
from the village. This Musa is he who manufactured that wonderful
tale of murder which so startled all friends of the Doctor. During
the Zambezi expedition Musa had visited this place, where the Arab
reported himself robbed, in company of the Doctor. To the news
which the Arab imparted Musa was an eager listener, and lost no
time in conveying it to the Doctor. The Doctor cooly asked him if he
believed, to which Musa answered that he did believe every word, for
the Arab had told “true, true.” The Doctor said he did not; and after
explaining to him his reasons, he suggested to Musa that they should
go and consult the Babisa chief, for if any one should know if the
story was true, he should. The Babisa chief denounced the Arab as
“a liar” when consulted. But Musa broke out with, “No, no, Doctor, I
no want to go to Ma Zitu; I no want Ma Zitu to kill me; I want to
see my father, my mother, my child in Johanna. I no want Ma Zitu
kill me.” Musa’s words are here reported ipsissima verba. To this

13. James Chuma, a Yao, liberated by Livingstone and the Universities
Mission, was left by Livingstone with Wilson in Bombay. He was among the
group of Africans that returned Livingstone’s body to Zanzibar, and he went
to Britain for the missionary’s funeral. Chuma served the Universities Mission
on his return to Africa; he also accompanied the explorer Thomson. Chuma
died in Zanzibar in 1882. LLJ, I, 9; Smith, Wilson, 583-85; Thomson, Central
African Lakes, especially II, 30-34, 202; Central Africa 1 (1883), 13.

14. The Bisa live to the west of Lake Nyasa; Livingstone was then in Yao
territory. In LLJ, I, 113, Livingstone describes the village as of Bisa origin. For
the Bisa, Whiteley, Bemba and Related Peoples of Northern Rhodesia, 7-32.

15. The Ngoni.

16. Musa of Johanna, or Anjouan, had served in Livingstone’s Zambezi
expedition. His conduct confirmed to the nineteenth-century prejudice against
the men from his island: to Kirk they were “the most untrustworthy and cun-
ning of all the people of this region.” LLJ, I, 9; Kirk to Seward, Dec. 20,
1866, in PRGS 11 (1866-67), 130; Kirk to FO, Jan. 1, 1873, FO 84/1374, PRO.
For his punishment. Coupland, Livingstone’s Last Journey, 261.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

outburst the Doctor replied, “I don’t want the Ma Zitu to kill me
either, but since you are afraid of them, I promise to go west until
we are far past the beat of the Ma Zitu.” Musa was not satisfied with
this promise of the Doctor, for he said in the same dolorous tone:
“If we had 200 guns with us I would go; but our small party, they
will come by night and kill us all.” The Doctor repeated his promise,
but to no purpose. When he turned his face westward, Musa and
the Johanna escort heartlessly deserted him. Hence the fabrication
of the Livingstone murder tale to hide the fact of their desertion
and to obtain their wages. Livingstone’s party was very small now;
he had sent back the worthless and maudlin Sepoys; the Johanna
men had deserted him in a body, and Wakotani had been discharged.
He was obliged to seek aid from the natives. He engaged them as
carriers, and as they had never been tampered with or betrayed by
the slave traders he managed exceedingly well. From this country,
which he left in the beginning of December, 1866, he entered on a
northern course, where the Ma Zitu had swept the land clean of provi-
sions, and where the expedition suffered the most pinching hunger.

Added to this, desertions continued, which in one or two instances
caused a loss of almost all his clothes and cooking utensils and dishes.
Though misfortunes constantly dogged the footsteps of the expedi-
tion, it struggled on and traversed the countries of the Babisa, Bo-
bemba,17 Banlungu,18 Barungu,19 besides the country of Londa, where
lives the famous King Cazembe.

Cazembe and his Queen received him kindly and showed every
disposition to assist him, and it was he who gave the information
about Lake Bangweolo (which he called “Large Water”) to the Doctor.
Near Cazembe’s the Doctor had crossed a fine stream called the
Chambezi. But he relied too much upon the correctness of Portuguese
information, and paid not much attention to it at the time, believing
it to be, as Portuguese travellers stated, but the headwaters of the
great Zambezi, and having no connection with the great river of
Egypt, of which he was now in search. This excessive reliance upon
the veracity of Portuguese travellers and traders misled him very
much, and caused him double work, plunging him into a labyrinth

17. The Bemba.

18. The Lungu; they lived around the southeastern shores of Lake Tangan-
yika. The Lungu lack of a powerful central authority aided the Arabs in mak-
ing extensive raids upon them for slaves. Willis, The Fipa and Related Peoples
of the South-West Tanzania and North-East Zambia, 39-46; Storms Ms. Notes,
Storms Papers, MAC.

19. The Marungu.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

of errors and discoveries, making the whole country and intricate
system of rivers and lakes clear to him only after repeating his jour-
neys many times.20

From the beginning of 1867 to the middle of March, 1869, he says
he was mostly engaged in correcting the errors of Portuguese travel-
lers. The Portuguese when writing or speaking of the Chambezi
invariably called it “our own Zambezi,” or the Zambezi that flows
through the Portuguese possessions of the Mozambique. Over and
over again he had to traverse the countries around Londa like an
uneasy spirit; over and over again he asked the same questions from
the different people whom he met, until he was obliged to desist lest
they might say — “The man is mad; he has water on the brain.”

These tedious travels have established, first, that the Chambezi is
a totally distinct river from the Portuguese Zambezi; second, that
the Chambezi, starting from about latitude 11° south, is none other
than the headwaters of the Nile itself, thus giving the wonderful
river a length of over 2,600 miles of direct latitude.21

During this series of journeys which he made in these latitudes he
came to a lake lying northeast from Cazembe’s. The natives called it
Liemba, or Luwemba, from a country of that name which bordered
it on the southeast.22 Livingstone discovered it to be an extensive
heel, or rather foot, of the Tanganyika. By his map the southern
part of the Tanganyika resembles the southern part of Italy in con-
figuration. The extremity of the Tanganyika south reaches to 8 deg.
42 sec. south latitude, thus giving the lake a length of 323 geo-
graphical miles,23 or seventy-three miles longer than Captains Burton
and Speke described it.

From the Tanganyika he crossed Marungu and came in sight of
Lake Moero. Tracing this lake, which is about sixty miles in length, to
its southern extremity he found a river entering it from that direction.
Following the Luapula north, as this river was called, he found it
issued from the great lake of Bangweolo, which is as large in super-
ficial area as the Tanganyika. The most important feeder of this lake
is the Chambezi. Fie had traced the Chambezi running north through
three degrees of latitude. It could not, then, be the Zambezi.

20. Livingstone, who was largely unfamiliar with the previous Portuguese
explorations, was here unfair to his Lusitanian predecessors. This question,
and the extent of former Portuguese ventures, are treated in Duffy, Portuguese
Africa, 174ff.; Bridges, “British Exploration of East Africa,” 23-29, 246-50;
Price, “Portuguese Relations with David Livingstone.”

21. See the map in HIFL, 448, for the projection of this theory.

22. Lake Tanganyika. A missionary later reported that Liemba was the Lungu
word for a lake. Hore, “Lake Tanganyika,” 16.

23. In HIFL, 360, Stanley gives the length as 360 miles. Lake Tanganyika is
420 miles long.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

He returned to King Cazembe, thence to Ujiji, whence he dated
those letters to the London Geographical Society, under whose aus-
pices he travels, which, though the outside world still doubted that
the traveller was alive, fully satisfied the minds of the members of
that society. The way in which Musa left the Doctor and what the
Doctor was doing all the time the world thought him dead has now
been told as Dr. Livingstone told your correspondent. But his ex-
periences, his troubles, his sufferings in mind, body and estate — how
Arabs conspired against him, his men robbed him, false Moslems
betrayed him — how he was detained by inundations, by scanty means
to cross rivers and lagoons, by wars between Arabs and natives
from the beginning of 1867 to the middle of March, 1869, when he
arrived at Ujiji — no one will be better able to relate than himself.

After resting at Ujiji he thought of exploring the head of the Tan-
ganyika and ascertaining whether this lake had any connection, or
whether the river Rusizi was an influent or an affluent; but the
avarice of the Wajiji,24 which would have deprived him of most of
his cloth, prevented him. At the end of June, 1869, he set off by
way of Uguhha for his last series of explorations.

Fifteen days’ march brought him to Manyema, a virgin country,
but lately known to the Arabs even. On the threshold of great dis-
coveries he was laid up six months from ulcers in the feet. When
recovered he set off northerly, and came to a broad lacustrine river
called Lualaba, which flowed northward, westward, and in some
places southward in a most confusing way. The river was from one
to three miles broad. Following it northerly he discovered Lake
Kamolondo,25 in latitude 6 deg. 30 min. south. He traced the river
southward to Lake Moero, where he saw it issue out of this lake
through an enormous and deep chasm in the mountains. Satisfied
that this Lualaba was the Chambezi which entered Bangweolo, or
the Luapula which entered Moero, he retraced his steps northward,
to Lake Kamolondo. He came to a river flowing from the west called
the Locki, or Lomami, which issued from a large lake called Che-
bungo, situated to the south-southwest from Kamolondo. To this Lake
Chebungo Dr. Livingstone gave the name Lake Lincoln,26 after Presi-
dent Abraham Lincoln, whose sad fate the civilized world lamented.

24. For the inhabitants of Ujiji, Bennett, “Mwinyi Kheri,” 144-46.

25. A section of the Congo-Lualaba system to the north of Lake Mweru.
See Colle, Les Baluba, I, 17-18. The extreme breadth of the river in places, and
the imprecise words for bodies of water in African languages, caused these
false reports of lakes along the course of the Congo.

26. The river “flowing from the west” might be the Lualaba. The Luvua River
issues from Lake Mweru and eventually joins the Lualaba. There was no Lake
Chebungo. See the remarks of the German explorer. Von Wissmann, in PRGS
5 (1883), 99.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

To the memory of the American President, whose labors in behalf of
the black race won his entire sympathy and approval, the great trav-
eller has contributed a monument more durable than brass, iron, or
stone.

Still working his way north, bit by bit, against several and varied
difficulties, along the Lualaba’s crooked course as far as latitude 4°
south, he heard of another large lake situated to the north, in the
same central line of drainage as the four other lakes; but here he
was compelled to turn back to Ujiji. Against this compulsion his iron
will and indomitable energy fought in vain; his men had mutinied
and absolutely refused to budge a step, and to Ujiji he was obliged
to return, a baffled, sick and weary and destitute man. It was in this
state your correspondent met him only eighteen days after his arrival.
So far had the traveller gone north that he was at the beginning of
the final and certain end. Six hundred miles of watershed had been
examined carefully. At the beginning of the seventh hundred the
false slaves sent to him from the British Consul at Zanzibar, and
who were to him as escort, rose up against him, saying in their de-
termined actions, “Thus far you shall go, and not one step further.”

That this remarkable river (the Lualaba) is the Nile and none
other no one doubts, but this one little blank — this one little link —
who will fill it up? How will imagination fill up the void? In this
blank, north of latitude four degrees south, is a lake, it was reported
to Dr. Livingstone — may it not be Piaggia’s lake? 27 — out of which
Petherick’s branch 28 issues into the Bahr Ghazal and the White Nile.
He has followed this river from eleven degrees south to four degrees
south — that is, through seven degrees of latitude, or 420 geographical
miles. It only wanted 180 miles more — this is the length of the
undiscovered link — and the Nile, which had baffled oracles and sages,
kings and emperors, had been revealed throughout its length.

According to Livingstone two things yet remain before the Nile
sources can be said to be discovered. First — He has heard of the
existence of four fountains, two of which give birth to a river flowing

27. Carlo Piaggia (1830-1882), an Italian trader and explorer, arrived in the
Sudan in 1856. On one of his journeys he reported hearing of a large lake on
the equator and extending to the south. Hill, A Biographical Dictionary of the
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, 306; PRGS 13 (1868-1869), 8. The supposed position
of this lake is given in the map in HIFL, 448.

28. John Petherick (1813-1882), British official, trader, and explorer in the
Sudan. During his travels in the years between 1848 and 1863 he penetrated
to the region of the upper Uele River. Hill, Biographical Dictionary, 305-06;
Mr. and Mrs. Petherick, Travels in Central Africa and Explorations of the
Western Nile Tributaries, especially, II, 137; Langlands, “Concepts of the Nile,”
19.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

north, which is the Lualaba, and two to a river flowing south into
inner Ethiopia, which is the Zambezi, thus verifying the statement
which the Secretary of the Goddess Minerva at Sais made to Hero-
dotus over two thousand years ago.29 He has heard of them repeat-
edly and has been several times within a fortnight’s march from
them, but something always interposed to prevent him going to see
them. These fountains require to be seen. Second — Remains the link
above described to be explored. The stories which the Doctor relates
of the two immense countries through which the great river runs
read like fable. The most southerly is called Rua; 30 the northern is
called Manyema by the Arabs and Manuema by the natives, who
are cannibals. He tells of ivory being so cheap that twenty-five cents*
worth of copper will purchase a large tusk, worth $120 at Zanzibar.
He tells of ivory being turned into doorposts and eave stanchions
by the cannibals; of skilful manufactures of fine grass cloth, rivaling
that of India; of a people so nearly approaching to white people and
so extremely handsome that they eclipse anything ever seen in Africa;
and from this fact supposes them to be descendants of the ancient
Egyptians, or of some of the lost tribes of Israel; 31 he tells of copper
mines at Katanga which have been worked for ages,32 of docile and
friendly peoples who up to this time have lived buried in the lap of
barbarism, ignorant that there lived on earth a race so cruel and
callous as the Arabs who have come among them, rudely awaking
them out of their sleep with the thunder of gunpowder, to kidnap,
rob and murder them without restraint,33 and of many other things
he tells, some details of which will follow this telegram.

The Doctor arrived at Ujiji on the 16th of October, the HERALD
expedition on the 3d of November,34 eighteen days later, and, as if
guided by the hand of Providence, not a month too late nor a month

29. Herodotus, The Histories, 112-15; HIFL, 455-59, also has a translation.
Herodotus doubted the story; see Langlands, “Concepts of the Nile,” 2-3. See
also Debenham, Way to llala, 269-72.

30. The country of the Luba, extending roughly from the area to the west
of Lake Tanganyika to the Lualaba River. A later explorer, Cameron, would
be so impressed with his visit that he described the Luba as having “the most
important state of Africa.” Cameron, “On the Anthropology of Africa,” 172.
See also Verhulpen, Baluba et Balubaises du Katanga; Maes et Boone, Peu-
plades du Congo Beige, 107-13, 347-48; Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna,
70ff.; Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 11.

31. See document 26, note 12.

32. For Katanga and its copper: Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna, 11,
227-35; Clark, The Prehistory of Southern Africa, 307-09.

33. An account of the Arabs of the Congo is given in Ceulemans, La ques-
tion arabe et le Congo.

34. The date was Nov. 10; see document 3, note 46.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

too soon. He was sick and he was destitute, and help came in time.
He had returned to Ujiji only to find himself robbed of everything
by the very man to whom the British Consulate had entrusted his
goods. This man, called Shereef, had sold them all off for ivory, and
had feasted on the little stock of luxuries sent to the Doctor by
his friends.

Bunder, Ujiji, on Lake Tanganyika, Central Africa
November 23, 18711

Only two months gone, and what a change in my feelings ! But two
months ago, what a peevish, fretful soul was mine! What a hopeless
prospect presented itself before your correspondent! Arabs vowing
that I would never behold the Tanganyika; Sheikh, the son of Nasib,
declaring me a madman to his fellows because I would not heed his
words. My men deserting, my servants whining day by day, and my
white man endeavoring to impress me with the belief that we were
all doomed men! And the only answer to it all is, Livingstone, the
hero traveller, is alongside of me, writing as hard as he can to his
friends in England, India and America, and I am quite safe and
sound in health and limb. Wonderful, is it not, that such a thing
should be, when the seers had foretold that it would be otherwise —
that all my schemes, that all my determination would avail me
nothing? But probably you are in as much of a hurry to know how
it all took place as I am to relate. So, to the recital.

September 23 I left Unyamyembe, driving before me fifty well-
armed black men, loaded with the goods of the expedition, and drag-
ging after me one white man.2 Several Arabs stood by my late resi-
dence to see the last of me and mine, as they felt assured there was
not the least hope of their ever seeing me again. Shaw, the white man,
was pale as death, and would willingly have received the order to
stop behind in Unyamyembe, only he had not quite the courage to
ask permission, from the fact that only the night before he had ex-

1. NYH, Aug. 10, 1872. Bunder, or Bandar — a port. Hava, Arabic-English
Dictionary , 47. Stanley in this document covers in more detail the incidents
described in document 2 and 4. See Introduction, note 119, for the possible
explanation of the repetition.

2. In HIFL , 310, Stanley says September 20.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

pressed a hope that I would not leave him behind, and I had promised
to give him a good riding donkey and to walk after him until he
recovered perfect health. However, as I gave the order to march,
some of the men, in a hurry to obey the order, managed to push by
him suddenly, and down he went like a dead man. The Arabs, think-
ing, doubtless, that I would not go now because my white subordinate
seemed so ill, hurried in a body to the fallen man, loudly crying
at what they were pleased to term my cruelty and obstinacy; but,
pushing them back, I mounted Shaw on his donkey, and told them
that I must see the Tanganyika first, as I had sworn to go on. Put-
ting two soldiers, one on each side of him, I ordered Shaw to move
on and not to play the fool before the Arabs, lest they should triumph
over us. Three or four black laggards loth to go (Bombay was one of
them) received my dog whip across their shoulders as a gentle in-
timation that I was not to be baulked after having fed them so long
and paid them so much. And it was thus we left Unyanyembe. Not
in the best humor, was it? However, where there is will there is a way.

Once away from the hateful valley of Kwihara, once out of sight
of the obnoxious fields my enthusiasm for my work rose as newborn
as when I left the coast. But my enthusiasm was shortlived for before
reaching camp I was almost delirious with fever. Long before I
reached the camp I saw from a ridge overlooking a fair valley, dotted
with villages and green with groves of plantains and fields of young
rice, my tent and from its tall pole the American flag waving gaily
before the strong breeze which blew from the eastward. When I had
arrived at the camp, burning with fever, my pulse bounding many
degrees too fast and my temper made more acrimonious by my suf-
ferings, I found the camp almost deserted.

The men as soon as they had arrived at Mkwenkwe, the village
agreed upon, had hurried back to Kwihara. Livingstone’s letter carrier
had not made his appearance — it was an abandoned camp. I in-
stantly despatched six of the best of those who had refused to return
to ask Sheikh, the son of Nasib, to lend or sell me the longest slave
chain he had, then to hunt up the runaways and bring them back to
camp bound, and promised them that for every head captured they
should have a brand new cloth. I also did not forget to tell my trusty
men to tell Livingstone’s messenger that if he did not come to camp
before night I would return to Unyanyembe — or Kwihara rather, for
I was yet in Unyanyembe — catch him and put him in chains and
never release him until his master saw him. My men went off in
high glee, and I went off to bed passing long hours groaning and
tossing about for the deadly sickness that had overtaken me.

62 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Next morning fourteen out of twenty of those who had deserted
back to their wives and huts (as is generally the custom) had reap-
peared, and, as the fever had left me, I only lectured them, and they
gave me their promise not to desert me again under any circum-
stances. Livingstone’s messenger had passed the night in bonds,
because he had resolutely refused to come. I unloosed him and gave
him a paternal lecture, painting in glowing colors the benefits he
would receive if he came along quietly and the horrible punishment
of being chained up until I reached Ujiji if he was still resolved not
to come. “Kaif Halleck” (Arabic for “How do you do?”) melted, and
readily gave me his promise to come and obey me as he would his
own master — Livingstone — until we should see him, “which Inshal-
lah we shall! Please God, please God, we shall,” I replied, “and you
will be no loser.”

During the day my soldiers had captured the others, and as they all
promised obedience and fidelity in future they escaped punishment.
But I was well aware that so long as I remained in such close prox-
imity the temptation to revisit the fat pasture grounds of Unyan-
yembe, where they had luxuriated so long, would be too strong, and
to enable them to resist I ordered a march towards evening, and two
hours after dark we arrived at the village of Kasegera.

It is possible for any of your readers so disposed to construct a
map of the road on which the HERALD expedition was now journey-
ing, if they draw a line 150 miles long south by west from Unyan-
yembe, then 150 miles west northwest, then ninety miles north, half
east, then seventy miles west by north, and that will take them to
Ujiji.

Before taking up the narrative of the march I must tell you that
during the night after reaching Kasegera two deserted, and on calling
the men to fall in for the road I detected two more trying to steal
away behind some of the huts of the village wherein we were en-
camped. An order quietly given to Chowpereh 3 and Bombay soon
brought them back, and without hesitation I had them tied up and
flogged, and then adorned their stubborn necks with the chain kindly
lent by Sheikh bin Nasib. I had good cause to chuckle complacently
for the bright idea that suggested the chain as a means to check the
tendency of the bounty jumpers to desert; for these men were as

3. Chowpereh, from Bagamoyo, was held in high regard by Stanley. He be-
came one of the small group of Africans that remained with Livingstone until
his death. Later Chowpereh did good service for Stanley on his 1874-1877
expedition across Africa; he served also with Stanley in the Congo after 1879.
HIFL, 312, 348; LLJ, II, 299ff.; Maurice, Stanley’s Unpublished Letters, 115.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

much bounty jumpers as our refractory roughs during the war, who
pocketed their thousands and then cooly deserted. These men, imitat-
ing their white prototypes, had received double pay of cloth and
double rations, and, imagining they could do with me as they could
with the other good white men, whom tradition kept faithfully in
memory, who had preceded your correspondent in this country, waited
for opportunities to decamp; but I was determined to try a new
method, not having the fear of Exeter Hall before my eyes, and I am
happy to say to-day, for the benefit of all future travellers, that it is
the best method yet adopted, and that I will never travel in Africa
again without a good long chain.4 Chowpereh and Bombay returned
to Unyanyembe and the “HERALD Expedition” kept on its way south,
for I desired to put as many miles as possible between that district
and ourselves, for I perceived that few were inclined for the road,
my white man, I am sorry to say, least of all. The village of Kigandu
was reached after four hours’ march from Kasegera.

As we entered the camp Shaw, the Englishman, fell from his
donkey, and, despite all endeavors to raise him up, refused to stand.
When his tent was pitched I had him carried in from the sun, and
after tea was made I persuaded him to swallow a cup, which seemed
to revive him. He then said to me, “Mr. Stanley, I don’t believe I can
go further with you. I feel very much worse, and I beg of you to
let me go back.” This was just what I expected. I knew perfectly well
what was coming while he was drinking his tea, and, with the illus-
trious example of Livingstone travelling by himself before me, I was
asking myself, Would it not be just as well for me to try to do the
same thing, instead of dragging an unwilling man with me who
would, if I refused to send him back, be only a hindrance? So I told

4. Exeter Hall, built by the supporters of the evangelical movement in
Britain, was the usual meeting place for humanitarian groups; it occupied the
location where the Strand Palace Hotel now stands. The more “practical” Afri-
can explorers used the term to refer to the attitude of the humanitarians — and
not usually in a complementary fashion. When Stanley heard of complaints
against his treatment of Africans on a later trip, he had this to say: “He only
wished he could get every member of Exeter Hall to explore by the same
route he had gone from the Atlantic to longitude 23°. He would undertake to
provide them with seven tons of Bibles, any number of surplices, and a church
organ into the bargain, and if they reached as far as longitude 23° without

chucking some of the Bibles at some of the negroes’ heads, he would ”

The reporter added that laughter cut off the sentence. Sanderson, England,
Europe & the Upper Nile, 12; Bourne, The Other Side of the Emin Pasha
Relief Expedition, 19. Stanley did, however, pay attention to such strictures.
On his 1874-1877 expedition he did use chains, but he did not mention them
in his published account. Diary, 37; TDC, I, 104. Stanley was not of course
the only European to use them. See for example Perham, ed., The Diaries of
Lord Lugard, I, 159, 278.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

him, “Well, my dear Shaw, I have come to the conclusion that it is
best you should return, and I will hire some carriers to take you back
in a cot which I will have made immediately to carry you in. In the
meanwhile, for your own sake, I would advise you to keep yourself
as busy as possible and follow the instructions as to diet and medi-
cine which I will write out for you. You shall have the key to the
storeroom, and you can help yourself to anything you may fancy.”
These were the words with which I parted from him — as next morn-
ing I only bade him goodby, besides enjoining on him to be of good
hope, as, if I was successful, not more than five months would elapse
before I would return to Unyanyembe.5 Chowpereh and Bombay
returned before I started from Kigandu, with the runaways, and after
administering to them a sound flogging I chained them, and the
expedition was once more on its way.

We were about entering the immense forest that separates Unyan-
yembe from the district of Ugunda. In lengthy undulating waves
the land stretches before us — the new land which no European knew,
the unknown, mystic land. The view which the eyes hurry to em-
brace as we ascend some ridge higher than another is one of the
most disheartening that can be conceived. Away, one beyond another,
wave the lengthy rectilinear ridges, clad in the same garb of color.
Woods, woods, woods, forests, leafy branches, green and sere, yel-
low and dark red and purple, then an indefinable ocean, bluer than
the bluest sky. The horizon all around shows the same scene — a sky
dropping into the depths of the endless forest, with but two or three
tall giants of the forest higher than their neighbors, which are con-
spicuous in their outlines, to break the monotony of the scene. On
no one point do our eyes rest with pleasure; they have viewed the
same outlines, the same forest and the same horizon day after day,
week after week; and again, like Noah’s dove from wandering over
a world without a halting place, return wearied with the search.

Mukunguru, or fever, is very plentiful in these forests, owing to
their density preventing free circulation of air, as well as want of
drainage. As we proceed on our journey, in the dry season as it is
with us now, we see nothing very offensive to the sight. If the trees
are dense, impeding fresh air, we are shaded from the sun, and may
often walk long stretches with the hat off. Numbers of trees lie
about in the last stages of decay, and working with might and main
are numberless ants of various species to clear the encumbered
ground, and thus they do such a country as this great service. Im-

5. In HIFL, 320-21, Stanley gives a different version, caused no doubt by
his knowledge of the subsequent death of Shaw.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

palpably, however, the poison of the dead and corrupting vegetation
is inhaled into the system with often as fatal result as that which is
said to arise from the vicinity of the upas tree.6 The first evil results
experienced from the presence of malaria are confined bowels, an
oppressive languor, excessive drowsiness and a constant disposition
to yawn. The tongue has a sickly yellow hue, or is colored almost
to blackness; even the teeth assume a yellow color and become
coated with an offensive matter. The eyes sparkle with a lustre which
is an unmistakable symptom of the fever in its incipient state, which
presently will rage through the system and lay the sufferer prostrate
quivering with agony. This fever is sometimes preceded by a violent
shaking fit, during which period blankets may be heaped upon the
sufferer with but little amelioration of his state. It is then succeeded
by an unusually severe headache, with excessive pains about the
loins and spinal column, spreading gradually over the shoulder blades,
and which, running up the nape of the neck, finally find a lodgment
in the posterior and front parts of the head. This kind is generally
of the intermittent type, and is not considered dangerous. The re-
mittent form — the most dangerous — is not preceded by a shaking fit,
but the patient is at once seized with excessive heat, throbbing tem-
ples, loin and spinal aches: a raging thirst takes possession of him,
and the brain becomes crowded with strange fancies, which some-
times assume most hideous shapes. Before the darkened vision float
in a seething atmosphere figures of created and uncreated, possible
and impossible figures, which are metamorphosed every instant into
stranger shapes and designs, growing every instant more confused,
more complicated, hideous and terrible until the sufferer, unable to
bear longer the distracting scene, with an effort opens his eyes and
dissolves it, only to glide again unconsciously into another dream-
land, where a similar unreal inferno is dioramically revealed.

It takes seven hours to traverse the forest between Kigandu and
Ugunda, when we come to the capital of the new district, wherein
one may laugh at Mirambo and his forest thieves. At least the Sultan,
or Lord of Ugunda,7 feels in a laughing mood while in his strong
stockade, should one but hint to him that Mirambo might come to
settle up the long debt that Chieftain owes him, for defeating him
the last time — a year ago — he attempted to storm his place. And

6. Antiaris toxicaria ; it is also known as the false mvule (see below) be-
cause of its “superficial resemblance to Mvule.” Dale and Greenway, Kenya
Trees &■ Shrubs, 308.

7. Muli-manombe, the ruler of the Nyamwezi chiefdom of Ugunda. He died
in 1881. Blohm, Die Nyamwezi. Land und Wirtschaft, 3; Bohm, Von Sansibar
zum Tanganyika, 33ff.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

well may the Sultan laugh at him, and all others which the hospitable
Chief may permit to reside within, for it is the strongest place —
except Simba-Moeni and Kwikuru, in Unyanyembe — I have as yet
seen in Africa. The defences of the capital consist of a strong stock-
ade surrounding it, or tall thick poles planted deep in the earth, and
so close to each other in some places that a spear head could not be
driven between. At intervals also rise wooden towers above the pali-
sade, where the best marksmen, known for their skill with the musket,
are posted to pick out the foremost or most prominent of the as-
sailants. Against such forces as the African chiefs could bring against
such palisaded villages Ugunda may be considered impregnable,
though a few white men with a two-pounder might soon effect an
entrance. Having arrived safely at Ugunda we may now proceed on
our journey fearless of Mirambo, though he has attacked places four
days south of this; but as he has already at a former time felt the
power of the Wanyamwezi of Ugunda he will not venture again in
a hurry. On the sixth day of our departure from Unyanyembe we
continued our journey south.

Three long marches, under a hot sun, through jungly plains, heat-
cracked expanses of prairie land, through young forests, haunted by
the tseetse and sword flies, considered fatal to cattle, brought us to
the gates of a village called Manyara, whose chief was determined
not to let us in nor sell us a grain of corn, because he had never
seen a white man before, and he must know all about this wonderful
specimen of humanity before he would allow us to pass through his
country.8 My men were immediately dismayed at this, and the guide,
whom I had already marked as a coward, and one I mistrusted,
quaked as if he had the ague. The chief, however, expressed his be-
lief that we should find a suitable camping place near some pools of
water distant half a mile to the right of his village.

Having arrived at the khambi, or camp, I despatched Bombay
with a propitiating gift of cloth to the Chief — a gift at once so hand-
some and so munificent, consisting of no less than two royal cloths
and three common dotis, that the Chief surrendered at once, declar-
ing that the white man was a superior being to any he had ever seen.
“Surely,” said he, “he must have a friend; otherwise how came he
to send me such fine cloths? Tell the white man that I shall come
and see him.” Permission was at once given to his people to sell us

8. Manyara was in Ukonongo. In HIFL, 331, Stanley blames the delay on
a local war. Livingstone met the chief in 1872 and described him as “a kind
old man.” LLJ, II, 167, 233.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

as much corn as we needed. We had barely finished distributing five
days’ rations to each man when the Chief was announced.9

Gunbearers, twenty in number, preceded him, and thirty spear-
men10 followed him, and behind these came eight or ten men loaded
with gifts of honey, native beer, holcus sorghum, beans and maize.
I at once advanced and invited the Chief to my tent, which had
undergone some alterations, that I might honor him as much as lay
in my power. Ma-manyara was a tall, stalwart man, with a very
pleasing face. He carried in his hand a couple of spears, and, with
the exception of a well-worn barsati11 around his loins, he was naked.
Three of his principal men and himself were invited to seat them-
selves on my Persian carpet. They began to admire it excessively,
and asked if it came from my country? Where was my country? Was
it large? How many days to it? Was I a king? Had I many soldiers?
were questions quickly asked, and as quickly answered, and the ice
being broken, the chief being equally candid as I was myself, he
grasped my fore and middle fingers and vowed we were friends. The
revolvers and Winchester’s repeating rifles were things so wonderful
that to attempt to give you any idea of how awe-struck he and his
men were would task my powers.

The Chief roared with laughter; he tickled his men in the ribs
with his forefinger, he clasped their fore and middle fingers, vowed
that the Muzungu was a wonder, a marvel, and no mistake. Did
they ever see anything like it? “No,” his men solemnly said. Did
they ever hear anything like it before? “No,” as solemnly as before.
“Is he not a wonder? Quite a wonder — positively a wonder 1”

My medicine chest was opened next, and I uncorked a small phial
of medicinal brandy and gave each a teaspoonful. The men all gazed
at their Chief and he gazed at them; they were questioning each
other with their eyes. What was it? Pombe was my reply. Pombe
kisungu. (The white man’s pombe.) “Surely this is also wonderful,
as all things belonging to him are,” said the Chief. “Wonderful,”
they echoed; and then all burst into another series of cachinations,
ear-splitting almost. Smelling at the ammonia bottle was a thing all
must have; but some were fearful, owing to the effects produced on
each man’s eyes and the facial contortions which followed the ol-

9. In HIFL, 332-33, the chief refused the original gift mentioned here and
Stanley had to offer more to secure permission to get food.

10. The numbers are reversed in ibid., 333.

11. "... a blue cotton cloth, with a broad red stripe extending along one
quarter of the depth, the other three-quarters being dark blue.” Burton, “Lake
Regions,” 429-30.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

factory effort. The Chief smelt three or four times, after which he
declared his headache vanished and that I must be a great and good
white man. Suffice it that I made myself so popular with Ma-ma-
nyara and his people that they will not forget me in a hurry.

Leaving kind and hospitable Ma-manyara, after a four hours’ march
we came to the banks of the Gombe Nullah, not the one which Bur-
ton, Speke and Grant have described, for the Gombe which I mean
is about one hundred and twenty-five miles south of the Northern
Gombe.12 The glorious park land spreading out north and south of
the Southern Gombe is a hunter’s paradise. It is full of game of all
kinds — herds of buffalo, giraffe, zebra, pallah, water buck, spring-
bok, gemsbok, blackbuck and kudu, besides several eland, warthog,
or wild boar, and hundreds of the smaller antelope. We saw all these
in one day, and at night heard the lions roar and the low of the
hippopotamus. I halted here three days to shoot, and there is no
occasion to boast of what I shot, considering the myriads of game I
saw at every step I took. Not half the animals shot here by myself
and men were made use of. Two buffaloes and one kudu were brought
to camp the first day, besides a wild boar, which my mess finished
up in one night. My boy gun-bearers sat up the whole night eating
boar meat, and until I went to sleep I could hear the buffalo meat
sizzling over the fires as the Islamized soldiers prepared it for the
road.

The second day of the halt I took the Winchester rifle or the fif-
teen-shooter to prey on the populous plain, but I only bagged a tiny
blue buck by shooting it through the head. I had expected great
things of this rifle, and am sorry I was disappointed. The Winchester
rifle cartridges might as well have been filled up with sawdust as
with the powder the New York Ammunition Company put in them.
Only two out of ten would fire, which so spoiled my aim that noth-
ing could be done with the rifle. The cartridges of all the English
rifles always went off, and I commend Eley, of London, to everybody
in need of cartridges to explode. The third day, arming myself with
a double-barrelled English smooth-bore, I reaped a bountiful harvest
of meat, and having marched over a larger space saw a much larger
variety of game than on any preceding day. The Gombe Nullah dur-
ing the dry season is but a system of long, narrow pools, full of
crocodiles and hippopotami. In the wet season it overflows its banks
and is a swift, broad stream, emptying into the Malagarazi, thence
into the Lake Tanganyika.

12. See document 3, note 33.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

From Manyara to Marefu, in Ukonongo, are five days’ marches. It
is an uninhabited forest now and is about eighty miles in length.
Clumps of forest and dense islets of jungle dot plains which separate
the forests proper. It is monotonous owing to the sameness of the
scenes. And throughout this length of eighty miles there is nothing
to catch a man’s eye in search of the picturesque or novel save the
Gombe’s pools, with their amphibious inhabitants, and the variety
of noble game which inhabit the forests and plain. A travelling band
of Wakonongo, bound to Ukonongo from Manyara, prayed to have
our escort, which was readily granted. They were famous foresters,
who knew the various fruits fit to eat; who knew the cry of the
honey bird,13 and could follow it to the treasure of honey which it
wished to show its human friends. It is a pretty bird, not much
larger than a wren, and, “tweet- tweet,” it immediately cries when
it sees a human being. It becomes very busy all at once, hops and
skips, and flies from branch to branch with marvellous celerity. The
traveller lifts up his eyes, beholds the tiny little bird, hopping about,
and hears its sweet call — “tweet-tweet-tweet.” If he is a Mkonongo
he follows it. Away flies the bird on to another tree, springs to an-
other branch nearer to the lagging man as if to say, “Shall I, must
I come and fetch you?” but assured by his advance, away again to
another tree, coquets about, and tweets his call rapidly; sometimes
more earnest and loud, as if chiding him for being so slow; then
off again, until at last the treasure is found and secured. And as he
is a very busy little bird, while the man secures his treasure of
honey, he plumes himself, ready for another flight and to discover
another treasure. Every evening the Makonongo brought us stores
of beautiful red and white honey, which is only to be secured in
the dry season. Over pancakes and fritters the honey is very excel-
lent; but as it is apt to disturb the stomach, I seldom rejoiced in
its sweetness without suffering some indisposition afterwards.

As we were leaving the banks of the Gombe at one time, near a
desolate looking place, fit scene for a tragedy, occurred an incident
which I shall not readily forget.14 I had given three days’ rest to
the soldiers, and their clothloads were furnished with bountiful sup-

13. Indicator indicator, the Greater Honey-guide, “has developed a most re-
markable habit of guiding human beings to the nests of wild bees in order to
feed upon the honeycomb and grubs when the nest is chopped out.” Williams,
A Field Guide to the Birds of East and Central Africa, 170. For some other
interesting habits, Jackson, “On Honey Guides”; Culwick, “Ngindo Honey-
Hunters,” 73.

14. Compare HIFL, 343-46. The guide was named Asmani; his companion
was Mabruki.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

plies of meat, which told how well they had enjoyed themselves
during the halt; but the guide, a stubborn fellow, one inclined to be
impertinent whenever he had the chance, wished for another day’s
hunting. He selected Bombay as his mouthpiece, and I scolded Bom-
bay for being the bearer of such an unreasonable demand, when he
knew very well I could not possibly allow it after halting already
three days. Bombay became sulky, said it was not his fault, and that
he could do nothing more than come and tell me, which I denied
in toto, and said to him that he could have done much, very much
more, and better, by telling the guide that another day’s halt was
impossible; that we had not come to hunt, but to march and find the
white man, Livingstone; that if he had spoken to the guide against
it, as it was his duty, he being captain, instead of to me, it would
have been much better. I ordered the horn to sound, and the expedi-
tion had gone but three miles when I found they had come to a dead
stand. As I was walking up to see what was the matter I saw the
guide and his brother sitting on an ant hill, apart from the other
people, fingering their guns in what appeared to me a most suspicious
manner. Calling Salim, I took the double-barrelled smooth-bore and
slipped in two charges of buckshot and then walked on to my people,
keeping an eye, however, upon the guide and his brother. I asked
Bombay to give me an explanation of the stoppage. He would not
answer, though he mumbled something sullenly, which was unin-
telligible to me. I looked to the other people, and perceived that
they acted in an irresolute manner, as if they feared to take my part
or were of the same mind as the party on the ant hill. I was but
thirty paces from the guide, and throwing the barrel of the gun into
the hollow of my left hand, I presented it, cocked at the guide and
called out to him if he did not come to me at once I would shoot
him, giving him and his companion to understand that I had twenty-
four small bullets in the gun and that I could blow them to pieces.

In a very reluctant manner they advanced toward me. When they
were sufficiently near I ordered them to halt; but the guide, as he
did so, brought his gun to the present, with his finger on the trigger,
and, with a treacherous and cunning smile which I perfectly under-
stood, he asked what I wanted of him. His companion, while he was
speaking, was sidling to my rear and was imprudently engaged in
filling the pan of his musket with powder; but a threat to finish him
if he did not go back to his companion and there stand until I gave
him permission to move compelled this villanous Thersites to exe-
cute the “right about” with a promptitude which earned commenda-
tion from me. Then, facing my Ajax of a guide with my gun, I next

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

requested him to lower his gun if he did not wish to receive the
contents of mine in his head; and I do not know but what the terrible
catastrophe warranted by stern necessity had occurred then and
there if Mabrouki (“bull-headed” Mabrouki, but my faithful porter
and faithful soldier) had not dashed the man’s gun aside asking him
how he dared level his gun at his master, and then thrown himself
at my feet, praying me to forgive him. Mabrouki’s action and subse-
quent conduct somewhat disconcerted myself as well as the murder-
ous-looking guide, but I felt thankful that I had been spared shedding
blood, though there was great provocation. Few cases of homicide
could have been more justified than this, and I felt certain that this
man had been seducing my soldiers from their duties to me, and
was the cause principally of Bombay remaining in the background
during this interesting episode of a march through the wilderness,
instead of acting the part which Mabrouki so readily undertook to
do. When Mabrouki’s prayer for forgiveness was seconded by that of
the principal culprit, that I would overlook his act, I was enabled to act
as became a prudent commander, though I felt some remorse that
I had not availed myself of the opportunity to punish the guide and
his companion as they eminently deserved. But perhaps had I pro-
ceeded to extremities my people — fickle enough at all times — would
have taken the act as justifying them for deserting in a body, and
the search after Livingstone had ended there and then, which would
have been as unwelcome to the HERALD as unhappy to myself.

However, as Bombay could not bend himself to ask forgiveness,
I came to the conclusion that it were best he should be made to feel
the penalty for stirring dissensions in the expedition and be brought
to look with a more amiable face upon the scheme of proceeding to
Ujiji through Ukonongo and Ukawendi, and I at once proceeded about
it with such vigor that Bombay’s back will for as long a time bear
traces of the punishment which I administered to him as his front
teeth do of that which Speke rightfully bestowed on him some eleven
years ago.15 And here I may as well interpolate by way of parenthesis
that I am not at all obliged to Captain Burton for a recommendation
of a man who so ill deserved it as Bombay.

Arriving at Marefu, we overtook an embassy from the Arabs at
Unyanyembe to the Chief of the ferocious Watuta, who live a month’s
march southwest of this frontier village of Ukonongo. Old Hassan,
the Mseguhha, was the person who held the honorable post of Chief
of the embassy, who had volunteered to conduct the negotiations

15. See Speke, Journal of the Discovery, 270-71.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

which were to secure the Watuta’s services against Mirambo, the
dreaded Chief of Uyoweh. Assured by the Arabs that there was no
danger, and having received the sum of $40 for his services, he had
gone on, sanguine of success, and had arrived at Marefu, where
we overtook him. But old Hassan was not the man for the position,
as I perceived when, after visiting me in my tent, he began to unfold
the woes which already had befallen him, which were as nothing,
however, to those sure to happen to him if he went on much farther.
There were only two roads by which he might hope to reach the
Watuta, and these ran through countries where the people of Mbogo
of Ukonongo were at war with Niongo,16 the brother of Manua
Sera (the chief who disturbed Unyanyembe during Speke’s residence
there), and the Wasavira contended against Simba,17 son of King
Mkasiva. He was eloquent in endeavoring to dissuade me from the
attempt to pass through the country of the Wasavira, and advised
me as an old man who knew well whereof he was speaking not to
proceed farther, but wait at Marefu until better times; and, sure
enough, on my return from Ujiji with Livingstone, I heard that old
Hassan was still encamped at Marefu, waiting patiently for the bet-
ter times he hoped to see.

We left old Hassan — after earnestly commending him to the care
of “Allah” — the next day, for the prosecution of the work of the ex-
pedition, feeling much happier than we had felt for many a day.
Desertions had now ceased, and there remained in chains but one
incorrigible, whom I had apprehended twice after twice deserting.
Bombay and his sympathizers were now beginning to perceive that
after all there was not much danger — at least not as much as the
Arabs desired us to believe — and he was heard expressing his belief
in his broken English that I would “catch the Tanganyika after all,”
and the standing joke was now that we could smell the fish of the
Tanganyika Lake, and that we could not be far from it. New scenes
also met the eye. Here and there were upheaved above the tree tops
sugar-loaf hills, and, darkly blue, west of us loomed up a noble ridge
of hills which formed the boundary between Kamirambo’s territory

16. Nyungu ya Mawe, a member of the ruling family of Unyanyembe, was
one of the most noted warrior leaders of the interior; he died in 1884. For a most
able account of his career, Shorter, “Nyungu-Ya-Mawe.”

17. Simba was also a member of Tabora’s ruling family; he eventually seized
power in Usavira. Simba remained a rival of Isike, the successor to Mkasiwa,
but he was not able to return to Tabora until Isike was defeated and killed by
the Germans in 1893. Association Internationale Africaine, Rapports sur les
Marches de la Premiere Expedition , 67, 71, 79; Becker, La Vie en Afrique,
I, 245ff., II, 78ff.; Burdo, Les Beiges dans V Afrique Centrale, 53-55; von Prince’s
letter of Jan. 28, 1893, DKZ 6 (1893), 65.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

and that of Utende.18 Elephant tracks became numerous, and buf-
falo met the delighted eyes everywhere. Crossing the mountainous
ridge of Mwaru, with its lengthy slope slowly descending westward,
the vegetation became more varied and the outlines of the land
before us became more picturesque. We became sated with the va-
rieties of novel fruit which we saw hanging thickly on trees. There
was the mbembu, with the taste of an overripe peach; the tamarind
pod and beans, with their grateful acidity, resembling somewhat the
lemon in its flavor. The matonga, or nux vomica , was welcome, and
the luscious singwe, the plum of Africa, was the most delicious of
all. There were wild plums like our own, and grapes unpicked long
past their season, and beyond eating.19 Guinea fowls, the moorhen,
ptarmigans and ducks supplied our table; and often the lump of a
buffalo or an extravagant piece of venison filled our camp kettles.
My health was firmly established. The faster we prosecuted our jour-
ney the better I felt. I had long bidden adieu to the nauseous calomel
and rhubarb compounds, and had become quite a stranger to quinine.
There was only one drawback to it all, and that was the feeble health
of the Arab boy Selim, who was suffering from an attack of acute
dysentery, caused by inordinate drinking of the bad water of the
pools at which we had camped between Manyara and Mrera. But
judicious attendance and Dover’s powders brought the boy around
again.20

Mrera, in Ukonongo, nine days southwest of the Gombe Nullah,
brought to our minds the jungle habitats of the Wakwere on the
coast, and an ominous sight to travellers were the bleached skulls of
men which adorned the tops of tall poles before the gates of the
village. The Sultan of Mrera and myself became fast friends after
he had tasted of my liberality.

After a halt of three days at this village, for the benefit of the
Arab boy, we proceeded westerly, with the understanding that we
should behold the waters of the Tanganyika within ten days. Tra-
versing a dense forest of young trees, we came to a plain dotted with
scores of ant hills. Their uniform height (about seven feet high above
the plain) leads me to believe that they were constructed during an

18. Stanley was still in Ukonongo; Utende was a village. HIFL, 356-57.

19. The mbura, Stanley’s mbembu — Parinari cur atellae folium; the tamarind
— Tamarindus indica; mtonga — Strychnos spinosa; the singwe is perhaps the
mzambarau — Syzygium jambolanum. Standard Swahili-English Dictionary, 270,
310, 324; Dale and Greenway, Kenya Trees, 109, 256; Burton, “Lake Regions,”
63-64, 143.

20. Compare this solicitous treatment of Selim with that of the Englishman,
Shaw.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

unusually wet season, and when the country was inundated for a
long time in consequence. The surface of the plain also bore the
appearance of being subject to such inundations. Beyond this plain
about four miles we came to a running stream of purest water — a
most welcome sight after so many months spent by brackish pools
and nauseous swamps. Crossing the stream, which ran northwest,
we immediately ascended a steep and lofty ridge, whence we ob-
tained a view of grand and imposing mountains, of isolated hills,
rising sheer to great heights from a plain stretching far into the heart
of Ufipa, cut up by numerous streams flowing into the Rungwa River,
which during the rainy season overflows this plain and forms the
lagoon set down by Speke as the Rikwa.21 The sight was encouraging
in the extreme, for it was not to be doubted now that we were near
the Tanganyika. We continued still westward, crossing many a broad
stretch of marsh and oozy bed of nullahs, whence rose the streams
that formed the Rungwa some forty miles south.

At a camping place beyond Mrera we heard enough from some
natives who visited us to assure us that we were rushing to our
destruction if we still kept westward. After receiving hints of how
to evade the war-stricken country in our front, we took a road lead-
ing north-northwest. While continuing on this course we crossed
streams running to the Rungwa south and others running directly
north to the Malagarazi, from either side of a lengthy ridge which
served to separate the country of Unyamwezi from Ukawendi. We
were also attracted for the first time by the lofty and tapering mvule
tree,22 used on the Tanganyika Lake for the canoes of the natives,
who dwell on its shores. The banks of the numerous streams were
lined with dense growths of these shapely trees, as well as of syca-
more, and gigantic tamarinds, which rivalled the largest sycamore
in their breadth of shade. The undergrowth of bushes and tall grass
dense and impenetrable, likely resorts of leopard and lion and wild
boar, were enough to appal the stoutest heart. One of my donkeys,
while being driven to water along a narrow path, hedged by the awe-
some brake on either side, was attacked by a leopard, which fastened
its fangs in the poor animal’s neck, and it would have made short
work of it had not its companions set up such a braying chorus as
might well have terrified a score of leopards. And that same night,

21. Burton and Speke heard the first reports of Lake Rukwa, a lake with no
outlet and of varying area according to the season. It was not visited by a
European until 1882 when E. Kaiser arrived. Fuchs, “The Lake Rukwa Ex-
pedition”; Gunn, “A History of Lake Rukwa and the Red Locust”; Moffett,
Handbook of Tanganyika , 266.

22. Chlorophora excelsa. Dale and Greenway, Kenya Trees, 309-11.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

while encamped contiguous to that limpid stream of Mtambu, with
that lofty line of enormous trees rising dark and awful above us, the
lions issued from the brakes beneath and prowled about the well-set
bush defence of our camp, venting their fearful clamor without inter-
mission until morning. Towards daylight they retreated to their leafy
caverns, for

There the lion dwells, the monarch,

Mightiest among the brutes.

There his right to reign supremest
Never one his claim disputes.

There he layeth down to slumber,

Having slain and ta’en his fill,

There he roameth, there he croucheth,

As it suits his lordly will.23

And few, I believe, would venture therein to dispute it; not I, “i-
faith” when searching after Livingstone.

Our camps by these thick belts of timber, peopled as they were
with the wild beasts, my men never fancied. But Southern Ukawendi,
with its fair, lovely valleys and pellucid streams nourishing vegeta-
tion to extravagant growth, density and height, is infested with
troubles of this kind. And it is probable, from the spread of this
report among the natives, that this is the cause of the scant population
of one of the loveliest countries Africa can boast. The fairest of Cali-
fornia scenery cannot excel, though it may equal, such scenes as
Ukawendi can boast of, and yet a land as large as the State of New
York is almost uninhabited. Days and days one may travel through
primeval forests, now ascending ridges overlooking broad, well wa-
tered valleys, with belts of valuable timber crowning the banks of
the rivers, and behold exquisite bits of scenery — wild, fantastic,
picturesque and pretty — all within the scope of vision whichever way
one may turn. And to crown the glories of this lovely portion of earth,
underneath the surface but a few feet is one mass of iron ore, ex-
tending across three degrees of longitude and nearly four of latitude,
cropping out at intervals, so that the traveller cannot remain ignorant
of the wealth lying beneath.24

Ah, me! What wild and ambitious projects fill a man’s brain as he

23. From a poem by Hermann Ferdinand Freiligrath (1810-1876). HIFL,
368; Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, VII, 343-47.

24. Statements of this type drew forth the ire of the explorer and geologist,
Thomson; he called them the “unrestrained exercise of fancy.” Thomson, Cen-
tral African Lakes, II, 281.

76 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

looks over the forgotten and unpeopled country, containing in its
bosom such store of wealth, and with such an expanse of fertile soil,
capable of sustaining millions! What a settlement one could have
in this valley! See, it is broad enough to support a large population!
Fancy a church spire rising where that tamarind rears its dark crown
of foliage, and think how well a score or so of pretty cottages would
look instead of those thorn clumps and gum trees! Fancy this lovely
valley teeming with herds of cattle and fields of corn, spreading to
the right and left of this stream! How much better would such a
state become this valley, rather than its present deserted and wild
aspect! But be hopeful. The day will come and a future year will
see it, when happier lands have become crowded and nations have
become so overgrown that they have no room to turn about. It only
needs an Abraham or a Lot, an Alaric or an Attila to lead their hosts
to this land, which, perhaps, has been wisely reserved for such a
time.

After the warning so kindly given by the natives soon after leaving
Mrera, in Ukonongo, five days’ 25 marches brought us to Mrera, in
the district of Rusawa, in Ukawendi. Arriving here we questioned
the natives as to the best course to pursue — should we make direct
for the Tanganyika or go north to the Malagarazi River? They ad-
vised us to the latter course, though no Arab had ever taken it. Two
days through the forest, they said, would enable us to reach the
Malagarazi. The guide, who had by this forgotten our disagreement,
endorsed this opinion, as beyond the Malagarazi he was sufficiently
qualified to show the way. We laid in a stock of four days’ provisions
against contingencies, and bidding farewell to the hospitable people
of Rusawa, continued our journey northward. After finding a pass to
the wooded plateau above Mrera, through the arc of mountains which
environed it on the north and west, the soldiers improved another
occasion to make themselves disagreeable.

One of their number had shot a buffalo towards night, and the
approaching darkness had prevented him from following it up to a
clump of jungle, whither it had gone to die, and the black soldiers,
ever on the lookout for meat, came to me in a body to request a day’s
halt to eat meat and make themselves strong for the forest road, to
which I gave a point-blank refusal, as I vowed I would not halt again
until I did it on the banks of the Malagarazi, where I would give
them as much meat as their hearts could desire. There was an evident
disposition to resist, but I held up a warning finger as an indication

25. In HIFL, three days is given.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

that I would not suffer any grumbling, and told them I had business
at Ujiji, which the Wasungu expected I would attend to, and that if I
failed to perform it they would take no excuse, but condemn me at
once. I saw that they were in an excellent mood to rebel, and the
guide, who seemed to be ever on the lookout to revenge his humilia-
tion on the Gombe, was a fit man to lead them; but they knew I had
more than a dozen men upon whom I could rely at a crisis, and
besides, as no harsh word or offensive epithet challenged them to
commence an outbreak, the order to march, though received with
much peevishness, was obeyed. This peevishness may always be ex-
pected when on a long march. It is much the result of fatigue and
monotony, every day being but a repetition of previous days, and a
prudent man will not pay much attention to mere growling and surli-
ness of temper, but keep himself prepared for an emergency which
might possibly arise. By the time we had arrived at camp we were
all in excellent humor with one another, and confidently laughed and
shouted until the deep woods rang again.

The scenery was getting more sublime every day as we advanced
northward, even approaching the terrible. We seemed to have left
the monotony of a desert for the wild, picturesque scenery of Abys-
sinia and the terrible mountains of the Sierra Nevadas. I named
one tabular mountain, which recalled memories of the Abyssinian
campaign, Magdala, and as I gave it a place on my chart it became
of great use to me, as it rose so prominently into view that I was
enabled to lay down our route pretty accurately.26 The four days’
provisions we had taken with us were soon consumed, and still we
were far from the Malagarazi River. Though we eked out my own
stores with great care, as ship-wrecked men at sea, these also gave
out on the sixth day, and still the Malagarazi was not in sight. The
country was getting more difficult for travel, owing to the numerous
ascents and descents we had to make in the course of a day’s march.
Bleached and bare, it was cut up by a thousand deep ravines and
intersected by a thousand dry water courses whose beds were filled
with immense sandstone rocks and boulders washed away from the
great heights which rose above us on every side. We were not pro-
tected now by the shades of the forest, and the heat became excessive
and water became scarce. But we still held on our way, as a halt
would be death to us, hoping that each day’s march would bring us
in sight of the long-looked for and much-desired Malagarazi. For-
tunately we had filled our bags and baskets with the forest peaches

26. Jackson, Meteor Out of Africa, 317, suggests this is the present Makoma
peak.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

with which the forests of Rusawa had supplied us, and these sus-
tained us in this extremity.

On the seventh day, after a six hours’ march, during which we
had descended more than a thousand feet, through rocky ravines,
and over miles of rocky plateaus, above which protruded masses of
hematite of iron, we arrived at a happy camping place, situated in a
valley which was seductively pretty and a hidden garden. Deserted
bomas told us that it had once been occupied, and that at a recent
date, which we took to be a sign that we were not far from habited
districts. Before retiring to sleep the soldiers indulged themselves
in prayer to Allah for relief. Indeed, our position was most des-
perate and unenviable; yet since leaving the coast when had it been
enviable, and when had travelling in Africa ever been enviable?

Proceeding on our road on the eighth day everything we saw
tended to confirm us in the belief that food was at hand. Rhinoceros
tracks abounded, and the bois de vache, or buffalo droppings, were
frequent, and the presence of a river or a body of water was known
in the humidity of the atmoshpere. After travelling two hours, still
descending rapidly towards a deep basin which we saw, the foremost
of the expedition halted, attracted by the sight of a village situated
on a table-topped mountain on our right. The guide told us it must
be that of the Son of Nzogera, of Uvinza.27 We followed a road
leading to the foot of the mountain, and camped on the edge of an
extensive morass.

Though we fired guns to announce our arrival, it was unnecessary,
for the people were already hurrying to our camps to inquire about
our intentions. The explanation was satisfactory, but they said that
they had taken us to be enemies, few friends having ever come along
our road. In a few minutes there was an abundance of meat and
grain in the camp, and the men’s jaws were busy in the process of
mastication.

During the whole of the afternoon we were engaged upon the
terms Nzogera’s son exacted for the privilege of passing through his
country. We found him to be the first of a tribute-taking tribe which
subsequently made much havoc in the bales of the expedition. Seven
and a half doti of cloth were what we were compelled to pay, whether
we returned or proceeded on our way. After a day’s halt we pro-
ceeded under the guidance of two men granted to me as qualified to
show the way to the Malagarazi River. We had to go east-northeast
for a considerable time in order to avoid the morass that lay directly

27. Perhaps the son, Rusunzu, met by Stanley in 1876; he had then suc-
ceeded to his father’s position in Uvinza. TDC, I, 506-08.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

across the country that intervened between the triangular mountain
on whose top Nzogera’s son dwelt. This marsh drains three extensive
ranges of mountains which, starting from the westward, separated
only by two deep chasms from each other, run at wide angles — one
southeast, one northeast and the other northwest. From a distance
this marsh looks fair enough; stately trees at intervals rise seem-
ingly from its bosom, and between them one catches glimpses
of a lovely champaign, bounded by perpendicular mountains, in the
far distance. After a wide detour we struck straight for this marsh,
which presented to us another novelty in the water shed of the Tan-
ganyika.

Fancy a river broad as the Hudson at Albany, though not near so
deep or swift, covered over by water plants and grasses, which had
become so interwoven and netted together as to form a bridge cover-
ing its entire length and breadth, under which the river flowed calm
and deep below. It was over this natural bridge we were expected to
cross. Adding to the tremor which one naturally felt at having to
cross this frail bridge was the tradition that only a few yards higher
up an Arab and his donkey, thirty-five slaves and sixteen tusks of
ivory had suddenly sunk forever out of sight. As one-half of our little
column had already arrived at the centre we on the shore could see
the network of grass waving on either side and between each man,
in one place like to the swell of a sea after a storm and in another like
a small lake violently ruffled by a squall. Hundreds of yards away
from them it ruffled, and undulated one wave after another. As we
all got on it we perceived it to sink about a foot, forcing the water
on which it rested into the grassy channel formed by our footsteps.
One of my donkeys broke through and it required the united strength
of ten men to extricate him. The aggregate weight of the donkey and
men caused that portion of the bridge on which they stood to sink
about two feet and a circular pool of water was formed, and I ex-
pected every minute to see them suddenly sink out of sight. For-
tunately we managed to cross the treacherous bridge without accident.

Arriving on the other side, we struck north, passing through a de-
lightful country, in every way suitable for agricultural settlements or
happy mission stations. The primitive rock began to show itself anew
in eccentric clusters, as a flat-topped rock, on which the villages of
the Wavinza were seen and where the natives prided themselves on
their security and conducted themselves accordingly, ever insolent
and forward, though I believe that with forty good rifles I could have
made the vain fellows desert their country en masse. But a white
traveller’s motto in their lands is, “Do, dare and endure,” and those

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

who come out of Africa alive have generally to thank themselves for
their prudence rather than their temerity. We were halted every two
or three miles by the demand for tribute, which we did not, because
we could not, pay, as they did not press it overmuch, though we had
black looks enough.28

On the second day after leaving Nzogera’s son we commenced a
series of descents, the deep valleys on each side of us astonishing us
by their profundity, and the dark gloom prevailing below, amid their
wonderful dense forests of tall trees, and glimpses of plains beyond,
invited sincere admiration. In about a couple of hours we discovered
the river we were looking for below, at the distance of a mile, running
like a silver vein through a broad valley. Halting at Kiala’s, eldest
son of Nzogera, the principal Sultan of Uvinza, we waited an hour to
see on what terms he would ferry us over the Malagarazi. As we
could not come to a definite conclusion respecting them we were
obliged to camp in his village. Late in the afternoon Rial a sent his
chiefs to our camp with a bundle of short sticks, fifty-six in number.
Each stick, we were soon informed, represented a doti, or four yards
of cloth, which were to consist of best, good, bad and indifferent.
Only one bale of cloth was the amount of the tribute to be exacted
of us! Bombay and the guide were told by me to inform Kiala’s
ambassadors that I would pay ten doti. The gentlemen delegated by
Kiala to receive the tribute soon made us aware what thoughts they
entertained of us by stating that if we ran away from Mirambo we
could not run away from them. Indeed, such was the general opinion
of the natives of Uvinza; for they lived directly west of Uyoweh,
Mirambo’s country, and news travels fast enough in these regions,
though there are no established post offices or telegraph stations. In
two hours, however, we reduced the demand of fifty-six doti to
twenty- three, and the latter number was sent and received, not for
crossing the Malagarazi, but for the privilege of passing through
Kiala’s country in peace. Of these twenty-three cloths thirteen were
sent to Nzogera, the Sultan, while his affectionate son retained ten
for himself. Towards midnight, about retiring for the night after
such an eventful day, while congratulating ourselves that Nzogera,
and Kiala were both rather moderate in their demands, considering
the circumstances, came another demand for four more cloths, with
a promise that we might depart in the morning, or when we pleased;
but as poor Bombay said, from sheer weamiess, that if we had to

28. Stanley later advised a newcomer to Africa: “one golden rule which
you should remember is, ‘Do not fire the first shot,’ whatever may be the
provocation.” Maurice, Stanley's Unpublished Letters, 21-22.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

talk longer he would be driven mad, I told him he might pay them,
after a little haggling, least they, imagining that they had asked too
little, would make another demand in the morning.

Until three o’clock p.m. the following day continued the negotia-
tions for ferrying us across the Malagarazi, consisting of arguments,
threats, quarrels, loud shouting and stormy debate on both sides.
Finally, six doti and ten fundo of sami-sami beads29 were agreed
upon. After which we marched to the ferry, distant half a mile from
the scene of so much contention. The river at this place was not more
than thirty yards broad, sluggish and deep; yet I would prefer at-
tempting to cross the Mississippi by swimming rather than the
Malagarazi. Such another river for the crocodiles, cruel as death, I
cannot conceive. Their long, tapering heads dotted the river every-
where, and though I amused myself, pelting them with two-ounce
balls, I made no effect on their numbers. Two canoes had discharged
their live cargo on the other side of the river when the story of
Captain Burton’s passage across the Malagarazi higher up was brought
vividly to my mind by the extortions which the Mutware now com-
menced.30 About twenty or so of his men had collected, and, backed
by these, he became insolent. If it were worth while to commence
a struggle for two or three more doti of cloth the mere firing of one
revolver at such close quarters would have settled the day, but I
could not induce myself to believe that it was the best way of pro-
ceeding, taking in view the object of our expedition, and accordingly
this extra demand was settled at once with as much amiability as I
could muster, but I warned him not to repeat it, and to prevent him
from doing so ordered a man to each canoe, and to be seated there
with a loaded gun in each man’s hands. After this little episode we
got on very well until all the men excepting two besides Bombay
and myself were safe on the other side.

We then drove a donkey into the river, having first tied a strong
halter to his neck; but he had barely reached the middle of the river
when a crocodile, darting beneath, seized him by the neck and dragged
him under, after several frantic but ineffectual endeavors to draw
him ashore. A sadness stole over all after witnessing this scene, and
as the shades of night had now drawn around us, and had tinged
the river to a black, dismal color, it was with a feeling of relief that

29. “. . . the small coral bead, a scarlet enamelled upon a white ground.”
Burton, “Lake Regions,” 425. It was a popular bead in eastern Africa and
was used as a currency as far inland as Burundi. See Coulbois, Dix Annees
au Tanganyka, 79-80. For a general study see Harding, “Nineteenth-Century
Trade Beads in Tanganyika.”

30. See Burton, Lake Regions, I, 408-12.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the fatal river was crossed, that we all set foot ashore. In the morn-
ing the other donkey swam the river safe enough, the natives firmly
declaring that they had so covered him with medicine that though
the crocodiles swarmed around him they did not dare attack the ani-
mal, so potent was the medicine — for which I had to give a present,
such as became a kindness. I rather incline to the belief, however,
that the remaining donkey owed his safety to the desertion of the
river for the banks, where they love to bask in the sun undisturbed,
and as the neighborhood of the ferry was constantly disturbed they
could not possibly be in the neighborhood, and the donkey conse-
quently escaped the jaws of the crocodiles.

The notes in my journal of what occurred on the following day
read as follows: November 3, Friday, 1871.

Katalambula, N.N.W., 1J hours.

What talk! What excitement, so grotesque, yet so frenzied! Withal
what anxiety have we suffered since we came to Uvinza! These
people are worse than the Wagogo, and their greed is immeasurable.
They are more noisy and intolerable, especially those who dwell
close to the river. Their pride, the guide says, is because they have
possession of the river, and all men have to speak them fair, pay
high tribute, &c. On the northern side, though, I find the Wavinza,
more amiable and more favorably disposed toward caravans, be-
cause they bring terms, and might in a pinch help them against their
cruel neighbors, the Watuta. Before crossing the river a native
guide, procured from the son of Nzogera, who lives on the frontier,
was recognized as a spy in the service of Lokandamira, who is at
war against King Nzogera. The cry for rope to bind him was quickly
responded to, for every tree in their vicinity was furnished with
enough strong bark to tie a dozen spies. They afterwards conveyed
him to Kwi-Kuru, or the capital of Nzogera, which is situated a few
miles below here, on an island well guarded by crocodiles. Lokanda-
mira is at war with Nzogera about certain salt-pans, which must, of
course, belong to the strongest party, for might is right in this world.

We set out from the banks of the river with two new guides,
furnished us by the old man (Usenge is his name) of the ferry.
Arriving at Isinga after traversing a saline plain, which, as we
advanced into the interior, grew wonderfully fertile, we were told
by the native Kirangozi that to-morrow’s march would have to be
made with great caution, for Makumbi, a great warrior chief of
Nzogera, was returning triumphantly from war, and it was his
custom to leave nothing behind him at such times. Intoxicated
with victory he attacked villages and caravans, and of whatever
live stock, slaves or bales he met, he took what he liked. The results
of a month’s campaign against Lokandamira were two villages cap-

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

tured, several men and a son of Nzogera’s enemy being killed, while
Makumbi only lost three men in battle and two from bowel ex-
plosion from drinking too much water. So the Kirangozi says.

“Near Isinga met a caravan of eighty Waguhha direct from
Ujiji, bearing oil,31 and bound for Unyanyembe. They report that
a white man was left by them five days ago at Ujiji.32 He had the
same color as I have, wears the same shoes, the same clothes, and
has hair on his face like I have, only his is white. This is Living-
stone. Hurrah for Ujiji 1 My men share my joy, for we shall be
coming back now directly; and, being so happy at the prospect,
I buy three goats and five gallons of native beer, which will be
eaten and drank directly.”

Two marches from Malagarazi brought us to Uhha. Kawanga was
the first place in Uhha where we halted. It is the village where
resides the first mutware, or chief, to whom caravans have to pay
tribute. To this man we paid twelve and a half doti, upon the under-
standing that we would have to pay no more between here and Ujiji.
Next morning, buoyed up by the hope that we should soon come to
our journey’s end, we had arranged to make a long march of it that
day. We left Kawanga cheerfully enough. The country undulated gen-
tly before us like the prairie of Nebraska, as devoid of trees almost
as our own plains. The top of every wave of land enabled us to see
the scores of villages which dotted its surface, though it required
keen eyes to detect at a distance the beehive and straw-thatched huts
from the bleached grass of the plain. We had marched an hour,
probably, and were passing a large village, with populous suburbs
about it, when we saw a large party pursuing us, who, when they
had come up to us, asked us how we dared pass by without paying
the tribute to the King of Uhha.33

“We have paid it!” we said, quite astonished.

“To whom?”

“To the Chief of Kawanga.”

“How much?”

“Twelve and a half doti.”

“Oh, but that is only for himself. However, you had better stop
and rest at our village until we find all about it.”

But we halted in the middle of the road until the messengers
they sent came back. Seeing our reluctance to halt at their village,

31. From the wild oil palm — Elaeis guineensis. Dale and Greenway, Kenya
Trees & Shrubs, 11-12.

32. HIFL, 384, says eight days.

33. See document 4, notes 3 and 4.

84 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

they sent men also to Mionvu, living an arrow’s flight from where
we were halted, to warn him of our contumacy. Mionvu came to us,
robed most royally, after the fashion of Central Africa, in a crimson
cloth, arranged toga-like over his shoulder and descending to his
ankles, and a brand new piece of Massachusetts sheeting folded
around his head. He greeted us graciously — he was the prince of
politeness — shook hands first with myself, then with my head men,
and cast a keen glance around, in order, as I thought, to measure our
strength. Then seating himself, he spoke with deliberation something
in this style : 34

Why does the white man stand in the road? The sun is hot;
let him seek the shelter of my village, where we can arrange this
little matter between us. Does he not know that there is a king in
Uhha, and that I, Mionvu, am his servant? It is a custom with us
to make friends with great men, such as the white man. All Arabs
and Wanguana stop here and give us cloth. Does the white man
mean to go on without paying? Why should he desire war? I know
he is stronger than we are here, his men have guns, and we have
but spears and arrows; but Uhha is large, and has plenty of people.
The children of the king are many. If he comes to be a friend to
us he will come to our village, give us something, and then go on
his way.

The armed warriors around applauded the very commonplace
speech of Mionvu because it spoke the feelings with which they
viewed our bales. Certain am I, though, that one portion of his speech
— that which related to our being stronger than the Wahha — was
an untruth, and that he knew it, and that he only wished us to start
hostilities in order that he might have good reason for seizing the
whole. But it is not new to you, of course, if you have read this letter
through, that the representative of the HERALD was held of small
account here, and never one did I see who would care a bead for
anything that you would ever publish against him. So the next time
you wish me to enter Africa I only hope you will think it worth while
to send with me 100 good men from the HERALD office to punish
this audacious Mionvu, who fears neither the NEW YORK HERALD
nor the “Star Spangled Banner,” be the latter ever so much spangled
with stars.

I submitted to Mionvu’s proposition, and went with him to his vil-
lage, where he fleeced me to his heart’s content. His demand, which

34. In HIFL, 389-90, Stanley presents a slightly different account.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

he adhered to like a man who knew what he was about, was sixty
doti for the King, twelve doti for himself, three for his wife, three
each to three makko, or subchiefs,35 one to Mibruri’s little boy:
total, eighty-five doti, or one good bale of cloth. Not one doti did he
abate, though I talked until six p.m. from ten a.m. I went to bed that
night like a man on the verge of ruin. However, Mionvu said that
we would have to pay no more in Uhha.36

Pursuing our way next day, after a four hours’ march, we came
to Kahirigi, and quartered ourselves in a large village, governed over
by Mionvu’s brother, who had already been advised by Mionvu of
the windfall in store for him.37 This man, as* soon as we had set the
tent, put in a claim for thirty doti, which I was able to reduce after
much eloquence, lasting over five hours, to twenty-six doti. I am short
enough in relating it because I am tired of the theme; but there lives
not a man in the whole United States with whom I would not gladly
have exchanged positions had it been possible. I saw my fine array
of bales being reduced fast. Four more such demands as Mionvu’s
would leave me, in unclassic phrase, “cleaned out.”

After paying this last tribute, as it was night, I closed my tent and,
lighting my pipe, began to think seriously upon my position and how
to reach Ujiji without paying more tribute. It was high time to resort
either to battle or to a strategy of some kind, possibly to striking into
the jungle; but there was no jungle in Uhha, and a man might be
seen miles off on its naked plains. At least this last was the plan
most likely to succeed without endangering the prospects almost
within reach of the expedition. Calling the guide, I questioned him
as to its feasibility, first scolding him for leading me to such a
strait. He said there was a Mguana, a slave of Thani Bin Abdullah,38
in the Boma,39 with whom I might consult. Sending for him, he
presently came, and I began to ask him for how much he would guide
us out of Uhha without being compelled to pay any more Muhongo.
He replied that it was a hard thing to do, unless I had complete con-
trol over my men and they could be got to do exactly as I told them.
When satisfied on this point he entered into an agreement to show
me a road — or rather to lead me to it — that might be clear of all

35. See d’Hertefeldt, Trouwborst, Scherer, Les Anciens Royaumes, 208-11,
for Ha political organization.

36. Compare the differences in HIFL, 393-94.

37. Ibid., 395, calls him instead “the King of Uhha’s brother.”

38. Thani bin Abdulla was an Arab settled at Tabora; he had lived in the
Comoro Islands and spoke French. Mackay’s Journal, May 1878, C.A6/016B,
CMS; Guillet’s Journal, in Les Missions Catholiques 15 (1883), 165-66.

39. Stockade, fort.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

habitations as far as Ujiji for twelve doti, paid beforehand. The cloth
was paid to him at once.40

At half-past two a.m. the men were ready, and, stealing silently
past the huts, the guide opened the gates, and we filed out one by
one as quickly as possible.41 The moon was bright, and by it we
perceived that we were striking across a burned plain in a southerly
direction, and then turned westward, parallel with the high road, at
the distance of four miles, sometimes lessening or increasing that
distance as circumstances compelled us. At dawn we crossed the
swift Rusizi,42 which flowed southward into the Malagarizi, after
which we took a northwesterly direction through a thick jungle of
bamboo. There was no road, and behind us we left but little trail on
the hard, dry ground. At eight a.m. we halted for breakfast, having
marched nearly six hours, within the jungle which stretched for miles
around us.

We were only once on the point of being discovered through the
mad freak of a weak-brained woman, who was the wife of one of
the black soldiers. We were crossing the knee-deep Rusizi, when this
woman, suddenly and without cause, took it into her head to shriek
and shout as if a crocodile had bitten her. The guide implored me to
stop her shrieking, or she would alarm the whole country, and we
would have hundreds of angry Wahha about us. The men were
already preparing to bolt — several being on the run with their loads.
At my order to stop her noise, she launched into another fit of hys-
terical shrieking, and I was compelled to stop her cries with three or
four smart cuts across her shoulders, though I felt rather ashamed
of myself; but our lives and the success of the expedition was worth
more, in my opinion, than a hundred of such women. As a further
precaution she was gagged and her arms tied behind her, and a cord
led from her waist to that of her liege lord’s, who gladly took upon
himself the task of looking after her, and who threatened to cut her
head off if she attempted to make another outcry.43

At 10 a.m. we resumed our journey, and after three hours camped
at Lake Musuma,44 a body of water which during the rainy season
has a length of three miles and a breadth of two miles. It is one of

40. Compare HIFL, 396.

41. Ibid, says in gangs of four.

42. The text reads Rusizi, but HIFL, 397, indicates the Rusugi (Stanley’s
spelling).

43. Compare this account with that of HIFL, 398-99. In the third edition
of HIFL, Stanley cut out almost all reference to this episode. Coupland, Liv-
ingstone’s Last Journey, 212.

44. HIFL, 399, has Lake Musunya. One observer considers the lake was
“only one of the depressions of the Sabaga swamp which is seasonably filled
with water.” Jackson, Meteor Out of Africa, 332.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

a group of lakes which fill deep hollows in the plain of Uhha. They
swarm with hippopotami, and their shores are favorite resorts of
large herds of buffalo and game. The eland and buffalo especially
are in large numbers here, and the elephant and rhinoceros are
exceedingly numerous. We saw several of these, but did not dare to
fire.

On the second morning after crossing the Sunuzzi and Rugufu
Rivers, we had just started from our camp, and as there was no
moonlight the head of the column came to a village, whose inhabi-
tants, as we heard a few voices, were about starting. We were all
struck with consternation, but, consulting with the guide, we des-
patched our goats and chickens, and leaving them in the road faced
about, retraced our steps, and after a quarter of an hour struck up a
ravine, and descending several precipitous places, about half-past six
o’clock found ourselves in Ukaranga — safe and free from all tribute
taking Wahha.

Exultant shouts were given — equivalent to the Anglo-Saxon hurrah
— upon our success. Addressing the men, I asked them, “Why should
we halt when but a few hours from Ujiji? Let us march a few hours
more and to-morrow we shall see the white man at Ujiji, and who
knows but this may be the man we are seeking? Let us go on, and
after to-morrow we shall have fish for dinner and many days’ rest
afterwards, every day eating the fish of the Tanganyika. Stop; I think
I smell the Tanganyika fish even now.” This speech was hailed with
what the newspapers call “loud applause; great cheering,” and “Ngema
— very well, master;” “Hyah Barak-Allah — Onward, and the blessing
of God be on you.”

We strode from the frontier at the rate of four miles an hour, and,
after six hours’ march the tired caravan entered the woods which
separate the residence of the Chief of Ukaranga from the villages on
the Mkuti River. As we drew near the village we went slower, unfurled
the American and Zanzibar flags, presenting quite an imposing array.
When we came in sight of Nyamtaga, the name of the Sultan’s resi-
dence, and our flags and numerous guns were seen, the Wakaranga
and their Sultan deserted the village en masse , and rushed into the
woods, believing that we were Mirambo’s robbers, who, after destroy-
ing Unyanyembe, were come to destroy the Arabs and bunder of
Ujiji; but he and his people were soon reassured, and came forward
to welcome us with presents of goats and beer, all of which were
very welcome after the exceedingly lengthy marches we had recently
undertaken.45

45. Cameron visited this chief in 1874 and found him unfriendly. Cameron,
Across Africa, I, 236.

88 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Rising at early dawn our new clothes were brought forth again that
we might present as decent an appearance as possible before the
Arabs of Ujiji, and my helmet was well chalked and a new puggeree
folded around it, my boots were well oiled and my white flannels put
on, and altogether, without joking, I might have paraded the streets
of Bombay without attracting any very great attention.

A couple of hours brought us to the base of a hill, from the top
of which the Kirangozi said we could obtain a view of the great
Tanganyika Lake. Heedless of the rough path or of the toilsome steep,
spurred onward by the cheery promise, the ascent was performed
in a short time. On arriving at the top we beheld it at last from the
spot whence, probably. Burton and Speke looked at it — “the one in a
half paralyzed state, the other almost blind.” Indeed, I was pleased
at the sight; and, as we descended, it opened more and more into
view until it was revealed at last into a grand inland sea, bounded
westward by an appalling and black-blue range of mountains, and
stretching north and south without bounds, a gray expanse of water.

From the western base of the hill was a three hours’ march, though
no march ever passed off so quickly. The hours seemed to have
been quarters, we had seen so much that was novel and rare to us
who had been travelling so long on the highlands. The mountains
bounding the lake on the eastward receded and the lake advanced.
We had crossed the Ruche, or Liuche, and its thick belt of tall matete
grass.46 We had plunged into a perfect forest of them, and had en-
tered into the cultivated fields which supply the port of Ujiji with
vegetables, & c., and we stood at last on the summit of the last hill of
the myriads we had crossed, and the port of Ujiji, embowered in
palms, with the tiny waves of the silver waters of the Tanganyika
rolling at its feet, was directly below us.

We are now about descending — in a few minutes we shall have
reached the spot where we imagine the object of our search — our
fate will soon be decided. No one in that town knows we are coming;
least of all do they know we are so close to them. If any of them
ever heard of the white man at Unyanyembe they must believe we
are there yet. We shall take them all by surprise, for no other but a
white man would dare leave Unyanyembe for Ujiji with the country
in such a distracted state — no other but a crazy white man, whom
Sheik, the son of Nasib, is going to report to Syed or Prince Burghash
for not taking his advice.

46. The Luiche River. Matete, or elephant grass — Pennisetum cf. Benthami.
For a good description of matete, Mecklenburg, In the Heart of Africa, 210-11.

Henry M. Stanley, 1877

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

Well, we are but a mile from Ujiji now, and it is high time we
should let them know a caravan is coming; so “Commence firing”
is the word passed along the length of the column, and gladly do
they begin. They have loaded their muskets half full, and they roar
like the broadside of a line-of -battle ship. Down go the ramrods,
sending huge charges home to the breech, and volley after volley is
fired. The flags are fluttered; the banner of America is in front waving
joyfully; the guide is in the zenith of his glory. The former residents
of Zanzibar will know it directly, and will wonder — as well they may
— as to what it means. Never were the Stars and Stripes so beautiful
to my mind — the breeze of the Tanganyika has such an effect on
them. The guide blows his horn, and the shrill, wild clangor of it is
far and near; and still the cannon muskets tell the noisy seconds.
By this time the Arabs are fully alarmed; the natives of Ujiji, Wa-
guhha, Warundi, Wanguana, and I know not whom, hurry up by
the hundreds to ask what it all means — this fusilading, shouting and
blowing of horns and flag-flying. There are Yambos shouted out to
me by the dozen, and delighted Arabs have run up breathlessly to
shake my hands and ask anxiously where I came from. But I have no
patience with them. The expedition goes far too slow. I should like
to settle the vexed question by one personal view. Where is he? Has
he fled?

Suddenly a man — a black man — at my elbow shouts in English,
“How do you, sir?”

“Hello! who the deuce are you?”

“I am the servant of Dr. Livingstone,” he says; but before I can ask
any more questions he is running like a madman towards the town.

We have at last entered the town. There are hundreds of people
around me — I might say thousands without exaggeration, it seems
to me. It is a grand triumphal procession. As we move they move.
All eyes are drawn towards us. The expedition at last comes to a
halt; the journey is ended for a time; but I alone have a few more
steps to make.

There is a group of the most respectable Arabs, and as I come
nearer I see the white face of an old man among them. He has
a cap with a gold band around it, his dress is a short jacket of red
blanket cloth, and his pants — well, I didn’t observe. I am shaking
hands with him. We raise our hats, and I say :

“Dr. Livingstone, I presume?”

And he says, “Yes.”

Finis coronat opus.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Ujiji, Lake Tanganyika
December 23, 18711

A few days after the arrival of the HERALD expedition at Ujiji, I
asked the Doctor if he had explored the head of the Tanganyika. He
said he had not, “he had not thought it of so much importance as
the central line of drainage; besides, when he had proposed to do it,
before leaving for Manyema, the Wajiji had shown such a disposition
to fleece him that he had desisted from the attempt.”

Your correspondent then explained to him what great importance
was attached to the lake by geographers, as stated in the newspapers,
and suggested to him that it were better, seeing that he was about
to leave for Unyanyembe, and that something might occur in the
meanwhile to hinder him from ever visiting it, to take advantage of
the offer I made of putting myself, men and effects of the expedition
at his service for the purpose of exploring the northern head of the
Tanganyika.2 He at once accepted the offer, and, like a hero, lost no
time in starting.

On the 20th of November Dr. Livingstone and your correspondent,
with twenty picked men of the HERALD Expedition Corps, started.
Despite the assertion of Arabs that the Warundi were dangerous and
would not let us pass,3 we hugged their coast closely, and when
fatigued boldly encamped in their country. Once only were we obliged
to fly — and this was at dead of night — from a large party which we
knew to be surrounding us on the landside. We got to the boat safely,
and we might have punished them severely had the Doctor been so
disposed. Once also we were stoned, but we paid no heed to them
and kept on our way along their coast until we arrived at Mokamba’s,4
one of the chiefs of Usige.

Mokamba was at war with a neighboring chief, who lived on the
left bank of the Rusizi. That did not deter us, and we crossed the
head of the Tanganyika to Mugihewah, governed by Ruhinga, brother
of Mokamba.

Mugihewah is a tract of country on the right bank of the Rusizi,

1. NYH, July 15, 1872.

2. The trip is discussed in Leroy, “Stanley et Livingstone en Urundi.”

3. Mukamba of Usige in Burundi had earlier defeated the Arabs. LLJ, II,
13-16.

4. Mukamba died after the visit. His successor, Mvuruma, was hostile to
some later European visitors because of this. Hutley to LMS, Oct. 19, 1879,
LMS.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

extending to the lake. With Mokamba and Ruhinga we became most
intimate; they proved to be sociable, good-natured chiefs, and gave
most valuable information concerning the countries lying to the north
of Usige; and if their information is correct, Sir Samuel Baker will
be obliged to curtail the ambitious dimensions of his lake by one
degree, if not more.5 A Mgwana, living at Mokamba’s, on the eastern
shore of the lake, had informed us that the River Rusizi certainly
flowed out of the lake, and after joining the Kitangule6 emptied into
the Lake N’yanza (Victoria).

When we entered Ruhinga’s territory of Mugihewah, we found our-
selves but 300 yards from the river about which a great deal has
been said and written. At Unanyembe I was told that the Rusizi
was an affluent. At Ujiji all Arabs but one united in saying the same
thing, and within ten miles of the Rusizi a freedman of Zanzibar swore
it was an affluent.

On the morning of the eleventh day of our departure from Ujiji,
we were rowed towards the river. We came to a long narrow bay,
fringed on all sides with tall, dense reeds and swarming with croco-
diles, and soon came to the mouth of the Rusizi. As soon as we had
entered the river all doubt vanished before the strong, turbid flood
against which we had to contend in the ascent. After about ten min-
utes we entered what seemed a lagoon, but which was the result of
a late inundation. About an hour higher up the river began to be
confined to its proper banks, and is about thirty yards broad, but
very shallow.

Two days higher up Ruhinga told us the Rusizi was joined by the
Loanda, coming from the northwest. There could be no mistake
then. Dr. Livingstone and myself had ascended it, had felt the force
of the strong inflowing current — the Rusizi was an influent, as much
so as the Malagarazi, the Liuche and Rugufu, but with its banks full
it can only be considered as ranking third among the rivers flowing
into the Tanganyika. Though rapid it is extremely shallow; it has
three mouths, up which an ordinary ship’s boat loaded might in vain
attempt to ascend. Burton and Speke, though they ascended to within
six hours’ journey by canoe from the Rusizi, were compelled to turn
back by the cowardice of the boatmen.7 Had they ascended to Mreuta’s

5. Samuel W. Baker (1821-1893) was the first European to visit Lake
Albert (1864). From African reports Baker believed the lake to extend south-
ward a great distance. See Baker, The Albert N’yanza, II, 94ff. For his life,
DNB, XXII, 101-05; GJ 3 (1894), 152-56. See document 15, note 23.

6. The Kagera River. See document 30, note 14.

7. See Burton, “Lake Regions,” 17, 254; Speke, What Led to the Discovery,
24&-A7.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

capital,8 they could easily have seen the head of the lake. Usige is
but a district of Urundi, governed by several small chiefs, who owe
obedience to Mwezi, the great King of Urundi.9

We spent nine days at the head of the Tanganyika exploring the
islands and many bays that indent its shores. In returning to Ujiji
we coasted along the west side of the Tanganyika, as far as the coun-
try of the Wasansi,10 whom we had to leave on no amicable terms,
owing to their hostility to Arabs, and arrived at Ujiji on the 18th of
December,11 having been absent twenty-eight days.

Though the Rusizi River can no longer be a subject of curiosity to
geographers — and we are certain that there is no connection between
the Tanganyika and Baker’s Lake, or the Albert N’yanza — it is not yet
certain that there is no connection between the Tanganyika and the
Nile River. The western coast has not all been explored; and there is
reason to suppose that a river runs out of the Tanganyika through
the deep caverns of Kabogo Mountain, far under ground and out on
the western side of Kabogo into the Lualaba, or the Nile. Livingstone
has seen the river about forty miles or so west of Kabogo (about
forty yards broad at that place), but he does not know that it runs
out of the mountain. This is one of the many things which he has
yet to examine.12

Bunder Ujiji, on Lake Tanganyika
December 26, 1871 1

The goal was won. Finis coronat opus. I might here stop very well
— for Livingstone was found — only the HERALD I know will not be
satisfied with one story, so I will sit down to another; a story so inter-

8. The ruler of Uvira. HIFL, 507.

9. Mwezi IV Kissabo (c. 1860-1908). For his reign. Bourgeois, Banyarwanda
et Burundi, I, 196-200; Louis, Ruanda-Urundi, 114-30; Vansina, “Notes sur
l’Histoire du Burundi,” 3-7.

10. The territory on the Lake Tanganyika coast south of Uvira. An English
visitor later gave them a reputation for “morose hospitality.” Hore, “Twelve
Tribes of Tanganyika,” 13. See also Pres des Grands Lacs (anon.), 57ff.; Van-
sina, Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 7.

11. Dec. 12, in HIFL, 514.

12. See LLJ, II, 154, and the map accompanying the volume.

1. NYH, Aug. 15, 1872. There is some duplication in this despatch and Stan-
ley’s despatch of Nov. 10, 1871, given above. The letters should be read jointly.
See Introduction, note 119.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

esting, because he, the great traveller, the hero Livingstone, tells
most of it himself.

We were met at last. The HERALD’s special correspondent had
seen Dr. Livingstone, whom more than three-fourths of all who had
ever heard of him believed to be dead. Yet at noon on the 10th of
November of this year I first shook hands with him, and said to him,
“Doctor, I thank God I have been permitted to shake hands with you.”
I said it all very soberly and with due dignity, because there were so
many Arabs about us, and the circumstances under which I appeared
did not warrant me to do anything else. I was as much a stranger
to Livingstone as I was to any Arab there. And, if Arabs do not like
to see any irregularity, indeed I think that Englishmen must be
placed in the same category.

But what does all this preface and what may this prolixity mean?
Well, it means this, that I looked upon Livingstone as an Englishman,
and I feared that if I showed any unusual joy at meeting with him
he might conduct himself very much like another Englishman did
once whom I met in the interior of another foreign and strange land
wherein we two were the only English-speaking people to be found
within the area of two hundred miles square, and who, upon my
greeting him with a cordial “Good morning,” would not answer me,
but screwed on a large eye-glass in a manner which must have been
as painful to him as it was to me, and then deliberately viewed my
horse and myself for the space of about thirty seconds, and passed
on his way with as much insouciance as if he had seen me a thou-
sand times and there was nothing at all in the meeting to justify him
coming out of that shell of imperturbability with which he had cov-
ered himself.2

Besides, I had heard all sorts of things from a quondam com-
panion3 of his about him. He was eccentric, I was told; nay, almost
a misanthrope, who hated the sight of Europeans; who, if Burton,
Speke, Grant or anybody of that kind were coming to see him, would
make haste to put as many miles as possible between himself and
such a person. He was a man also whom no one could get along with
— it was almost impossible to please him; he was a man who kept
no journal, whose discoveries would certainly perish with him unless
he himself came back. This was the man I was shaking hands with
whom I had done my utmost to surprise, lest he should run away.

2. Compare with Hird, Stanley , 88-90.

3. John Kirk. This hostile feeling and the subsequent quarrel between Stan-
ley and Kirk are discussed in Coupland, Livingstone’s Last Journey and An-
struther, I Presume. See also Bennett, “Stanley and the American Consuls at
Zanzibar,” 43-44.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Consequently you may know why I did not dare manifest any extra-
ordinary joy upon my success. But, really, had there been no one
present — none of those cynical-minded Arabs I mean — I think I
should have betrayed the emotions which possessed me, instead of
which I only said, “Doctor, I thank God I have been permitted to
shake hands with you.” Which he returned with a grateful and wel-
come smile.

Together we turned our faces towards his tembe. He pointed to
the veranda of his house, which was an unrailed platform, built of
mud, covered by wide overhanging eaves. He pointed to his own
particular seat, on a carpet of goatskins spread over a thick mat of
palm leaf. I protested against taking this seat, but he insisted, and
I yielded. We were seated, the Doctor and I, with our backs to the
wall, the Arabs to our right and left and in front, the natives form-
ing a dark perspective beyond. Then began conversation; I forget
what about; possibly about the road I took from Unyanyembe, but I
am not sure. I know the Doctor was talking, and I was answering
mechanically. I was conning the indomitable, energetic, patient and
persevering traveller, at whose side I now sat in central Africa. Every
hair of his head and beard, every line and wrinkle of his face, the
wan face, the fatigued form, were all imparting the intelligence to
me which so many men so much desired. It was deeply interesting
intelligence and unvarnished truths these mute but certain witnesses
gave. They told me of the real nature of the work in which he was
engaged. Then his lips began to give me the details — lips that can-
not lie. I could not repeat what he said. He had so much to say that
he began at the end, seemingly oblivious of the fact that nearly six
years had to be accounted for. But the story came out bit by bit,
unreservedly — as unreservedly as if he was conversing with Sir R.
Murchison, his true friend and best on earth. The man’s heart was
gushing out, not in hurried sentences, in rapid utterances, in quick
relation — but in still and deep words.

His quondam companion must have been a sad student of human
nature or a most malicious person — a man whose judgment was dis-
torted by an oblique glance at his own inner image, and was thus
rendered incapable of knowing the great heart of Livingstone — for
after several weeks’ life with him in the same tent and in the same
hut I am utterly unable to perceive what angle of Livingstone’s na-
ture that gentleman took to base a judgment upon. A happier com-
panion, a truer friend than the traveller thus slandered I could not
wish for. He was always polite — with a politeness of the genuine kind
— and this politeness never forsook him for an instant, even in the
midst of the most rugged scenes and greatest difficulties.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

Upon my first introduction to him Livingstone was to me like a
huge tome, with a most unpretending binding. Within the book might
contain much valuable lore and wisdom, but its exterior gave no
promise of what was within. Thus outside Livingstone gave no token
— except of being rudely dealt with by the wilderness — of what ele-
ment of power or talent lay within. He is a man of unpretending
appearance enough, has quiet, composed features, from which the
freshness of youth has quite departed, but which retains the mobility
of prime age just enough to show that there yet lives much endurance
and vigor within his frame. The eyes, which are hazel, are remark-
ably bright, not dimmed in the least, though the whiskers and mus-
tache are very gray. The hair, originally brown, is streaked here and
there with gray over the temples, otherwise it might belong to a man
of thirty. The teeth above show indications of being worn out. The
hard fare of Londa and Manyema have made havoc in their ranks.
His form is stoutish, a little over the ordinary in height, with slightly
bowed shoulders. When walking he has the heavy step of an over-
worked and fatigued man. On his head he wears the naval cap,
with a round vizor with which he has been identified throughout
Africa. His dress shows that at times he has had to resort to the
needle to repair and replace what travel has worn. Such is Living-
stone externally.

Of the inner man much more may be said than of the outer. As he
reveals himself, bit by bit, to the stranger, a great many favorable
points present themselves, any of which taken singly might well dis-
pose you toward him. I had brought him a packet of letters, and
though I urged him again and again to defer conversation with me
until he had read the news from home and children, he said he would
defer reading until night; for the time he would enjoy being aston-
ished by the European and any general world news I could com-
municate. He had acquired the art of being patient long ago, he said,
and he had waited so long for letters that he could well afford to
wait a few hours more. So we sat and talked on that humble veranda
of one of the poorest houses in Ujiji. Talked quite oblivious of the
large concourse of Arabs, Wanguana and Wajiji, who had crowded
around to see the new comer.

There was much to talk about on both sides. On his side he had
to tell me what had happened to him, of where he had been, and of
what he had seen during the five years the world believed him to be
dead. On my side I had to tell him very old, old news, of the Suez
Canal and the royal extravagance of Ismail Pacha; of the termination
of the Cretan insurrection; of the Spanish revolution; of the flight
of Isabella; of the new King, Amadeus, and of the assassination of

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Prim; of the completion of the Pacific Railroad across the American
Continent; of the election of General Grant as President; of the French
and Prussian war; of the capture of Napoleon, the flight of Eugenie
and of the complete humiliation of France. Scores of eminent per-
sons— some personal friends of his — had died. So that the news had
a deep interest to him, and I had a most attentive auditor.

By and by the Arabs retired, understanding well the position, though
they were also anxious to hear from me about Mirambo, but I sent
my head men with them to give them such news as they wanted.

The hours of that afternoon passed most pleasantly — few after-
noons of my life more so. It seemed to me as if I had met an old,
old friend. There was a friendly or good-natured abandon about Liv-
ingstone which was not lost on me. As host, welcoming one who
spoke his language, he did his duties with a spirit and style I have
never seen elsewhere. He had not much to offer, to be sure, but what
he had was mine and his. The wan features which I had thought
shocked me at first meeting, the heavy step which told of age and
hard travel, the gray beard and stooping shoulders belied the man.
Underneath that aged and well spent exterior lay an endless fund of
high spirits, which now and then broke out in peals of hearty laugh-
ter— the rugged frame enclosed a very young and exuberant soul. The
meal — I am not sure but what we ate three meals that afternoon —
was seasoned with innumerable jokes and pleasant anecdotes, in-
teresting hunting stories, of which his friends Webb,4 Oswell,5 Var-
don6 and Cumming (Gordon Cumming) 7 were always the chief ac-
tors.

“You have brought me new life,” he said several times, so that I
was not sure but that there was some little hysteria in this joviality
and abundant animal spirits, but as I found it continued during sev-

4. William F. Webb (1829-1899) had been a companion of Livingstone in
southern Africa. Livingstone wrote the account of his Zambezi expedition while
staying at his estate in 1864. Fraser, Livingstone and Newstead; GJ 13 (1899),
440.

5. William C. Oswell (1818-1893) had accompanied Livingstone on some
of his southern African explorations. Oswell, William Cotton Oswell. For Os-
well’s modesty concerning his role in these explorations, Lacy, “A Century of
Exploration in South Africa,” 221-22.

6. Frank Vardon of the Indian army had been a companion of Oswell in
southern Africa. During 1846-1847 they hunted along the Limpopo River where
they encountered the tsetse fly. Vardon brought the first specimens back to
Britain. Schapera, Livingstone’s Private Journals 1851-1853, 64; Johnston,
Livingstone and the Exploration of Central Africa, 47, 107.

7. R. Gordon Cumming (1820-1866), the hunter, had met Livingstone dur-
ing his travels in southern Africa in the late 1840’s. Schapera, Livingstone’s
Missionary Correspondence 1841-1856, 114.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

eral weeks I am now disposed to think it natural. Another thing
which specially attracted my attention was his wonderfully retentive
memory. When we remember the thirty years and more he has spent
in Africa, deprived of books, we may well think it an uncommon
memory that can recite whole poems of Burns, Byron, Tennyson and
Longfellow. Even the poets Whittier and Lowell were far better known
to him than to me. He knew an endless number of facts and names
of persons connected with America much better than I, though it
was my peculiar province as a journalist to have known them. One
reason, perhaps, for this fact may be that the Doctor never smokes,
so that his brain is never befogged, even temporarily, by the fumes
of the insidious weed. Besides, he has lived all his life almost, we
may say, within himself — in a world of thought which revolved in-
wardly, seldom awaking out of it except to attend to the immediate
practical necessities of himself and his expedition. The immediate
necessities disposed of, he must have relapsed into his own inner
world, into which he must have conjured memories of his home,
relations, friends, acquaintances, familiar readings, ideas and asso-
ciations, so that wherever he might be, or by whatsoever he was
surrounded, his own world had attractions far superior to that which
the external world by which he was surrounded had.

Dr. Livingstone is a truly pious man — a man deeply imbued with
real religious instincts. The study of the man would not be complete
if we did not take the religious side of his character into considera-
tion. His religion, any more than his business, is not of the theoretical
kind — simply contenting itself with avowing its peculiar creed and
ignoring all other religions as wrong or weak. It is of the true, prac-
tical kind, never losing a chance to manifest itself in a quiet, practical
way — never demonstrative or loud. It is always at work, if not in
deed, by shining example. It is not aggressive, which sometimes is
troublesome and often impertinent. In him religion exhibits its love-
liest features. It governs his conduct towards his servants, towards
the natives and towards the bigoted Mussulmans — even all who
come in contact with him. Without religion Livingstone, with his
ardent temperament, his enthusiastic nature, his high spirit and
courage, might have been an uncompanionable man and a hard mas-
ter. Religion has tamed all these characteristics; nay, if he was ever
possessed of them, they have been thoroughly eradicated. Whatever
was crude or wilful religion has refined, and made him, to speak the
earnest, sober truth, the most agreeable of companions and indulgent
of masters.

I have been frequently ashamed of my impatience while listening

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

to his mild rebuke to a dishonest or lazy servant, whereas had he
been of mine his dishonesty or laziness had surely been visited with
prompt punishment. I have often heard our servants discuss our
respective merits. “Your master,” say my servants to those of Living-
stone, “is a good man — a very good man. He does not beat you, for
he has a kind heart; but ours — oh! he is sharp, hot as fire — mkali
sana-kana moto” From being hated and thwarted in every possible
way by the Arabs and half castes upon first arrival in Ujiji, through
his uniform kindness and mild, pleasant temper he has now won all
hearts. I perceived that universal respect was paid to him by all.

Every Sunday morning he gathers his little flock around him and
has prayers read, not in the stereotyped tone of an English High
Church clergyman, which always sounds in my ears insincerely, but
in the tone recommended by Archbishop Whately8 — viz., natural,
unaffected and sincere. Following them he delivers a short address
in the Kisawahili language about what he has been reading from the
Bible to them, which is listened to with great attention.

There is another point in Livingstone’s character about which we,
as readers of his books and students of his travels, would naturally
wish to know something — viz., his ability to withstand the rigors of
an African climate, and the consistent energy with which he follows
the exploration of Central Africa. Those who may have read Burton’s
Lake Regions of Central Africa cannot have failed to perceive that
Captain Burton, the author, was very well tired of Africa long before
he reached Ujiji, and that when he had reached Ujiji he was too
much worn out to be able to go any farther, or do anything but
proceed by boat to Uvira, near the northern head of the Tanganyika
— a task he performed, we must admit, in no enviable humor. We
also know how Speke looked and felt when Baker met him at Gon-
dokoro; how, after merely glancing at the outflow of Lake Victoria
into the Victoria Nile, he was unable or indisposed to go a little
farther west to discover the lake which has made Baker famous and
given him a knighthood. Also, do we not all know the account of
Baker’s discovery of that lake, and what resolutions he made after
his return to civilization from his visit to the Albert Lake? 9

When I first met the Doctor I asked him if he did not feel a desire
to visit his country and take a little rest. He had then been absent
about six years, and the answer he gave me freely shows what kind

8. Richard Whately (1783-1863), the often controversial Archbishop of Dub-
lin. DNB, LX, 423-29.

9. In HIFL, 435, Stanley omits these critical statements about Burton, Speke,
and Baker.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

of man he is, and how differently constituted he is from Burton,
Speke or Baker. Said he: “I would like very much to go home and
see my children once again, but I cannot bring my heart to abandon
the task I have undertaken when it is so nearly completed. It only
requires six or seven months more to trace the true source that I
have discovered with Petherick’s branch of the White Nile, or with
the Albert Nyanza of Sir Samuel Baker.10 Why should I go before
my task is ended, to have to come back again to do what I can very
well do now?”

"And why,” I asked, "did you come so far back without finishing
the short task which you say you have yet to do?”

"Simply because I was forced; my men would not budge a step
forward. They mutinied and formed a secret resolution that if I still
insisted on going on to raise a disturbance in the country, and after
they had effected it to abandon me, in which case I should be killed.
It was dangerous to go any farther. I had explored six hundred miles
of the watershed, had traced all the principal streams which dis-
charged their waters into the central line of drainage, and when about
starting to explore the last one hundred miles the hearts of my people
failed, and they set about frustrating me in every possible way. Now,
having returned seven hundred miles to get a new supply of stores
and another escort, I find myself destitute of even the means to live
but for a few weeks, and sick in mind and body.”

Let any reader study the spirit of the above remark, and compare
it with those which animated a Burton, a Speke or a Baker. How
would those gentlemen have comported themselves in such a crisis,
unprepared, as we all know they were, for the terrible fevers of Cen-
tral Africa?

Again, about a week after I had arrived in Ujiji, I asked Living-
stone if he had examined the northern head of the Tanganyika. He
answered immediately he had not, and then asked if people expected
he had. I then informed him that great curiosity was felt about the
connection that was supposed to exist between the Tanganyika and
Lake Albert. One party said that a river flowed out of the Tanganyika
into the Albert; another party held that it was impossible, since the
Tanganyika was, according to Burton and Speke, much lower than
the Albert. Others were inclined to let the subject alone until they
should hear from him, the only one capable at the present time to
set the matter at rest forever.

The Doctor replied to these remarks that he was not aware so

10. See documents 4, note 28, and 15, note 23.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

much importance was attached to the Tanganyika, as his friends at
home, instead of writing to him, contented themselves with speculat-
ing as to where he should come out of Africa, and thus he had been
kept ignorant of many things of which those who took any interest
in him should have informed him.

“I did try before setting out for Manyema to engage canoes and
proceed northward, but I soon saw that the people were all confed-
erating to fleece me as they had Burton, and had I gone under such
circumstances I should not have been able to proceed to Manyema
to explore the central line of drainage, and of course the most im-
portant line — far more important than the line of the Tanganyika;
for whatever connection there may be between the Tanganyika and
the Albert the true sources of the Nile are those emptying into the
central line of drainage. In my own mind I have not the least doubt
that the Rusizi River flows from this lake into the Albert. For three
months steadily I observed a current setting northward. I verified it
by means of water plants.

“When Speke gives the altitude of the Tanganyika at only 1,880
feet above the sea I imagine he must have fallen into the error by
frequently writing the Anno Domini, and thus made a slip of the pen;
for the altitude is over two thousand eight hundred feet by boiling
point, though I make it a little over three thousand feet by barom-
eters.11 Thus you see that there are no very great natural difficulties
on the score of altitude, and nothing to prevent the reasonable sup-
position that there may be a water connection by means of the Rusizi
or some other river between the two lakes. Besides, the Arabs here
are divided in their statements. Some swear that the river goes out of
the Tanganyika, others that it flows into the Tanganyika.”

“Well, Doctor,” said I, “if I were you, before leaving this part of
the country for Unyanyembe, perhaps never to return here — for one
knows not what may occur in the meantime — I would go up and see,
and if you like I will accompany you. You say you have no cloth
and only five men. I have enough cloth and men for all your purposes.
Suppose you go up and settle this vexed question, for so far as I see
by the newspapers everybody expects it of you.” 12

Many a traveller, as I have shown, would have pleaded fatigue
and utter weariness of mind and body, but Livingstone did not. That
very instant the resolve was made; that very instant he started to
execute it. He sent a man to Said Ben Majid to request the loan of
his canoe, and his baggage was got ready for the voyage. Not yet

11. Speke gave the altitude as 1,840 feet. Speke, “The Upper Basin of the
Nile, from Inspection and Information,” 323. The actual altitude is 2,534 feet.

12. Compare with Hird, Stanley , 95-97.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

101

recovered from the sore effects of his return from his unsuccessful
and lengthy journey to accomplish the object that lay so near his
heart; yet suffering from an attack of diarrhoea and the consequent
weakness it induced, the brave spirit was up again, eager as a high-
spirited boy, for the path of duty pointed out.

The above is but a slight sketch of the main points in the great
traveller’s character, whose personal story I am about to relate. It
was necessary that the reader should know what sort of man this Dr.
Livingstone was, after whom the NEW YORK HERALD thought proper
to despatch a special correspondent, with an expedition, at no mat-
ter what cost.13 After this study of him I cannot better sum up his
character than by using the words of one of my own men: “He is
a good man, an extremely good and kind man.” Is it not true, then,
that his quondam companion did not know the nature of the man
with whom he lived and travelled, who said that Livingstone would
run away from any other white man who would come after him; and,
is it likely that the intellect of the facetious gentleman who stated
his belief that “Livingstone had married an African princess, and
had settled down for good,” 14 could fathom the single-minded trav-
eller and upright man, David Livingstone?

Dr. David Livingstone left the island of Zanzibar in March, 1866.
On the 7th of the following month he departed from Mikindini Bay
for the interior, with an expedition consisting of twelve Sepoys from
Bombay, nine men from Johanna, of the Comoro Isles, seven lib-
erated slaves and two Zambezi men (taking them as an experiment),
six camels, three buffaloes, two mules and three donkeys. He thus
had thirty men, twelve of whom — viz., the Sepoys — were to act as
guards for the expedition. They were mostly armed with the Enfield
rifles presented to the Doctor by the Bombay government. The bag-
gage of the expedition consisted of ten bales of cloth and two bags
of beads, which were to serve as currency by which they would be
enabled to purchase the necessaries of life in the countries the Doctor
intended to visit. Besides the cumbrous moneys they carried several
boxes of instruments, such as chronometers, air thermometers, sex-
tant and artificial horizon, boxes containing clothes, medicines and
personal necessaries.15

The expedition travelled up the left bank of the Rovuma River, a

13. Anstruther, I Presume, 197, gives the cost as £9,000. See document 1,
note 7.

14. Stanley later attributed the “wife” story to Burton. Stanley, “Twenty-
Five Years’ Progress in Equatorial Africa,” 472. John Kirk, the “quondam com-
panion,” it might be noted, had a reputation with some in Zanzibar for telling
“what Americans call tall tales.” Tozer to Steere, Sept. 30, 1869, A.l.I, UMCA.

15. See Letroye, “Traces des itineraires des premiers explorateurs en Afrique
centrale,” for the instruments and necessary skills of African explorers.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

route as full of difficulties as any that could be chosen. For miles
Livingstone and his party had to cut their way with their axes through
the dense and almost impenetrable jungles which lined the river’s
banks. The road was a mere footpath, leading, in the most erratic
fashion, in and through the dense vegetation, seeking the easiest out-
let from it without any regard to the course it ran. The pagazis
wrere able to proceed easily enough, but the camels, on account of
their enormous height, could not advance a step without the axes of
the party first clearing the way. These tools of foresters were almost
always required, but the advance of the expedition was often retarded
by the unwillingness of the Sepoys and Johanna men to work.

Soon after the departure of the expedition from the coast the mur-
murings and complaints of these men began, and upon every occasion
and at every opportunity they evinced a decided hostility to an ad-
vance. In order to prevent the progress of the Doctor, in hopes that
it would compel him to return to the coast, these men so cruelly
treated the animals that before long there was not one left alive.
Failing in this they set about instigating the natives against the white
man, whom they accused most wantonly of strange practices. As
this plan was most likely to succeed, and as it was dangerous to
have such men with him, the Doctor arrived at the conclusion that
it was best to discharge them and accordingly sent the Sepoys back
to the coast, but not without having first furnished them with the
means of subsistence on their journey to the coast. These men were
such a disreputable set that the natives talked of them as the Doctor’s
slaves. One of the worst sins was their custom to give their guns and
ammunition to carry to the first woman or boy they met, whom they
impressed for that purpose by either threats or promises which they
were totally unable to perform and unwarranted in making. An hour’s
march was sufficient to fatigue them, after which they lay down
on the road to bewail their hard fate and concoct new schemes to
frustrate their leader’s purposes. Towards night they generally made
their appearance at the camping ground with the looks of half dead
men. Such men naturally made but a poor escort, for had the party
been attacked by a wandering tribe of natives of any strength the
Doctor could have made no defence, and no other alternative would
be left to him but to surrender and be ruined. The Doctor and his
little party arrived on the 18th July, 1866, at a village belonging to a
chief of the Mahiyaw, situated eight days’ march south of the Rovuma
and overlooking the watershed of the Lake Nyassa. The territory ly-
ing between the Rovuma River and this Mahiyaw chieftain was an
uninhabited wilderness, during the transit of which Livingstone and

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

103

the expedition suffered considerably from hunger and desertion of
men.

Early in August, 1866, the Doctor came to Mponda’s country, a
chief who dwelt near the Lake Nyassa. On the road thither two of
the liberated slaves deserted him. Here, also, Wakotani (not Wiko-
tani) a protege of the Doctor, insisted upon his discharge, alleging as
an excuse, which the Doctor subsequently found to be untrue, that
he had found his brother. He further stated that his family lived on
the east side of the Nyassa Lake. He further said that Mponda’s favor-
ite wife was his sister. Perceiving that Wakotani was unwilling to go
with him further the Doctor took him to Mponda, who now saw and
heard of him for the first time, and, having furnished the ungrateful
boy with enough cloth and beads to keep him until his “big brother”
should call for him, left him with the chief, after first assuring him-
self that he would have honorable treatment from that chief. The
Doctor also gave Wakotani writing paper (as he could read and write,
being some of the accomplishments acquired at Bombay, where he
had been put to school) that should he at any time feel so disposed
he might write to Mr. Horace Waller or to himself. The Doctor further
enjoined on him not to join any slave raid usually made by his coun-
trymen, the men of Nyassa, on their neighbors. Upon finding that his
application for a discharge was successful, Wakotani endeavored to
induce Chum ah, another protege of the Doctor’s, and a companion or
chum of Wakotani, to leave the Doctor’s service and proceed with
them, promising as a bribe a wife and plenty of pombe from his “big
brother.” Chumah, upon referring the matter to the Doctor, was ad-
vised not to go, as he (the Doctor) strongly suspected that Wakotani
wanted only to make him his slave. Chumah wisely withdrew from
his tempter.

From Mponda’s the Doctor proceeded to the heel of the Nyassa, to
the village of a Babisa chief, who required medicine for a skin disease.
With his usual kindness he stayed at this chiefs village to treat his
malady. While here a half-caste Arab arrived from the western shore
of the lake, who reported that he had been plundered by a band of
Ma-Zitu at a place the Doctor and Musa, chief of the Johanna men,
were very well aware was at least a hundred and fifty miles north-
northwest of where they were then stopping. Musa, however, for his
own reasons — which will appear presently — eagerly listened to the
Arab’s tale, and gave full credence to it. Having well digested its hor-
rifying contents, he came to the Doctor to give him the full benefit
of what he had heard with such willing ears. The traveller patiently
listened to the narrative — which lost none of its portentous signifi-

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

cance through his relation, such as he believed it bore for himself
and master — and then asked Musa if he believed it.

“Yes,” answered Musa, readily; “he tell me true, true. I ask him
good, and he tell me true, true.”

The Doctor, however, said he did not believe it, for the Ma-Zitu
would not have been satisfied with simply plundering a man; they
would have murdered him; but suggested, in order to allay the fears
of his Moslem subordinate, that they should both proceed to the chief
with whom they were staying, who, being a sensible man, would be
able to advise them as to the probability or improbability of the tale
being correct. Together they proceeded to the Babisa chief, who,
when he had heard the Arab’s story, unhesitatingly denounced the
Arab as a liar and his story without the least foundation in fact, giving
as a reason that if the Ma-Zitu had been lately in that vicinity he
would have heard of it soon enough. But Musa broke out with “No, no,
Doctor; no, no, no. I no want to go to Ma-Zitu. I no want Ma-Zitu
to kill me. I want see my father, my mother, my child in Johanna.
I no want Ma-Zitu kill me.” Ipsissima verba. These are Musa’s words.

To which the Doctor replied, “I don’t want Ma-Zitu to kill me either;
but, as you are afraid of them, I promise to go straight west until we
get far past the beat of the Ma-Zitu.”

Musa was not satisfied, but kept moaning and sorrowing, saying,
“If we had 200 guns with us I would go, but our small party they
will attack by night and kill all.”

The Doctor repeated his promise, “But I will not go near them; I
will go west.”

As soon as he turned his face westward Musa and the Johanna
men ran away in a body. The Doctor says, in commenting upon
Musa’s conduct, that he felt strongly tempted to shoot Musa and
another ringleader, but was nevertheless glad that he did not soil his
hands with their vile blood. A day or two afterwards another of his
men — Simon Price16 by name — came to the Doctor with the same
tale about the Ma-Zitu, but, compelled by the scant number of his
people to repress all such tendencies to desertion and faint-hearted-
ness, the Doctor “shut him up” at once and forbade him to utter the
name of the Ma-Zitu any more. Had the natives not assisted him he
must have despaired of ever being able to penetrate the wild and
unexplored interior which he was now about to tread.

“Fortunately,” as the Doctor says with unction, “I was in a country

16. One of the Africans from Nasik; he left Livingstone in June 1870 and
joined an Arab group. Thomas, “The Death of Dr. Livingstone: Cyrus Farrar’s
Narrative,” 126.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

105

now, after leaving the shores of the Nyassa, where the feet of the
slave trader had not trodden. It was a new and virgin land, and of
course, as I have always found it in such cases, the natives were
really good and hospitable, and for very small portions of cloth my
baggage was conveyed from village to village by them.” In many
other ways the traveller in his extremity was kindly treated by the
undefiled and unspoiled natives.

On leaving this hospitable region in the early part of December,
1866, the Doctor entered a country where the Mazitu had exercised
their customary spoilating propensities. The land was swept clean of
all provisions and cattle, and the people had emigrated to other coun-
tries beyond the bounds of these ferocious plunderers. Again the ex-
pedition was besieged by famine and was reduced to great extremity.
To satisfy the pinching hunger it suffered it had recourse to the wild
fruits which some parts of the country furnished. At intervals the
condition of the hard-pressed band was made worse by the heartless
desertion of some of its members, who more than once departed with
the Doctor’s personal kit — changes of clothes and linen, & c. With
more or less misfortunes constantly dogging his footsteps, he tra-
versed in safety the countries of the Babisa, Bobemba, Barungu, Bau-
lungu and Londa.

In the country of Londa lives the famous Cazembe — made known
to Europeans first by Dr. Lacerda,17 the Portuguese traveller. Ca-
zembe is a most intelligent prince; is a tall, stalwart man, who wears
a peculiar kind of dress, made of crimson print, in the form of a
prodigious kilt. The mode of arranging it is most ludicrous. All the
folds of this enormous kilt are massed in front, which causes him
to look as if the peculiarities of the human body were reversed in his
case. The abdominal parts are thus covered with a balloon-like
expansion of cloth, while the lumbar region, which is by us jealously
clothed, with him is only half draped by a narrow curtain which by
no means suffices to obscure its naturally fine proportions.18 In this
State dress King Cazembe received Dr. Livingstone, surrounded by
his chiefs and body guards. A chief, who had been deputed by the
King and elders to find out all about the white man, then stood up
before the assembly and in a loud voice gave the result of the inquiry
he had instituted. He had heard the white man had come to look for
waters, for rivers and seas. Though he did not understand what the

17. Francisco J. M. de Lacerda e Almeida (c. 1750—1798), Brazilian scholar
and explorer, who died in 1798 while on an expedition in the Kazembe’s terri-
tory. Cunnison, “Kazembe and the Portuguese, 1798-1832,” 61-70; Duffy, Por-
tuguese Africa, 190-91.

18. The three preceding sentences are omitted from HIFL, 444.

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STANLEY'S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

white man could want with such things he had no doubt that the
object was good. Then Cazembe asked what the Doctor proposed
doing and where he thought of going. The Doctor replied that he had
thought of going south, as he had heard of lakes and rivers being in
that direction. Cazembe asked : “What can you want to go there for?
The water is close here. There is plenty of large water in this neigh-
borhood.” Before breaking up the assembly Cazembe gave orders to
let the white man go where he would through his country undisturbed
and unmolested. He was the first Englishman he had seen, he said,
and he liked him.

Shortly after his introduction to the King the Queen entered the
large house surrounded by a body guard of Amazons armed with
spears. She was a fine, tall, handsome young woman, and evidently
thought she was about to make a great impression upon the rustic
white man, for she had clothed herself after a most royal fashion,
and was armed with a ponderous spear. But her appearance, so differ-
ent from what the Doctor had imagined, caused him to laugh, which
entirely spoiled the effect intended, for the laugh of the Doctor was
so contagious that she herself was the first who imitated, and the
Amazons, courtier-like, followed suit. Much disconcerted by this, the
Queen ran back, followed by her obedient damsels — a retreat most
undignified and unqueenlike compared to her majestic advent into
the Doctor’s presence. But Livingstone will have much to say about
his reception at this Court and about this interesting King and Queen;
and who can so well relate the scenes he witnessed, and which belong
exclusively to him as he himself?

Soon after his arrival in the country of Londa, or Lunda, and be-
fore he had entered the district of Cazembe, he had crossed a river
called the Chambezi, which was quite an important stream. The
similarity of the name with that large and noble river south, which
will be forever connected with his name, misled Livingstone at that
time, and he accordingly did not pay it the attention it deserved, be-
lieving that the Chambezi was but the headwaters of the Zambezi,
and consequently had no bearing or connection with the sources of
the river of Egypt, of which he was in search. His fault was in rely-
ing too implicitly upon the correctness of Portuguese information.
This error cost him many months of tedious labor and travel. From
the beginning of 1867 — the time of his arrival at Cazembe — to the
middle of March, 1869 — the time of his arrival in Ujiji — he was
mostly engaged in correcting the errors and corruptions of the Por-
tuguese travellers. The Portuguese, in speaking of the River Cham-
bezi, invariably spoke of it as “our own Zambezi” — that is, the Zambezi

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

107

which flows through the Portuguese possessions of the Mozambique.
“In going to Cazembis from Nyassa,” said they, “you will cross our
own Zambezi.” Such positive and reiterated information like this not
only orally, but in their books and maps was naturally confusing.
When the Doctor perceived that what he saw and what they described
was at variance, out of a sincere wish to be correct, and, lest he
might have been mistaken himself, he started to retravel the ground
he had travelled before; over and over again he traversed the several
countries watered by the several rivers of the complicated water sys-
tem like an uneasy spirit; over and over again he asked the same
questions from the different peoples he met until he was obliged to
desist, lest they might say, “The man is mad; he has got water on
the brain.”

But these travels and tedious labors of his in Londa and the ad-
jacent countries have established beyond doubt first, that the Cham-
bezi is a totally distinct river from the Zambezi of the Portuguese,
and secondly, that the Chambezi, starting from about latitude eleven
degrees south, is none other than the most southerly feeder of the
great Nile, thus giving this famous river a length of over two thou-
sand six hundred miles of direct latitude, making it second to the
Mississippi, the longest river in the world.19 The real and true name
of the Zambezi is Dombazi. When Lacerda and his Portuguese suc-
cessors came to Cazembe, crossed the Chambezi and heard its name,
they very naturally set it down as “our own Zambezi,” and without
further inquiry sketched it as running in that direction.

During his researches in that region, so pregnant in discoveries,
Livingstone came to a lake lying northeast of Cazembe, which the
natives called Liemba, from the country of that name, which bor-
dered it on the east and south. In tracing the lake north he found it
to be none other than the Tanganyika, or the southeastern extremity
of it, which looks on the Doctor’s map very much like an outline of
Italy. The latitude of the southern end of this great body of water
is about nine degrees south, which gives it thus a length, from north
to south, of 360 geographical miles.20

From the southern extremity of the Tanganyika he crossed Ma-
rungu and came in sight of Lake Moero. Tracing this lake, which is
about sixty miles in length, to its southern head, he found a river
called the Luapula entering it from that direction. Following the Lua-

19. The Nile, even without this mistaken extension to the south, is 4,160
miles long, measured from its remotest source. It is certainly the second longest
river in the world, and perhaps even the first. Hurst, The Nile, 4-5.

20. See document 4, note 23.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

pula south he found it issue from the large lake of Bangweolo, which
is as large in superficial area as the Tanganyika.21 In exploring for
the waters which emptied into the lake he found by far the most im-
portant of these feeders was the Chambezi. So that he had thus
traced the Chambezi from its source to Lake Bangweolo, and issue
from its northern head under the name of Luapula, and found it
entered Lake Moero. Again he returned to Cazembis, well satisfied
that the river running north through three degrees of latitude could
not be the river running south under the name of the Zambezi, though
there might be a remarkable resemblance in their names.

At Cazembis he found an old white-bearded half-caste named Mo-
hammed ben Salih,22 who was kept as a kind of prisoner at large by
the King because of certain suspicious circumstances attending his
advent and stay in his country. Through Livingstone’s influence Mo-
hammed ben Salih obtained his release. On the road to Ujiji he had
bitter cause to regret having exerted himself in the half-caste’s behalf.
He turned out to be a most ungrateful wretch, who poisoned the
minds of the Doctor’s few followers and ingratiated himself in their
favor by selling the favors of his concubines to them, thus reducing
them to a kind of bondage under him. From the day he had the vile
old man in his company manifold and bitter misfortunes followed
the Doctor up to his arrival in Ujiji, in March, 1869.

From the date of his arrival until the end of June (1869) he re-
mained in Ujiji, whence he dated those letters which, though the
outside world still doubted his being alive, satisfied the minds of the
Royal Geographical people and his intimate friends that he was alive,
and Musa’s tale an ingenious but false fabrication of a cowardly
deserter. It was during this time that the thought occurred to him of
sailing around the Lake Tanganyika, but the Arabs and natives were
so bent upon fleecing him that, had he undertaken it the remainder
of his goods would not have enabled him to explore the central line
of drainage, the initial point of which he found far south of Ca-
zembis, in about latitude 11 degrees, in the river Chambezi. In the
days when tired Captain Burton was resting in Ujiji, after his march
from the coast near Zanzibar, the land to which Livingstone, on his
departure from Ujiji, bent his steps, was unknown to the Arabs save

21. The area of Lake Tanganyika is 12,700 square miles; that of Lake Bang-
weulu, 3,800 square miles. Seltzer, ed., The Columbia Lippincott Gazetteer of
the World, 157, 1,874.

22. Muhammed bin Salih, after the experiences related here, remained in
Ujiji as head of the Arab community until his death in the early 1870’s.
Bennett, “Mwinyi Kheri,” 151; Cunnison, “Kazembe and the Arabs to 1870,”
228.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

109

by vague report. Messrs. Burton and Speke never heard of it, it seems.
Speke, who was the geographer of Burton’s expedition, heard of a
place called Uruwa, which he placed on his map according to the
general direction indicated by the Arabs; but the most enterprising
of the Arabs, in their search after ivory, only touched the frontiers of
Rua, as the natives and Livingstone called it; for Rua is an immense
country, with a length of six degrees of latitude and as yet an unde-
fined breadth from east to west.23

At the end of June, 1869, Livingstone took dhow at Ujiji and
crossed over to Uguhha, on the western shore, for his last and great-
est series of explorations, the results of which was the discovery of
a series of lakes of great magnitude connected together by a large
river called by different names as it left one lake to flow to another.24
From the port of Uguhha he set off in company with a body of traders,
in an almost direct westerly course, through the lake country of
Uguhha. Fifteen days march brought them to Bambarre,25 the first
important ivory depot in Manyema, or, as the natives pronounce it
Manuyema.

For nearly six months he was detained at Bambarre from ulcers in
the feet, with copious discharges of bloody ichor oozing from the
sores as soon as he set his feet on the ground. When well, he set off
in a northerly direction, and, after several days, came to a broad,
lacustrine river, called the Lualaba, flowing northward and westward,
and, in some places southward, in a most confusing way. The river
was from one to three miles broad. By exceeding pertinacity he con-
trived to follow its erratic course until he saw the Lualaba enter
the narrow but lengthy Lake of Kamolondo, in about latitude 6 deg.
30 min. south. Retracing it south he came to the point where he had
seen the Luapula enter Lake Moero.

One feels quite enthusiastic when listening to Livingstone’s de-
scription of the beauties of Moero scenery. Pent in on all sides by
high mountains clothed to their tips with the richest vegetation of
the tropics, Moero discharges its superfluous waters through a deep
rent in the bosom of the mountains. The impetuous and grand river
roars through the chasm with the thunder of a cataract; but soon
after leaving its confined and deep bed it expands into the calm and
broad Lualaba — expanding over miles of ground, making great bends

23. Burton had collected a few remarks from the Arabs about Urua. Burton,
“Lake Regions,” 255-56.

24. HIFL, 449, mentions only one lake.

25. In the area of the Bangobango. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo
Beige , 136-37; Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 11.

1 1 0 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

west and southwest, then, curving northward, enters Kamalondo.
By the natives it is called the Lualaba, but the Doctor, in order to
distinguish it from other rivers of the same name, has given it the
name of Webb’s River, after Mr. Webb, the wealthy proprietor of
Newstead Abbey, whom the Doctor distinguishes as one of his oldest
and most consistent friends.26 Away to the southwest from Kamo-
londo is another large lake, which discharges its waters by the im-
portant river Loki, or Lomani, into the great Lualaba. To this lake,
known as Chebungo by the natives, Dr. Livingstone has given the
name of Lincoln, to be hereafter distinguished on maps and in books
as Lake Lincoln, in memory of Abraham Lincoln, our murdered
President. This was done from the vivid impression produced on his
mind by hearing a portion of his inauguration speech read from an
English pulpit, which related to the causes that induced him to issue
his emancipation proclamation, by which memorable deed 4,000,000
of slaves were forever freed. To the memory of the man whose
labors in behalf of the negro race deserved the commendation of all
good men Livingstone has contributed a monument more durable
than brass or stone.

Entering Webb’s River from the south-southwest, a little north of
Kamolondo, is a large river called the Lufira, but the streams that
discharge themselves from the watershed into the Lualaba are so
numerous that the Doctor’s map would not contain them, so he has
left all out except the most important. Continuing his way north,
tracing the Lualaba through its manifold and crooked curves as far
as latitude four degrees south, he came to another large lake called
the Unknown Lake; but here you may come to a dead halt, and read
it thus: ****** Here was the furthermost point. From here he
was compelled to return on the weary road to Ujiji, a distance of 600
miles.27

In this brief sketch of Doctor Livingstone’s wonderful travels it
is to be hoped that the most superficial reader, as well as the student
of geography, comprehends this grand system of lakes connected
together by Webb’s River. To assist him, let him procure a map of
Africa, by Keith Johnston,28 embracing the latest discoveries. Two
degrees south of the Tanganyika, and two degrees west, let him draw

26. William F. Webb.

27. HIFL, 451, gives 700 miles.

28. Alexander Keith Johnston (1844-1879), recently described as “one of the
most thoroughly trained and active geographers in Britain,” died near the East
African coast while leading an expedition for the African Exploration Fund.
PRGS 1 (1879), 598-600; Bridges, “The R. G. S. and the African Exploration
Fund, 1876-80,” 32.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

111

the outlines of a lake, its greatest length from east to west, and let
him call it Bangweolo. One degree or thereabout to the northwest let
him sketch the outlines of another but smaller lake and call it Moero;
a degree again north of Moero another lake of similar size, and call
it Kamolondo, and still a degree north of Kamolondo another lake,
large and as yet undefined limits, which, in the absence of any spe-
cific term, we will call the Nameless Lake. Then let him connect
these several lakes by a river called after different names. Thus, the
main feeder of Bangweolo, the Chambezi; the river which issues out
of Bangweolo and runs into Moero, the Luapula; the river connecting
Moero with Kamolondo, Webb’s River; that which runs from Kamo-
londo into the Nameless Lake northward, the Lualaba; and let him
write in bold letters over the rivers Chambezi, Luapula, Webb’s River
and the Lualaba the “Nile,” for these are all one and the same river.
Again, west of Moero Lake, about one degree or thereabouts, another
large lake may be placed on his map, with a river running diagonally
across to meet the Lualaba north of Lake Kamolondo. This new lake
is Lake Lincoln, and the river is the Lorn ami River, the confluence of
which with the Lualaba is between Kamolondo and the Nameless
Lake. Taken altogether, the reader may be said to have a very fair
idea of what Doctor Livingstone has been doing these long years,
and what additions he has made to the study of African geography.29
That this river, distinguished under several titles, flowing from one
lake into another in a northerly direction, with all its great crooked
bends and sinuosities, is the Nile, the true Nile, the Doctor has not
the least doubt. For a long time he did doubt, because of its deep
bends and curves — west, and southwest even — but having traced it
from its headwaters, the Chambezi, through seven degrees of latitude
— that is, from latitude eleven degrees south to a little north of lati-
tude four degrees south — he has been compelled to come to the
conclusion that it can be no other river than the Nile. He had thought
it was the Congo, but he has discovered the sources of the Congo
to be the Kasai and the Quango, two rivers which rise on the western
side of the Nile watershed in about the latitude of Bangweolo; and
he was told of another river called the Lubilash, which rose from
the north and ran west.30 But the Lualaba the Doctor thinks cannot
be the Congo, from its great size and body and from its steady
and continual flow northward through a broad and extensive valley,

29. The scheme is given map form in HIFL, 449.

30. Livingstone had crossed the Kasai river system during his trans-Africa
expedition. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South Africa ,
355, 494-95.

112

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

bounded by enormous mountains, westerly and easterly. The altitude
of the most northerly point to which the Doctor traced the wonderful
river was a little over two thousand feet, so that though Baker
makes out his lake to be 2,700 feet above the sea, yet the Bahr Ghazal,
through which Petherick’s branch of the White Nile issues into the
Nile, is only a little over two thousand feet, in which case there is a
possibility that the Lualaba may be none other than Petherick’s
branch. It is well known that trading stations for ivory have been
established for about five hundred miles up Petherick’s branch. We
must remember this fact when told that Gondokoro, in latitude four
degrees north, is 2,000 feet above the sea, and latitude four degrees
south, where the Doctor was halted, is only a little over 2,000 feet
above the sea. That two rivers, said to be 2,000 feet above the sea,
separated from each other by eight degrees of latitude, are the same
stream may, among some men, be regarded as a startling statement.
But we must restrain mere expressions of surprise and take into
consideration that this mighty and broad Lualaba is a lacustrine
river — broader than the Mississippi — and think of our own rivers,
which, though shallow, are exceedingly broad — instance our Platte
River31 flowing across the prairies of Colorado and Nebraska into
the Missouri. We must wait also until the altitude of the two rivers
— the Lualaba, where the Doctor halted, and the southern point
on the Bahr Ghazal, where Petherick has been — are known with per-
fect accuracy.

Webb’s River, or the Lualaba, from Bangweolo is a lacustrine river,
expanding from one to three miles in breadth. At intervals it forms
extensive lakes, then contracting into a broad river it again forms a
lake, and so on to latitude four degrees north, and beyond this point
the Doctor heard of a large lake again north. Now, for the sake of
argument, suppose we give this nameless lake a length of four de-
grees of latitude,32 as it may be the one discovered by Piaggia, the
Italian traveller, from which Petherick’s branch of the White Nile
issues out through reeds, marshes and the Bahr Ghazal into the
White Nile south of Gondokoro. By this method we can suppose the
rivers one— for the lakes extending over so many degrees of latitude
would obviate the necessity of explaining the differences of altitude
that must naturally exist between the points of a river eight degrees
of latitude apart. Also, that Livingstone’s instruments for observa-
tion and taking altitude may have been in error, and this is very
likely to have been the case, subjected as they have been to rough
handling during nearly six years of travel.

31. Stanley knew the Platte from his own experience; see Appendix E.

32. HIFL, 453, gives six degrees.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

113

Despite the apparent difficulty about the altitude, there is another
strong reason for believing Webb’s River, or the Lualaba, to be the
Nile. The watershed of this river, 600 miles of which Livingstone
has travelled, is drained by a valley which lies north and south be-
tween the eastern and western ranges of the watershed. This valley
or line of drainage, while it does not receive the Kasai and the Quango,
receives rivers flowing from a great distance west — for instance,
the important tributaries Lufira and Lomami, and large rivers from
the east, such as the Lindi and Luamo; and while the most intelligent
Portuguese travellers and traders state that the Kasai, the Quango
and Lubilash are the head waters of the Congo river, no one as yet
has started the supposition that the grand river flowing north, and
known to the natives as the Lualaba, was the Congo. If this river is
not the Nile where, then, are the head waters of the Nile? The small
river running out of the Victoria Nyanza and the river flowing out
of the little lake Albert have not sufficient water to form the great
river of Egypt. As you glide down the Nile and note the Asua, the
Geraffe, the Sobat, the Blue Nile and Atbara, and follow the river
down to Egypt, it cannot fail to impress you that it requires many
more streams, or one large river, larger than all yet discovered, to
influence its inundations and replace the waste of its flow through a
thousand miles of desert. Perhaps a more critical survey of the Bahr
Ghazal would prove that the Nile is influenced by the waters that
pour through “the small piece of water resembling a duck pond buried
in a sea of rushes,” as Speke describes the Bahr Ghazal. Livingstone’s
discovery answers the question and satisfies the intelligent hundreds,
who, though Bruce33 and Speke and Baker, each in his turn had de-
clared he had found the Nile, the only and true Nile sources, yet
doubted and hesitated to accept the enthusiastic assertions as a final
solution of the Nile problem. Even yet, according to Livingstone, the
Nile sources have not been found; though he has traced the Lualaba
through seven degrees of latitude flowing north, and though neither
he nor I have a particle of doubt of its being the Nile,34 not yet
can the Nile question be said to be resolved and ended. For three
reasons :

First — He has heard of the existence of four fountains,35 two of
which give birth to a river flowing north — Webb’s River, or the

33. James Bruce (1730-1794). He visited the source of the Blue Nile in
1770. Ullendorf, “James Bruce of Kinnaird”; Beckingham, ed., Travels to Dis-
cover the Source of the Nile by James Bruce , are two recent accounts of his
explorations.

34. In HIFL, 454-55, Stanley disassociates himself from this positive state-
ment and leaves its resolution to the further explorations of Livingstone.

35. See document 4, note 29.

114 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Lualaba; two to a river flowing south, which is the Zambezi. He
has heard of these fountains repeatedly from the natives. Several
times he has been within one hundred and two hundred miles from
them, but something always interposed to prevent him going to see
them. According to those who have seen them, they rise on either
side of a mound or hill which contains no stones. Some have even
called it an ant hill. One of these fountains is said to be so large
that a man standing on one side cannot be seen from the other.
These fountains must be discovered, and their position taken. The
Doctor does not suppose them to lie south of the feeders of Lake
Bangweolo.

Second — Webb’s River must be traced to its connection with some
portion of the old Nile.

Third — The connection between the Tanganyika and the Albert
Nyanza must be ascertained.36

When these three things have been accomplished, then, and not
till then, can the mystery of the Nile be explained. The two coun-
tries through which this marvellous lacustrine river — the Lualaba —
flows, with its manifold lakes and broad expanses of water, are Rua
— the Uruwa of Speke — and Manyema. For the first time Europe is
made aware that between the Tanganyika and the known sources
of the Congo there exist teeming millions of the negro race who never
saw or heard of the white peoples who make such noisy and busy
stir outside of Africa. Upon the minds of those who had the good
fortune to see the first specimen of these remarkable white races
Livingstone seems to have made a favorable impression, though,
through misunderstanding his object and coupling him with the Arabs
who make horrible work there, his life has been sought after more
than once.

These two extensive countries, Rua and Manyema, are populated
by true heathens — governed not as the sovereignties of Karagwah,
Urundi and Uganda by despotic kings, but each village by its own
sultan or lord. Thirty miles outside of their own immediate settle-
ments the most intelligent of those small chiefs seem to know
nothing. Thirty miles from the Lualaba there were but few people
who had ever heard of the great river. Such ignorance among the
natives of their own countries, of course, increased the labors of
Livingstone. Compared with these all tribes and nations in Africa
with whom Livingstone came in contact may be deemed civilized. Yet
in the arts of home manufacture these wild people of Manyema are

36. HIFL, 459, omits the third reason.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

115

far superior to any he had seen. When other tribes and nations
contented themselves with hides and skins of animals thrown negli-
gently over their shoulders the people of Manyema manufactured a
cloth from fine grass which may favorably compare with the finest
grass cloth of India. They also know the art of dyeing them in various
colors — black, yellow, and purple. The Wanguana or freed men of
Zanzibar, struck with the beauty of this fine grass fabric, eagerly
exchange their cotton cloths for fine grass cloth, and on almost every
black man returned from Manyema I have seen this native cloth
converted into elegantly made damirs (Arabic) — short jackets.

These countries are also very rich in ivory. The fever for going
to Manyema to exchange their tawdry beads for the precious tusks
of Manyema is of the same kind as that which impelled men to the
gulches and placers of California, Colorado, Montana and Idaho;
after nuggets to Australia, and diamonds to Cape Colony. Manyema
is at present the El Dorado of the Arabs and the Wamrima tribes.
It is only about four years since the first Arab returned from Many-
ema with such wealth of ivory and reports about the fabulous quan-
tities found there that ever since the old beaten tracks of Karagwah,
Uganda, Ufipa37 and Marungu have been comparatively deserted.
The people of Manyema, ignorant of the value of the precious article,
reared their huts upon ivory stanchions. Ivory pillars and doors were
common sights in Manyema, and hearing of these one can no longer
wonder at the ivory palace of Solomon. For generations they had
used ivory tusks as doorposts and eave stanchions, until they had
become perfectly rotten and worthless. But the advent of the Arabs
soon taught them the value of the article. It has now risen consider-
ably in price, though yet fabulously cheap. At Zanzibar the value
of ivory per frarsilah of thirty-five pounds weight is from fifty dollars
to sixty dollars, according to its quality.38 In Unyanyembe it is
about one dollar and ten cents per pound; but in Manyema it may
be purchased for from half a cent to one and a quarter cent’s worth
of copper per pound of ivory.

The Arabs, however, have the knack of spoiling markets by their
rapacity and wanton cruelty. With muskets a small party of Arabs
are invincible against such people as those of Manyema, who until
lately never heard the sound of a gun. The report of a musket in-
spires mortal terror in them, and it is almost impossible to induce

37. The Fipa occupy the plateau between lakes Tanganyika and Rukwa. Wil-
lis, The Fipa and Related Peoples of South-West Tanzania and North-East
Zambia, 17-32.

38. See the ivory price list in Bennett, Studies in East African History, 89.

116

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

them to face the muzzle of a gun. They believe that the Arabs have
stolen the lightning, and that against such people the bow and arrow
can have but little effect. They are by no means devoid of courage,
and they have often declared that were it not for the guns not one
Arab would leave the country alive, which tends to prove that they
would willingly engage in fight with the strangers, who have made
themselves so detestable, were it not that the startling explosion of
gunpowder inspires them with such terror.

Into whichever country the Arabs enter they contrive to render
their name and race abominated. But the mainspring of it all is not
the Arab’s nature, color or name, but simply the slave trade. So long
as the slave trade is permitted to be kept up at Zanzibar so long will
these otherwise enterprising people, the Arabs, kindle against them
throughout Africa the hatred of the natives. On the main lines of
travel from Zanzibar into the interior of Africa none of these acts
of cruelty are seen, for the very good reason that they have armed
the natives with guns and taught them how to use weapons, which
they are by no means loath to do whenever an opportunity presents
itself. When too late, when they have perceived their folly in selling
guns to the natives, the Arabs repent and begin to vow signal ven-
geance on the person who will in future sell a gun to a native.39
But they are all guilty of the same folly, and it is strange they did
not perceive that it was folly when they were doing so. In former
days the Arab, protected by his slave escort armed with guns, could
travel through Useguhha, Urori, Ukonongo, Ufipa, Karagwah, Un-
yoro and Uganda, with only a stick in his hand; now, however, it is
impossible for him or any one else to do so. Every step he takes,
armed or unarmed, is fraught with danger. The Waseguhha near the
coast halt him, and demand the tribute or give him the option of
war; entering Ugogo he is subjected every day to the same oppressive
demand, or to the other fearful alternative. The Wanyamwezi also
show their readiness to take the same advantage; the road to Kara-
gwah is besieged with difficulties; the terrible Mirambo stands in the
way, defeats their combined forces with ease and makes raids even
to the doors of their houses in Unyanyembe, and, should they suc-
ceed in passing Mirambo, a chief 40 stands before them who demands
tribute by the bale, against whom it is useless to contend. These re-
marks have reference to the slave trade inaugurated in Manyema

39. Some discussion of the arms trade is given in Beachey, “The Arms Trade
in East Africa in the Late Nineteenth Century.”

40. Rwesarura of Rusubi. HIFL, 462, 296; Low, “The Northern Interior,” 331.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

117

by the Arabs. Harassed on the road between Zanzibar and Unyan-
yembe, minatory natives with bloody hands on all sides ready to
avenge the slightest affront, the Arabs have refrained from kidnap-
ping between the Tanganyika and the sea; but in Manyema, where
the natives are timid, irresolute and divided into small, weak tribes,
the Arabs recover their audacity and exercise their kidnapping pro-
pensities unchecked. The accounts which the Doctor brings from
that new region are most deplorable.

He was an unwilling spectator of a horrible deed — a massacre
committed on the inhabitants of a populous district — who had as-
sembled in the market place, on the banks of the Lualaba, as they
had been accustomed to for ages. It seems the Wa-Manyema are
very fond of marketing, believing it to be the summum bonum of
human enjoyment. They find unceasing pleasure in chaffering with
might and main for the least mite of their currency — the last bead
— and when they gain the point to which their peculiar talents are
devoted they feel intensely happy. The women are excessively fond
of their marketing, and as they are very beautiful, the market place
must possess considerable attractions for the male sex.41 It was on
such a day, with just such a scene, that Tagomoyo,42 a half-caste
Arab, with his armed slave escort, commenced an indiscriminate
massacre by firing volley after volley into the dense mass of human
beings. It is supposed that there were about two thousand present,
and at the first sound of the firing these poor people all made a rush
for their canoes. In the fearful hurry to avoid being shot the canoes
were paddled away by the first fortunate few who got possession of
them. Those that were not so fortunate sprang into the deep waters
of the Lualaba, and, though many of them became an easy prey to
the voracious crocodiles that swarmed to the scene, the majority
received their deaths from the bullets of the merciless Tagomoyo
and his villainous band. The Doctor believes, as do the Arabs them-
selves, that about four hundred people, mostly women and children,
lost their lives, while many more were made slaves. This scene is

41. Livingstone must have passed on his high opinion of the females of
Manyema. See Autobiography, 273; LLJ, II, 105-06.

42. Mwinyi Mtagamoyo bin Sultani, or Mwinyi Mohara; he became the
leading Arab of Nyangwe and one of the most powerful of the Arabs of the
Congo. Mwinyi Mohara remained a warrior to the end; he died in battle,
while in his seventies, in 1893 as he led his men against the forces of the
Congo Independent State. Ceulemans, La Question arabe et le Congo, 51; “Les
Arabes du Haut Congo,” 130; “Les Chefs Arabes du Haut Congo,” 18-19; Stuhl-
mann, Mit Emin Pascha, 599.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

only one of many such which he has unwillingly witnessed, and he
is utterly unable to describe the loathing he feels for the inhuman
perpetrators.

Slaves from Manyema command a higher price than those of any
other country, because of their fine forms and general docility. The
women, the Doctor says repeatedly, are remarkably pretty creatures,
and have nothing except their hair in common with the negroids of
the West Coast. They are of very light color, have fine noses, well-cut
and not over full-lips, and a prognathous jaw is uncommon. These
women are eagerly sought after for wives by the half-castes of the
East Coast, and even the pure Amani Arabs do not disdain connec-
tion with them. To the north of Manyema Livingstone came to a
light-complexioned race of the color of Portuguese, or our own Lou-
isiana quadroons, who are very fine people, and singularly remarkable
for commercial “cuteness” and sagacity. The women are expert divers
for oysters, which are found in great abundance in the Lualaba.

Rua, at a place called Katanga, is rich in copper. The copper
mines of this place have been worked for ages. In the bed of a
stream gold has been found washed down in pencil-shaped lumps,
or particles as large as split peas. Two Arabs have gone thither to
prospect for this metal, but as they are ignorant of the art of gulch
mining it is scarcely possible that they will succeed.

From these highly important and interesting discoveries Dr. Liv-
ingstone was turned back when almost on the threshold of success
by the positive refusal of his men to accompany him further. They
were afraid to go unless accompanied by a large force of men, and
as these were not procurable in Manyema the Doctor reluctantly
turned his face toward Ujiji.

It was a long and weary road back. The journey had now no in-
terest for him. He had travelled it before when going westward, full
of high hopes and aspirations, impatient to reach the goal which
promised him rest from his labors; now returning unsuccessful,
baffled and thwarted when almost in sight of the end, and having
to travel the same road back on foot, with disappointed expectations
and defeated hopes preying on his mind, no wonder that the brave
old spirit almost succumbed and the strong constitution almost
wrecked. He arrived at Ujiji October 26, almost at death’s door. On
the way he had been trying to cheer himself up, since he had found
it impossible to contend against the obstinacy of his men, with “it
won’t take long, five or six months more; it matters not, since it
can’t be helped. I have got my goods in Ujiji and can hire other

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

119

people and make a new start.” These are the words and hopes with
which he tried to delude himself into the idea that all would be
right yet; but imagine, if you can, the shock he must have suffered
when he found that the man to whom was entrusted his goods for
safe keeping had sold every bale for ivory.

The evening of the day Livingstone had returned to Ujiji Susi
and Chuma, two of his most faithful men, were seen crying bitterly.
The Doctor asked them what ailed them, and was then informed for
the first time of the evil tidings that awaited him. Said they: “All
our things are sold, sir. Shereef has sold everything for ivory.”

Later in the evening Shereef came to see him and shamelessly of-
fered his hand, with a salutatory “Yambo.” Livingstone refused his
hand, saying he could not shake hands with a thief. As an excuse
Shereef said he had divined on the Koran and that had told him the
Hakim (Arabic for Doctor) was dead. Livingstone was now destitute.
He had just enough to keep him and his men alive for about a month,
after which he would be forced to beg from the Arabs. He had ar-
rived in Ujiji October 26. The HERALD Expedition arrived November
10 from the coast — only sixteen days difference. Had I not been
delayed at Unyanyembe by the war with Mirambo I should have
gone on to Manyema, and very likely have been travelling by one
road, while he would have been coming by another to Ujiji. Had I
gone on two years ago, when I first received the instructions, I
should have lost him without doubt. But I am detained by a series
of circumstances, which chafed and fretted me considerably at the
time, only to permit him to reach Ujiji sixteen days before I ap-
peared. It was as if we were marching to meet together at an ap-
pointed rendezvous — the one from the west, the other from the east.

The Doctor had heard of a white man being at Unyanyembe, who
was said to have boats with him, and he had thought he was another
traveller sent by the French government to replace Lieutenant Le
Sainte, who died from fever a few miles above Gondokoro.43 I had
not written to him because I believed him to be dead, and of course
my sudden entrance into Ujiji was as great a surprise to him as it
was to the Arabs. But the sight of the American flag, which he saw
waving in the van of the expedition, indicated that one was coming
who could speak his own language, and you know already how the
leader was received,

43. Joseph F. M. Le Saint (1833-1868); he planned to explore the area
between the upper White Nile and the West African coast. Hill, Biographical
Dictionary, 212.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Kwihara, Unyanyembe
February 21, 1872 1

After spending Christmas at Ujiji Dr. Livingstone, escorted by the
NEW YORK HERALD Expedition, composed of forty Wanguana sol-
diers, well armed, left for Unyanyembe on the 26th of December,
1871.2

In order to arrive safely, untroubled by wars and avaricious tribes,
we sketched out a road to Unyanyembe, thus :

Seven days by water south to Urimba.3

Ten days across the uninhabited forests of Kawendi.

Twenty days through Unkonongo, direct east.

Twelve days north through Unkonongo.

Thence five days into Unyanyembe, where we arrived without ad-
venture of any kind, except killing zebras, buffaloes and giraffes,
after fifty-four days’ travel.

The expedition suffered considerably from famine, and your cor-
respondent from fever, but these are incidental to the march in this
country.

The Doctor tramped it on foot like a man of iron. On arrival at
Unyanyembe I found that the Englishman, Shaw, whom I had turned
back as useless, had about a month after his return succumbed to
the climate of the interior and had died, as well as two Wanguana
of the expedition who had been left behind sick.4 Thus during less
than twelve months William Lawrence Farquhar, of Leith, Scotland,
and John William Shaw, of London, England, the two white men I
had engaged to assist me, had died; also eight baggage carriers and
eight soldiers of the expedition had died.

I was bold enough to advise the Doctor to permit the expedition
to escort him to Unyanyembe, through the country it was made
acquainted with while going to Ujiji, for the reason that were he to
sit down at Ujiji until Mirambo was disposed of he might remain
a year there, a prey to high expectations, ending always in bitter
disappointment. I told him, as the Arabs of Unyanyembe were not
equal to the task of conquering Mirambo, that it were better he
should accompany the HERALD expedition to Unyanyembe, and

1. NYH, July 15, 1872.

2. HIFL, 566, gives Dec. 27.

3. “A large district of Kawendi.” Ibid., 574.

4. In ibid., 596-97, Stanley recounts how he learned this while in Ukonongo
on the way to Tabora.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

121

there take possession of the last lot of goods brought to him by a
caravan which left the seacoast simultaneously with our expedition.

The Doctor consented, and thus it was that he came so far back
as Unyanyembe.

Kwihara, Unyanyembe
March 1, 1872 1

It is erroneously supposed by his friends that Doctor Livingstone
is most industriously attended to, that he receives annually, if not
semi-annually, large supplies of cloth, beads and necessaries. Your
correspondent begs to inform his friends that the HERALD Expedi-
tion found him turned back from his explorations when on the eve
of being terminated thoroughly by the very men sent to him by the
British Consulate; that the expedition found him sitting down at
Ujiji utterly destitute, robbed by the very men sent by the British
Consulate at Zanzibar with his caravan; that the HERALD Expedi-
tion escorted him to Unyanyembe only in time to save his last stock
of goods, for they were rapidly being made away with by the very
men entrusted by the British Consulate with the last lot of goods;
that it was only by an accident that your correspondent saw a packet
of letters addressed to Livingstone, and so, forcibly, took one of Living-
stone’s men to carry the letters to his employer.

When we arrived at Unyanyembe two bales of cloth, two bags of
beads2 and one case of brandy had already disappeared out of the
last lot.

Neither are the supplies or letters hurried up to him. He might
have waited long at Ujiji waiting for goods and letters that never
would come, if the HERALD Expedition had not informed him.

Though the distance from Zanzibar to Unyanyembe is but three
months for a loaded caravan, yet the Consulate’s trusty men stopped
on the seacoast, within a stone’s throw (figuratively speaking) of the
consulate, over three and a half months, and Livingstone got his
goods thirteen and a half months after they left the seacoast, and
only at three months from the coast. Livingstone had to come for
them himself, a distance of 350 miles.

1. NYH, July 15, 1872.

2. HIFL, 610, lists four bags.

122

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Within the time that the British Consul’s men took to convey Liv-
ingstone’s goods and letters a distance of only 525 miles, the HERALD
Expedition was formed, and marched 2,059 English statute miles,
and before the fourteenth month of its departure from the seacoast
the HERALD Expedition will have arrived at the seacoast, be paid
off and disbanded.

In the matter of supplies, then, being sent to Livingstone semi-
annually or annually there is no truth whatever. The cause is ex-
treme apathy at Zanzibar and the reckless character of the men sent.
Where English gentlemen are so liberal and money so plentiful it
should be otherwise.

When preparing to return to the coast your correspondent, in com-
mand of your expedition, turned over to Dr. Livingstone nine bales
of mixed cloths, 980 pounds of assorted beads, well adapted for
Rua and Manyema, and 350 pounds of brass wire, besides one port-
able boat to cross rivers, a supply of carpenter’s tools, revolvers,
carbines and several hundred pounds of ammunition.3

Kwihara, Unyanyembe
March 12, 1872 1

The day after to-morrow the HERALD expedition will leave the
Land of the Moon — Unyamwezi — for the sea coast.

Your correspondent has been commissioned by Dr. Livingstone, if
there is time before the first ship leaves Zanzibar, to send him fifty
well-armed men from Zanzibar, to act as soldiers and servants for a
new expedition which he is about to organize for rapid exploration
of a few doubtful points before returning home to declare to those
concerned that he has finished his work.

He will leave Unyanyembe for Ufipa, thence to Liemba and
Marungu, and crossing the Luapula River at Chicumbi’s2 will make
his way to the copper mines of Katanga, in Rua; then eight
days south, to discover the fountains of Herodotus; then return by

3. Ibid., 613, has a fuller and slightly different list.

1. NYH, July 15, 1872.

2. See LLJ, I, 308-10. Chikumbi was a Bemba chief. See also Debenham,
Way to llala, 250.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

123

Katanga to the underground houses of Rua,3 ten days northeast of
Katanga; thence to Lake Kamolondo, and by river Lufira to Lake
Lincoln; thence back to Lualaba, to explore the lake north of Kamo-
londo; 4 thence return by Uguhha to Ujiji, or by Marungu, through
Urori, to the coast, and England.

This is his present programme, which he thinks will only take
him eighteen months, but, as I have told him, I think it will take
two years.

Though he is now going on sixty years of age, he looks but forty-
five or fifty — quite hale and hearty. He has an enormous appetite,
which has abated nothing of its powers since I have known him. He
is in need of no rest; he needed supplies; he has got them now and
everything he needs. Though sick and thin when I saw him at Ujiji,
he is now fleshy and stoutish, and must weigh about one hundred
and eighty pounds. Though I have hung my balance scales tempt-
ingly before his eyes, I have never been able to get him to weigh
himself. I have not the slightest fears about his health or of any
danger coming to him from the natives.

April 29 to May 4, 1872, Stanley’s Journal1

29 th April Halfway between Kisemo & Msuwa — 6 hours. In Forest.
Shot a young Boa. 4 feet long. 3 inch diameter — 9 inch girth meas-
ured. The Wangwana call the Boa Chatto.2 Plenty in these jungles,
some 12 or 15 ft long.

30 th Ap. Imbiki 6h — 30m. Passed Msuwa, and came on hurriedly
through the horrid jungles which saw such hard work with us in
going to Unyanyembe. What dreadful smells — what horrors the very
odor of the jungle suggests — so dense that a tiger could not plunge
through because of its impenetrable thorns & spear headed cactus

3. See Cerckel, “Les Galeries Souterraines de Mokana (Monts Mitumba)”;
LLJ, I, 274, 287-88.

4. The rest of this sentence is omitted in HIFL, 626.

1. The journal, which includes only the entries given here, is in the Pea-
body Museum, Salem, Mass. It covers the events in HIFL, 646-53. Stanley,
hurrying towards the coast as fast as any messenger, wrote no despatches for
this part of the return trip.

2. Chatu.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

. . . Could a bottle full of concentrated miasma be used what deadly
& unknown poison — undiscoverable — would it make. I think act
quicker than chloroform & more fatal than prussic acid. Boas in the
woods above our heads, and snakes on the ground as well as Scor-
pions & crabs, land terrapins & iguanas. Malaria in the air we breathe,
the road infested with “hot water” ants which bite you mad until
you dance & squirm as if you had the St. Vitus. Yet somehow we are
fortunate enough to escape death & destruction, and you might also,
but not the effects — the effects remain in the System. Here are the
ten plagues of Egypt, through which one must run the gauntlet.

1 Plague of Boas.

2 " Red- Ants. Hot water

3 " Scorpions

4 " Thorns & Spear Cactus

5 " Impediments

6 " Black mud knee-deep

7 " Suffocation

8 " Stench

9 " Thorns on the road

10 " Malaria

1st May 1872, Kingaru Hera — 6h. 45m. Storm as far as Simbo —
the mountains West of Simbamwenni acting as a barrier against it.
Here we have news of a storm having raged on the coast destroying
every ship except one Steamer belonging to the Wasungu.3 The
trees are laid prostrate here in several places across the road im-
peding a rapid march especially have the [?porters] suffered from the
stiff branches & the loam soil. The Kingani was like a sea — I can
very well believe that, having seen the traces of the mighty floods of
some of its headwaters. Rivers all calm from Msuwa to [journal
breaks off here] . . .

If I buy a goat I take what I want & give the rest away. If the
Wangwana, they do the same. Though they give plenty of trouble
an Expedition of white men would give 50 times more.

2nd May. Rosako. 6h. 15m. After this long march I went to this
village & had hardly sat down to rest before Sarmeen with his com-
rades came bringing with them from the Am. Consul a few bottles
of wine, a few pots of jam & 2 boxes of crackers very much wel-
comed. Inside one of these boxes carefully put up by the Consul
were four numbers of the New York Herald, one of which contains
one of my letters which I had written from Unyanyembe. In another

3. The hurricane of April 15, 1872, is described in Coupland, Exploitation
of East Africa, 55-57.

IN SEARCH OF LIVINGSTONE

125

several Extracts containing views of the American & Canadian press
upon this Expedition. One extract especially attracted my attention
for the singular expressions contained in it. This was from an Amer-
ican paper published in Nashville Tennessee. The animus which
prevailed throughout the article was hostile to the Expedition from
what cause I know not, nor can guess but its closing paragraph
provoked a most hearty laugh. We were two days only from the
coast. It read thus. I quote it.4

I also learned from a letter that there was an Expedition being
formed at Bagamoyo — called the “Livingstone Expedition” 5 for what
purpose the letter did not state but I guessed that its business was
for the same purpose which I had accomplished as successfully as
could be desired as will be seen by those who have read this letter.

3d. Kikoka. 5h. 50m.

4th. Gongoni — on the low ridge overlooking the Kingani river &
plain came to river — fired several shots to attract canoe men to us.
2 Canoes came in the afternoon & after much chaffing about the
fare by the parties [journal breaks off here] . . . Kingwere6 must be
a descendant of some dusky king Log, for I never saw in any man
the attributes of that royal personage so faithfully depicted as in
Kingwere, movements which in this respect was not a whit behind
any of his white relatives.

Happy me after finishing our work, after the hurry & vexation of
the march — after the storm of fractious tribes, after tramping for
the last 3 days through water & mire — we are nearing Beulahs peace
& rest.7 Can we do otherwise than vent our joy in firing away gun-
powder until our horns are emptied, than shout our hurrahs until
we are hoarse, than with hearty Yambos greet every soul fresh from
the sea. Not so thinks the Wangwana Soldiers — so sympathizing
with their longing I let them act their maddest — without censure.
“More pilgrims are come to town” were the words heard in the streets
of Beulah. The Musungu has come were the words heard in Baga-
moyo. “And another would answer saying — And so many went over
the water, and were let in at the golden gates to day.” And in like
manner did we hear, “he will cross the water to morrow and will
arrive at Zanzibar about midday.” Then also like Bunyans pilgrims
— we shall see nothing smell nothing taste nothing that is offensive

4. Stanley quoted an extract in H1FL, 650.

5. For the abortive Livingstone Search and Relief Expedition, Bridges, “Brit-
ish Exploration of East Africa,” 294-306.

6. Kingwere of Gongoni owned the canoes. HIFL, 651.

7. See John Bunyan, The Pilgrim's Progress , 153-54, 303-04.

126

STANLEY'S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

to our stomachs. And with many conjectures as to the good things
I shall eat at the American Consul’s house to morrow I fall asleep.

Farewell Oh Wagogo with their wild effrontery & nosy curiosity.
Farewell to the Wahha’s Mutware Mionvu — chief of tribute takers &
prince of blackmailers. Farewell Wavinza to your turbulent [?nature]
& your troubled river. You Warundi & your unreasonable hostility.
A farewell to you Arabs with your sinful work — your lying tongues
& black hearts. Farewell to fevers remittent & intermittent, to Ma-
kata Swamps & crocodiles — to brakish waters and howling thorny
plains — to worse than Egypts plagues — & Pluto’s realm. & a Fare-
well to you my dusky friends — & faithful soldiers. Farewell to all,
& welcome — thrice welcome — happy land — great & free America
until I see thee again. Above all fare thee well Oh Livingstone true
Hero & Christian — be thou healthy & prosperous wheresoever thou
goest. Thy work is holy — thy mission sacred — & when thy work is
ended return to receive the reward [?] of thy lengthened labors, to
receive the plaudits of all — for thy name is blessed with men.

The kirangozi blows his horn & gives forth blasts as powerful as
Astolpho on this happy day.

And that bright flag whose stars have waved over Inner Africa &
which promised relief to the harrassed Livingstone when in distress
in Ujiji — which though not so rich yet vied in beauty with Azzel’s
flag — return once more to the Sea, its proper domain — torn it is true
but not dishonored, tattered but not disgraced — as we all are.

Part II The Expedition across Africa

The “finding” of Livingstone had won Stanley popularity; his next
expedition was to gain for him a foremost position among African
pioneer explorers, not only of the nineteenth century, but of all times.

— E. G. Ravenstein, “Henry M. Stanley,” GJ 24 (1904), 104

■

Zanzibar, East Coast of Africa
October 19, 1874 1

As I sit down to the table and take up the writing implements to
record my experiences of the last few weeks a wish darts to my
mind that the art of writing was never invented. It is true. Writing
to me is such a labor at this moment. I have but the day before
yesterday returned from the exploration of the Rufiji River and its
delta2 — returned only in time to be compelled to write to you of
what I have seen, because if I do not take advantage of the four
days of grace given me by the stay of the mail steamer in port you
and your readers would have to wait another month before informa-
tion could be received by you of the movements of your “Commis-
sioner.” Yet would I gladly avail myself of some excuse — a reasonable
excuse — to postpone writing to you for various reasons. One main
reason is that it is exceedingly hot and the perspiration is unrestrain-
able, and a feeling of lassitude and ennui which has succeeded the
return to Zanzibar from our exploration of the Rufiji is inimical to
physical exertion or mental thought. Besides, every few moments I
am troubled by the arrival of volunteers for the expedition into the
interior, the rumor of its intended departure having stirred up an
heroic desire in the minds of the able-bodied and poor people, resi-
dents of this town, to visit the distant regions of Africa, where the
tribes are called pagans; where elephants — and consequently ivory
— are numerous; where there are vast extents of level country “cov-
ered” with game of all kinds. These volunteers came to make “shauri”
— to hold a palaver or talk — to question me respecting the amount
of pay I can afford to give them, the probable duration of the journey
I propose to make, the countries I propose to visit, and other things
of like nature. These volunteers are not to be despised; they are not
to be told to depart without words of a conciliatory and friendly
kind, for out of this class the members of the expedition must be
selected, without whom its objects could never be consummated.
The palaver requires, therefore, time, tact and patience; and though
I am inwardly fuming and storming at these several interruptions I

1. NYH, Dec. 2, 1874. The trip to the Rufiji here described is not included
in TDC.

2. The Rufiji, the largest river system in East Africa, has tributaries reaching
almost as far as Mbeya; it drains an area of some 68,500 square miles and
has a fifty-mile wide delta. Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika, 166; Barker, “The
Rufiji River.”

130

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

endeavor to commend myself cheerfully to my fate, hoping that
my apparent placable disposition will invite confidence on the part
of the volunteers, and that my excuses, which I humbly tender, may
conciliate the editors of the Daily Telegraph and the NEW YORK
HERALD for the brevity of this letter or the sterility of its informa-
tion.

Ever since my march to Ujiji in search of Dr. Livingstone I have
entertained a desire that I might be permitted to explore that most
promising of all East African rivers — the Rufiji. Burton, my heroic
predecessor in Africa, had, with his usual industry, collected much
valuable information respecting this river;3 and when, subsequently,
I heard from the natives that all the small streams to the south of
that country were received by the Rwaha, or Rufiji — that the Kisigo,
an important river in Urori, which is south of Ugogo, also emptied
into the Rwaha — I mentally placed the Rufiji among the list of
those rivers whose navigation benefits commerce and the world. I
entertained the opinion that the Rufiji was a river worthy of explora-
tion; that it was a river likely to benefit East and that portion of
Central Africa contiguous to it; that by its means the Gospel might
find readier and more feasible access into the interior than by any
other route, not even excluding the Wami River,4 whose utmost
limit of navigation I place at Mbumi-Usagara at the foot of the
Usagara mountains; that by means of this noble stream the white
merchants of Europe and America might exchange their cottons and
beads for the valuable products of the interior. I say this was my
opinion, until I saw in some geographical publication two several
accounts of explorations of the Rufiji. The first purported to be an
account of an exploration made by Dr. John Kirk and Captain Whar-
ton, of the surveying ship Shearwater , in a steam launch;5 the second

3. He called it “a counterpart of the Zambesi . . . and a waterway that ap-
pears destined to become the high-road of nations into Eastern Africa.” Burton
also called for its exploration. Burton, “Lake Regions,” 18, 44-45.

4. Stanley had optimistic hopes about the navigability of the Wami from in-
formation secured during his Livingstone expedition. British visitors in 1873
and 1876 proved his hopes unfounded. Stanley confirmed this himself in 1879.
HIFL, 233-34; Hill, “Boat Journey up the Wami River”; “Der ostafrikanischen
Fluss Wami. Aus einem Briefe des Capt. Malcolm, Commander des Briton,
Brit. R.N., d. d. Zanzibar, 13. Februar 1873”; Smith to Wright, June 26, 1876,
C.A6/MI, CMS; Kirk to FO, May 1, 1879, Q-22, ZA. For the Wami system,
Meyer, Deutsche Kolonialreich, 166-67, 193-94.

5. William J. L. Wharton (1843-1905) became hydrographer of the Ad-
miralty in 1884 after an active career of surveying, particularly on the East
African coast. He visited the Rufiji in 1873 and 1877. The Nautical Magazine
66 (1897), 279-81; GJ 26 (1905), 684-86; Kirk, “Examination of the Lufigi
River Delta, East Africa”; Kirk, “On Recent Surveys of the East Coast of Africa.”

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

131

was made by Captain Elton,6 first assistant to the Political Agent
at Zanzibar, who proceeded inland from Sumanga, on the north side
of the Kikunia mouth of the Rufiji.

Messrs. Kirk and Wharton proceeded as far as Fuguha, which I
presume to be the same as that which the natives call Agunia, or
near it. Captain Elton reached Mpenbeno, ten miles higher up the
river. All these gentlemen expressed themselves emphatically against
the possibility of utilizing the Rufiji River. Of course, after such em-
phatic expressions of opinion I dared not hope that I would return
from the Rufiji with any better opinion of it. The following letter will
show what my impressions of the navigable utility of the Rufiji
are, with which I venture to say that nine-tenths of American river
steamboat captains would at once agree if they were called upon to
examine and report upon the river.

At half-past three p.m. of the 30th September I sailed from Zanzi-
bar in the Yarmouth yawl Wave , bound south. The yawl was pur-
chased for the purpose of exploring the portion of East Africa which
I considered to be of most interest to the philanthropic and com-
mercial public of England and America. Through the courtesy and
kindness of the gentlemen of the Peninsular and Oriental office, on
Leadenhall street, and those of the British India Steam Navigation
office — more especially Captain Bayley,7 of the former, and Messrs.
Mackinnon and Dawes,8 of the latter — I was enabled to have her
safely shipped and landed at Zanzibar without damage, though she
was a large and heavy boat. Her dimensions were 41 feet length and

6. James F. Elton (1840-1877), after service in Zanzibar, became British
consul in Mozambique. He died while traveling from Lake Nyasa to the East
African coast. Elton, Travels and Researches among the Lakes and Mountains
of Eastern and Central Africa, v-x (a biographical sketch by H. Waller). Elton’s
report of the Rufiji is included in his “On the Coast Country of East Africa,
South of Zanzibar.”

7. Henry Bayley (c. 1826-1887), then one of the managing directors of the
Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company. See Cable [Ernest An-
drew Ewart], A Hundred Year History of the P. &■ O., 170, 175; Divine, These
Splendid Ships. The Story of the Peninsula and Oriental Line, 139; PRGS 10
(1888), 423; see also The P. Sr O. Pocket Book (London, 1926), 1-13, for a
historical sketch of the company.

8. William Mackinnon (1823-1893), one of the founders of what became
in 1863 the British India Steam Navigation Company. In 1872 the company
opened, from Aden, the first regular steam service to Zanzibar. BCB, I, 627-30;
P. &■ O. Pocket Book, 14-27. Mackinnon’s later important role in Africa is
discussed in de Kiewiet, “History of the Imperial British East African Com-
pany 1876-1895,” 17ff. ; Anstey, Britain and the Congo in the Nineteenth Cen-
tury, 67ff. Edwyn Dawes belonged to the firm of Gray, Dawes and Co. They
were close associates of Mackinnon and would be of service to Stanley in the
future. Stanley, In Darkest Africa, I, 35, 48; History of Smith, Mackenzie and
Co., 11.

132

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

9 feet beam; with her deep rudder shipped she drew five feet, which
we afterward found to be a disadvantage.9 Had I been wiser I should
have ordered a second rudder, specially for river navigation, to be
exchanged on entering the river for the sea rudder.

The crew of the Wave mustered, beside myself, two efficient, in-
dustrious and willing young Englishmen, Francis and Edward Po-
cock,10 twenty-four Wangwana or freemen of Zanzibar, armed with
Snider rifles, two black cabin boys and a cabin passenger in the
shape of a thoroughbred English bull terrier, Jack, who for his fare
and passage was to make himself useful at night while on the Rufiji
to warn off midnight plunderers. If you add as stores two casks of
water, a thousand pounds of rice and some cabin provisions for the
whites, it will be seen that she was a boat of some capacity. Several
officers of the cruising fleet at Zanzibar who had seen her at anchor
in port had spoken highly of her, and some had said that she was
just the kind of boat Her Majesty’s cruisers on the East Coast of
Africa ought to be supplied with for slave dhow catching in shallow
waters. After a three weeks’ trial of this kind of boat I am inclined
to the same opinion. With a moderate monsoon breeze she travels
faster than any steam launch that ever came to Zanzibar could.
As an instance of her sailing qualities it is worth mention that on a
run from Bagamoyo to Zanzibar, a distance of about twenty-five
miles, the Wave beat a large dhow by two hours.

After rounding Shangani Point we were favored with a stiff breeze
from the southeast and steered for Mbwenni, on the mainland. The
natives yelled their approbation of the speed at which the Wave
dashed past the dhows bound for the coast of the mainland. Owing
to the head wind we were compelled to pay close attention to our
course and keep a good lookout to avoid the numerous reefs and
sand patches which make the navigation of the sea in the vicinity
a difficult and perplexing task to a novice. No sooner had we passed
by the pale green waters of the South Lackbrey bank than the North-
ern Harps indicated their presence by their gleaming tops of sand
and a thousand short snow-crested waves, which tumbled tumultu-
ously over their low sloping shores; while on our starboard side the
Hamisa bank and its dangerous neighbors showed current enough
by many an angry looking wave. A short half hour of swift sailing
brought us in the neighborhood of the ugly dark coral reefs, strangely

9. The Wave was later acquired by the Universities Mission; see Steere to
Festing, May 6, 1876, A.l.III, UMCA.

10. Francis Pocock (c. 1850-1877) and Edward Pocock (c. 1852-1875), two
brothers from Kent, had signed on as Stanley’s assistants. BCB, II, 775-78;
Arnold, Giants in a Dressing Gown, 98-99; NYH, Nov. 29, 1875. For their letters
on the Rufiji trip, see Appendices N-P.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

133

called the “Cow Reefs,” which cover an area of about three square
miles. The helm was pressed hard down, and the Wave was forced
almost in the very teeth of the rising gale. Not until the last white
crest over the reefs had disappeared were we relieved from the
anxiety and able to share in the general enthusiasm of the crew at
the perfect behavior of the tiny vessel.11

Shortly after dark we anchored at a point a few miles north of
Mbwenni and disposed ourselves to sleep as best we could, the surf
sounding drearily monotonous in our ears, and a faint rumor of the
noises of the night which are caused by the myriad insects of tropical
Africa reaching us only during the pauses of the heavy surf-beats.

At dawn we were wakened, thoroughly damp and cold from the
night dew, and one of the young Englishmen was soon obliged to lie
down again from his first attack of fever. It struck me at this mo-
ment that we were engaged in rather a foolish trip if we intended to
tramp into the interior, and that to brave the malaria of the Rufiji
delta just as we ought to be sparing of the health and energy we
brought from Europe was not a wise proceeding. This thought, how-
ever, was but the consequence of the misery in which we had passed
the night and the damp cold we then experienced. It was soon stilled,
however, by the genial warmth of the rising sun and by the bright
green appearance of the palms and patches of forest which lined
the shore.

With a favorable land breeze we sailed southward, clinging to the
shore as closely as possible that we might lose nothing of the riant
beauty of the varied and interesting bits of land scenery.

Some people may, perhaps, object to the term “interesting,” applied
to East African scenery, but I maintain that a cluster of palms, over-
topping an humble little fishing village, with a background of dense
jungle, swathed in deep dark green, and a foreground of a white,
sandy beach, laved with ocean waves, deserved to be termed inter-
esting. The palms and sea contribute that which makes the picture
one of interest. Without the palms the background would become a
mere jungle; without the sea before it the sandy beach would repre-
sent nothing but sterility.

Taken in this sense, then, in coasting southward numbers of such
scenes are revealed, becoming only more interesting when a more
important town comes to view, with numbers of square white houses,
like so many white painted blocks of wood under the ever beautiful
palm groves. Such a town is Mbwenni, near Cape Thomas.

From Mbwenni southward to Dar Salaam the coast retains the

11. Contemporary knowledge of the coast is given in De Horsey, The African
Pilot , 97ff. ; Horsburgh, The India Directory, 162ff.

134

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

characteristics already spoken of. Small dark brown huts, clustered
under the shade of a tree of ample foliage and enormous girth, are
frequent, separated by jungle, through which a narrow footpath runs,
serving as the commercial highway along the seaboard.

Soon after passing Konduchi, at a distance of forty-one miles
south of Zanzibar, we come to Dar Salaam. This town possesses
some interest as the creation of the late Seyyid Majid, Sultan of Zan-
zibar.12 As we round Condogo Point a group of islands make their
appearance, consisting of Sind a and its neighboring islets, and west-
ward of these a ridge of tall trees is seen. The tall trees are cocoa
palms, and the presence of such a large plantation indicates in East
Africa a town of some importance and magnitude. This is precisely
what Dar Salaam was intended to be by Seyyid Majid. He found a
fishing village of a few humble huts the possessor of an ample har-
bor where three times the number of his naval and mercantile fleet
might lie at anchor secure from the dangers of wind and a boisterous
sea, and he at once conceived the project of making this fishing
village a seaport and the depot for his Central African trade. He
sent his laborers and slaves to clear the neighborhood of the jungle,
which had voraciously swallowed every portion of cultivable ground
close to the water’s edge. He then caused 200,000 cocoa palms to be
planted, which in time, if carefully looked after and nourished,
would bring him in a revenue of from $150,000 to $200,000. A
palace was built as a residence for him, and a fort or barracks for
his officers and soldiers. Influential Arabs engaged in commerce
were also invited to follow his example, and take lots for building
purposes. Several chose to do so, and about a dozen imposing edifices,
compared to the former humble fishing huts, gleamed white and
large in contrast to the green fronds of the palms. To those of san-
guine disposition such a scene must have assured them that com-
mercial progress was begun in earnest in East Africa, and that Seyyid
Majid was a wise and energetic prince.

In reality, the Sultan of Zanzibar had inaugurated a work which
all Europeans who look beyond home could heartily commend. The
trade with Central Africa was being rapidly developed; large con-
signments of ivory from new regions were constantly arriving at
Zanzibar. New copal diggings were discovered near Dar Salaam, and
to the westward and southward. What the Sultan’s dominions lacked
was a proper port for trade, and in the harbor of Dar Salaam he

12. Majid bin Said, Sultan of Zanzibar from 1856 to 1870. He began to
build a settlement at Dar es Salaam in 1866. Coupland, Exploitation of East
Africa, 14ff.

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135

had found deep water and roomy anchorage, easy of access from
Zanzibar and centrally located for the southern and northern towns.
The seacoast towns whence the caravans departed for the interior in
search of ivory labored under various disadvantages. Mombasa, to
the north, though possessing a moderately good harbor, was limited
to the west by the vast hunting and marauding grounds of the Ma-
sai;13 to the north by the intractable Gallas,14 while to the south
other towns claimed to be as good starting-points for Africa as Mom-
basa. Saadani, Whindi, and Bagamoyo were dangerous ports for ves-
sels, the approaches to each infested with reefs and sand banks.
Mboamaji, to the south of Dar Salaam, had a similar disadvantage,
while Kilwa was too far removed from Zanzibar;

Everything promised fairly well for the success of Dar Salaam
as a future rival to Zanzibar until Seyyid Majid died. Then all the
fine schemes relating to its prosperity perished as it became known
that Seyyid Burghash, his successor, did not share in the views of
his predecessor. The palace, the barracks, the houses, the palm grove,
the fine harbor, with its deep, still, green water are here to this day
as Seyyid Majids last effort left them, silent and comparatively
deserted. Not one house has been built here since his death. The
Arabs who did build houses preferred to remain in Zanzibar.15

A few months ago the question was agitated in England as to what
could be done with the freed slaves, and I remember that some sug-
gested Dar Salaam as the most eligible place where they might be
settled and instructed in useful arts of industry, with which, after a
visit to the port, I agree. Here are good, roomy houses already
built, but uninhabited. A large area of ground already cleared of jun-
gle, but comparatively uncultivated, a capacious and deep harbor,
likely to suffice for the harboring of all vessels which may engage in
East African commerce for the next hundred years, above which at
present not a single flag waves.

I am informed that about 600 slaves have been captured within
the last six months in the Mozambique Channel by British cruisers.
Now the question may be asked, What has been done with those

13. For the Masai of Kenya and Tanzania, Huntingford, The Southern Nilo-
Hamites; Low, “The Northern Interior,” 300-08.

14. The Galla, then occupying territory as far south as the Tana River, were
held in high repute by nineteenth-century Europeans; one missionary described
them as “the finest race of men in Africa.” Wakefield’s statement at a meeting
of May 18, 1888, in Journal of the Manchester Geographical Society 4 (1888),
166. For an extended treatment, Haberland, Galla Sud-Athiopiens.

15. For the future development of the city, Schneider, Dar Es Salaam. Stadt-
entwicklung unter Einfluss der Araber und Inder.

136

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

slaves? Have they been, as usual, leased out to Mauritius sugar
planters at so many dollars a head to remunerate the government
for the expense it undertook to fit their men-of-war for these slave-
hunting expeditions? Let us hope not, but we may as well be told
what becomes of the freed slaves.16

From the silent harbor of Dar Salaam we sailed next day, with
the same stubborn headwind against us. We tacked and retacked
for twelve mortal hours, sometimes dashing the spray over our bows
with long lines of reefs close to our lee, and sometimes plunging
in the deep blue of the ocean; and at night we anchored under the
shadows which the palms of Kimbigi Head threw across the sea.

Zanzibar, Coast of Africa
Oct. 21, 18741

The next day, delayed by calms and head wind, we cast anchor in
the harbor of Kwale Island. The people are Wangwana, subjects of
the Zanzibar Sultan, and may possibly number 300 souls, all told.
The one village which it boasts is on the western side, close to the
port. The island is situated in latitude 7 deg. 25 min., south. The
mouth of the Dendeni River, on the mainland, is to be seen nearly
northwest of Kwale.2

The first thing that struck me as remarkable on this island was
the large number of gigantic baobab trees. It seemed to me, when
well screened from view of the sea by foliage, that I had suddenly
stepped into a portion of Ugogo. The next things that caused me
surprise were the very large and very small hens’ eggs that were
profered to me for sale. The large eggs were of the size of geese
eggs, while the small eggs did not much exceed in size pheasant eggs.

16. There was much criticism of this system of disposal of liberated slaves,
Steere describing the system as operated in the Seychelles as “little if anything
less than slavery.” Non-British observers were particularly harsh critics and
used its workings to discredit the entire British antislave-trade policy. Steere
to West, Oct. 22, 1874, A. 1. Ill, UMCA; de Mahy, Autour de Vile Bourbon et
Madagascar, 280; “Einige Worte liber den augenblicklichen Stand der Sklaverei
in Ostafrika. Brieflich an Dr. Reichenow von Dr. med. G. Fischer in Zanzi-
bar.” For one attempted solution of the problem, Bennett, “The Church Mis-
sionary Society at Mombasa, 1873-1894.”

1. NYH, Dec. 3, 1874.

2. Villiers, Sons of Sinbad, 227-36, gives a description of Kwale Island.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

137

Goats were numerous and cheap; two were purchased by us at a
dollar each. The people seemed not to have much occupation. Those
who owned land possessed domestic slaves to cultivate it, while they
themselves chat and sleep, sleep and chat from morning until night,
and through the night till morning.

From Kwale we sailed, after a night’s anchorage in the port, past
the islands of Pembagu and Koma, the latter of which is inhabited
by a few people who obtain a precarious living by planting millet
and holcus and by fishing, and steered south straight for a broad
opening in the dense foliage which lined the mainland. Arriving be-
fore this opening, which we took to be one of the mouths of the
Rufiji River, we were favored with a stiff nine-knot breeze from the
southeast, and as the water appeared dark green, indicating con-
siderable depth, we sailed boldly in with all sail set. When quite
within this mouth we observed one broad avenue of water, leading
south-southwest, and another south-southeast, equally wide, but, be-
ing ignorant of the exact course of the true river, we anchored at
the distance of a mile and a half from the sea, close to that part
of the land near which the two branches conflowed. When we had
communicated with this shore, which we ascertained to be the island
of Saninga, we learned that, led by accident, we had halted but a
few yards from the spot where the steam launch of the Shearwater
had anchored in 1873 prior to her departure up stream in 1873.3

We had not been at our anchorage ten minutes before a colored
gentleman of stoutish build and cleanly, good-natured face was seen
paddling alongside our vessel, who introduced himself as Moeni
Bana-Kombo ben Ahad, which rendered into English, means Lord
and Master Kombo, the son of Ahad, chief of Saninga Island. Prob-
ably according to a previous generous act, he had brought with him
a weighty chicken and three fresh eggs, which we reciprocated with
a gift of royal Dabwani cloth.4

Kombo, the son of Ahad, chief of Saninga Island — who, though
the Wangwana of his village styled him “Jimrie,” I prefer shall
remain as he designated himself — was wise and learned respecting
the geography of the Rufiji River, and volunteered, for the informa-
tion of the curious white people of the white people’s country,
“Ulyah,” 5 several interesting facts. The two white men of the “smoke

3. H.M.S. Shearwater, the vessel which brought Kirk and Wharton to the
Rufiji; see document 12, note 7. See also PRGS 11 (1889), 738-40.

4. “. . . a kind of small blue and white check made at Maskat; one fourth
of its breadth is a red stripe, edged with white and yellow.” Burton, “Lake
Regions,” 430.

5. Ulaya — Europe.

138

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

boat,” Dr. Kirk and Captain Wharton, he remembered perfectly.
They asked him endless questions, until he was quite tired — “choka
sana” — and put down ever so many things in a little book that he,
Kombo, the son of Ahad, had told them.

“Very good. Is there much water in the Rufiji River?”

“Plenty,” answered Kombo, confidently.

“What do you call plenty?”

“Deep water — very deep.”

“Good! How many pima?” (fathoms).

“Sometimes five pima, sometimes four, sometimes three; but al-
ways plenty.”

“Do you know this river from what you yourself have seen?”

“No; I have never been up.”

“Ah! then how do you know there is plenty of water in the river?”

“Huh! have I not my people who go up and come down?”

“Why do your people go up and come down?”

“To trade, of course.”

“What do they trade?”

“They take up salt and cloth and bring me msan-durusi (gum
copal), which I send to Zanzibar to sell.” 6

“Very good. Perhaps you can lend me one of your men who know
this river to show me the way and to talk for me to the people in
the interior?”

“Yes; I can let you have two, one of whom showed the way to the
white men of the ‘smoke-boat.’ ”

We had entered the Simbooranga mouth of the Rufiji River, and
we were told this was not the largest debouchure of the river. Its
noble breadth of surface, its depth of clear green water promised
well to us. In the center of the stream an ocean steamer might float
in perfect security, though there is a fall of ten feet at lowest ebb
in the water.

Saninga Island possesses one village and its position before the
mouth of the river is indicated by the presence of a few tall palm
trees, which rear their graceful leafage above the surrounding
vegetation. Looking westward, southward and northward we note
that the two branches of the broad stream which conflow near the
Simbooranga mouth are bounded by “league beyond league of gi-
gantic foliage, by lofty summits of resounding mangrove woods,
which grasp the depths and grapple with the floods.”

6. Msandarusi, or the gum copal tree ( Trachylobium verrucosum ). Dale and
Greenway, Kenya Trees , 110—11.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

139

Dingoti Island forms the southern boundary and Simbooranga Is-
land the northern boundary of this noble entrance to the Rufiji delta.7
Near the shore of Saninga there were two small dhows, which are
employed in conveying wood for building purposes to Zanzibar.8
Sometimes they also convey rice and gum copal to that Arabian port.

A few Banians live on Dingoti Island, who keep cows and cultivate
the ground, and sometimes trade with the villages up the Rufiji for
rice, which is of a most superior quality.

Early next morning after our arrival in the Simbooranga, we sailed
up the right branch, which came from the southwest. Our two prom-
ised guides accompanied us. That the reader may understand our
experience of the navigable utility of the stream we were about to
ascend, to save needless repetition it must be borne in mind that
our deep rudder, common to Yarmouth yawls, caused our vessel to
draw five feet of water. It being the southeast monsoon, we were
fortunately favored with a strong breeze from that direction. The
Wave fairly flew against the ebb up stream. Contrary to what we
had anticipated, the scenes which each bend and curve of the river,
as we ascended, disclosed were of exceeding beauty. Both banks of
the river were clothed with dense foliage of varied green of a uni-
form height, which gave it an appearance of a broad canal, with a
tall, green hedge on each side. We had ascended some five or six
miles before the water, despite the ebb tide, began to be discolored.
Then it gradually changed from its clear pale green to a muddy
gray, and became rather sweet to the taste.

A large number of creeks were seen on each side of the river.
Some of considerable size on the right side, we were informed,
connected the Simbooranga with the Kikunia mouth of the Rufiji.
Others on the left side joined the Simbooranga with the more south-
ern and larger mouth of the Rufiji, the Magambu, each of which I
promised myself I should explore. As I noted these internal channels
of this great maritime delta, I became more and more interested, as
its exploration promised to disclose something different from the
reports sent to England by my predecessors. Every few moments

7. Villiers, Sons of Sinbad, 238, 337-56, gives a twentieth-century description
of the delta. He concludes: “If in all this world there is a worse place than
the Rufiji Delta, I hope I may never find it.”

8. The mangrove tree, most commonly Rhizophora mucronata, was exten-
sively used for building purposes in African, Arabian, and Persian Gulf areas.
Its high tanin content gave termite resistance. Dale and Greenway, Kenya Trees ,
399; Grant, “Mangrove Woods of Tanganyika Territory, their Silviculture and
Dependent Industries.”

140

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

when doubtful of the depth of the river, I caused one of the young
Englishmen to sound with a long boathook, over nine feet in length,
and eight times out of ten I heard the cheery cry of “No bottom.”
Sometimes I felt anxiety, going at the rate we did up an unknown
river, when the cry was “Just touched, sir,” or “Getting shoalier;”
but a movement of the tiller after consultation with the guide was
almost invariably followed by the cry of “No bottom” again.

In this manner we proceeded for two hours, until we came abreast
of a large creek which separates Salati Island from Surveni Island,
when, through inattention and a feeling of oversecurity, we missed
the channel and in a short time were aground, which sprung the
iron pintles. The halliards were let fall, the rudder unshipped, and
we proceeded to straighten matters by straightening the pintles and
cutting out a portion of the rudder. A few moments later damage
was repaired and sail was hoisted again, and the center of the stream
was tried, only, however, to run aground again. We labored with sail
and oars to find a feasible channel for some time, but failed, and
I began to think that my predecessors must be correct in their esti-
mate of the commercial utility of the Rufiji until, hugging closely
the northern bank, we heard the cry of “No bottom,” and proceeded
on our way as smoothly as though the Rufiji River was many fathoms
deep.

Five miles from this place we came to where the Kikunia mouth
of the Rufiji branched from the Simbooranga in a northeasterly di-
rection, apparently a much more insignificant stream than the latter;
but the guide said that, though the Kikunia was narrow, it was deep.

Two miles higher up we arrived at a broad, lake-like expanse of
water, out of which branched to the southeast a much mightier
stream than the Simbooranga. This was the Magambu, the principal
mouth of the Rufiji River. It was studded with beautiful islands. Its
lengthy, straight, broad reaches of water were banked by enormous
and lofty globes of foliage; its islands and banks were the homes of
vast numbers of aquatic birds; hippopotami sported in its depths;
and on the gray spits of sand numbers of crocodiles basked in the
hot glowing sunshine. Altogether it was a grand picture, and most
alluring to the explorer. Over the mighty expanse of water blew the
freshening breeze of the monsoon, urging our good little vessel at
a quickened speed, and waving the topmost boughs of the forest,
exposing the sheen and glister of their leaves, besides cooling our
bodies and renewing vigor within us, until we laughed in mockery
of the malaria of the extensive delta, and our healthy appetite began
to rage for food.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

141

An hour later the thick, tall forest, which had hitherto covered
every space save that occupied by the watery channels of the delta,
began to thin sensibly, and vestiges of former cultivation appeared.
Now and then a tall, dark cluster of trees, overgrown with convol-
vuli, was seen, at the dark shadow and gloom of which one or two
of my men, new to such tropical density of vegetation, shuddered.

By noon we had passed the most easterly feeder of the Rufiji —
the Mbumi River — and were opposite Miehweh. The Mbumi issues
from the northwest, and is about sixty yards wide at its mouth.
Canoes ascend even this tributary a considerable distance.

Miehweh is the name of a small colony of villages and a district
which may extend about four miles along the northern banks of the
Rufiji. The inhabitants cultivate rice fields, the products of which
they exchange with the Banians of Kikunia and Pemba, Bagamoyo,
&c., for cotton, cloth and pice.

In order to illustrate the disposition of the natives,9 I will describe
an incident which occurred near an island called Surveni, opposite
Miehweh. A large flock of birds, kingfishers and whydahs, were shot
at with a rifle ball, which, piercing the flock, was seen to ricochet
a considerable distance beyond along the surface of the river. After
we had proceeded a mile, we detected several canoes close to the
Miehweh bank, trying to outstrip us. Four continued their way, while
one canoe separated from the others, which, taking advantage of
the dead water along the lee of some islets, was soon able to over-
take us.

One of our guides hailed the solitary canoeman and asked him
what he wanted. He answered that he had come to inquire who we
were, and for what purpose we came to the Rufiji, and why we fired
bullets, to the imminent risk of people fishing in the river. His reply
and questions were given with that force, volubility and rasping
harshness I remembered so well were the characteristics of the voices
of the Wagogo when angered.

The guide replied mildly that we had come to “see, that’s all” —
Tembea tou.

“To see? See what?”

“To see the river?”

“What for?”

“To see. Why? God knows! The white men do such strange things.

9. The population of the Rufiji area is a mixed one. At present the area
is mostly inhabited by the Rufiji and Ndengereko. Meyer, Deutsche Kolonial-
reich, 151; Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika, 171. See also von Behr, “Am
Rufigi.”

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

They put it down in a book, and that is all I know that ever comes
of it.”

“Huh! How far do they intend to go?”

“As far as there is plenty of water for the boat in the Rufiji.”

“Inside?”

“Yes, inside.”

“Huh! The Rufiji extends far — many days’ journey — and there is
always water in the Rufiji.”

“The white men intend to go and see for themselves how far there
is plenty of water.”

“How much do they intend to give me for shooting on the river?”

“Nothing.”

The breeze came down over the tops of the trees, bellied the sails
out full and large, and the Wave passed by the prurient native irre-
sistibly.

Half an hour later the Pamloumeh district west of Miehweh was
reached, with the tide and wind now strong in our favor, and soon
after we came to Bumba, the remaining mouth of the Rufiji, which
relieves the channel of the river proper of its volume of water.
Bumba, accordingly, is also an insignificant stream compared to
either the Magambu, Simbooranga, or the Kikunia. Its appearance
and breadth corroborated the guides’ report. Lower down the Bumba
divides its waters among the Nguruweh, Otikiti, Simaya, Mtote,
Njemjia, and Mdwana mouths.

At Kisembea, situated at the head of a long reach of the Rufiji,
whose course here came from the southeast, large numbers of people
flocked to the banks of the river to observe the strange phenomenon
of a large boat towing another one and going fast up stream by
means of sails. They had heard of a “smoke boat” having ascended
as far as Agunia, lower down, but they had not seen it, though they
marvelled much that such things should be. They were exceedingly
inquisitive, and wondered that white men should come so far to
“see” only water. Long after we had passed them we noted that the
strange incident was being discussed by the interested groups, who
had greedily fastened their eyes upon the boats and their belongings
as they glided by them.

Beyond Kisembea, the Rufiji’s course has a straight three-mile
reach from the south-southwest. It has a breadth varying from 400
to 250 yards, and the channel is deep and easily found by observing
the banks of the river. At no place could we find soundings with the
boat-hook. Any river steamboat man in America could, so far, have
found no fault with the stream. It was marked by every characteristic
of a navigable river. From the sea up to Kisembea, a distance of

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

143

twenty-two miles as I made it, the largest steamer that floats on the
Mississippi River — which I believe has a tonnage of over 5,000 tons
— might ascend and descend without impediment. The Wave ran
aground twice in that distance, but it was our own fault — we had
missed the proper channel. When we had ascertained it we found
plenty of water, and no difficulty.10

Marenda district, which succeeds Kisembea as we ascend, is very
populous, and small villages are found in clusters. The plain is ex-
ceedingly fertile, and produces rice, holcus sorghum, Indian corn,
sweet potatoes, vegetables in abundance; cocoanut trees are fre-
quently seen, while the plaintain is most prolific.

At sunset we anchored in midstream opposite Jumbe, at a dis-
tance of forty miles by river from Sininga Island, congratulating our-
selves that we had done a good day’s work and at having ascended
at least twenty miles higher up the Rufiji than any other white man,
and with a conviction strong in our minds that my predecessors had
libelled the noble river without sufficient cause.

I despatched men on shore as soon as we anchored to convey my
most respectful salaams to the chief Jumbe,11 and to inform him
that I should be delighted to make friends with him, which message
was cordially received by him, at the same time that he took occasion
to send tokens of his regard in the shape of five cocoanuts and
one chicken.

Had I not done the diplomatic thing, our guides informed us that
we would very likely have been visited by “river thieves” during
the night.

Next morning Jumbe came, bringing with him more substantial
tokens of friendship, and quite a retinue of chiefs, until our boat,
already well loaded, had her gunwales but a foot above water.

After reciprocating Jumbe’s acts of friendship, the first ques-
tions I naturally asked were relative to the length, breadth and
depth of the Rufiji River; the countries round about him and the
slave trade; its land route, and what the prospects of opening legiti-
mate commerce between him, his people and neighbors with white
people. What information may be embodied in the following remarks
have been gleaned from him, the Chief of Saninga, the guides and
Hasson bin Salim el Shaksi, whom I met next day on the Rufiji River.

First as regards the Rufiji River, its length and value to Euro-
pean merchants.

10. The Rufiji is in reality navigable for some 60 to 100 miles, but only for
small vessels. Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika , 4; Barker, “Some Rivers of
Southern Tanganyika.”

11. Jumbe means chief or headman.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

All parties united in informing us that the Rufiji River rises in
Gangeh-Ugangeh12 according to Arabic and Swahili traders, which,
as near as I can make out, with a desire to be as accurate as pos-
sible, is south by west of Unyanyembe. The main branch, known
in the far interior as the Rwaha, comes from south of west from
Jumbe; the lesser branch, but an important one, is called Kienga,
and comes from the southwest, from possibly the same range of
mountains as the northwestern branch of the Rovuma takes its rise.
On traversing Ugangeh, the Rufiji, as yet an insignificant stream,
flows eastward through Northern Ubena,13 then the country of Sango
or Usango,14 when, arriving in Urori it gains power and volume
by an accession of many small streams which drain the pastoral
lands of Urori.

The Warori, or people of Urori, use this stream greatly. They fish
in its waters; they hunt hippopotamus for the sake of its teeth,15
and hides to make their shields; they convey butter and fat long
distances up and down in canoes to trade for salt; they voyage on
it for important hunting excursions; from all of which I gather that
at a distance of 240 geographical miles from the sea the Rufiji is
of magnitude sufficient to be utilized by the natives; and from Has-
son bin Salim el Shaksi, who has crossed it several times in Urori,
I believe that it is about forty or fifty yards wide, with numerous
fords in it, where the water only comes up to the hips — say about
three feet deep.

Zanzibar, Coast of Africa
Oct. 23, 18741

It is well known to travellers who have been in Central Africa
that Urori is a large country situate south of Ugogo. Along the
southerly frontier of Ugogo rise several streams, the principal of

12. The area of the Pogoro. See Last, Polyglotta Africana Orientalis, viii,
14; Beardall, “Exploration of the Rufiji River under the Orders of the Sultan
of Zanzibar,” 653; Johnston, A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-
Bantu Languages, I, 168, II, 47.

13. The Bena lived to the south of the Hehe. See Culwick and Culwick, Ubena
of the Rivers.

14. See document 3, note 35.

15. Used for the making of false teeth due to “the superior hardness of its
enamel.” “Captain J. H. Speke’s Discovery of the Victoria Nyanza Lake, the
Supposed Source of the Nile. From his Journal,” 569.

1. NYH, Dec. 4, 1874.

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145

which is the Kisigo, abounding with hippopotami and crocodiles.
East of Urori commences Kasungu,2 through which the Kisigo and
its sister streams flow into the Rwaha, which soon becomes known
as the Rufiji.

After traversing Kasungu, along a distance which the Arabs desig-
nate an eight days’ journey, the Rufiji enters Katanga from the
southwest, from which may be deduced the inference that the river
makes a deep bend before reaching Katanga. From Katanga to Ma-
tumbi is ten days’ journey. From Jumbe to the Matumbi Mountains3
is a distance of thirty miles. On the other side of the Matumbi Moun-
tains the Rufiji is joined by the Kienga River, which, as I said before,
comes from the southwest.

According to Jumbe and two of his chiefs who had ascended the
Rufiji as far as Matumbi the river is deep enough for a boat of the
size of the Wave (they were not aware that she drew five feet), but
there are several bars during low ebb which impede navigation, so
that, though we might ascend far, we should find plenty of trouble
and hard work. Our gig, they said, might easily ascend as far as
Urori if the natives permitted us, but it would require talk and hongo
cloth.

The resources of the country around us, of Jumbe and the neigh-
boring tribes, were manifold, according to native report. Jumbe him-
self could sell me, if I required it, three times as much rice as
would fill the Wave. The people round about possessed abundance
of this grain. On the entire Rufiji plain, between Matumbi and the
sea, I might collect as much rice, Indian corn, chickens and eggs
as I needed or could take away cheap. Jumbe would sell me fifteen
measures of rice for a cloth worth $1 at Zanzibar. Only six measures
of rice sell for $1 at Zanzibar. In exchange for their products they
were willing to receive silver money, dollars and rupees, umpice,4
crockery, glassware and cotton cloth, Merikani5 and Kaniki.

At the base of the mountains of Matumbi is to be found an abun-
dance of gum copal, the fossil gum known here as msan-durusi,
from which carriage varnish is made. It is sold by the frasilah, a
weight of thirty-five pounds. At the base of the mountains, where
there is an inexhaustible supply of it, it can be purchased at from
$1.75 to $3 per frasilah, according to the talents and eloquence of

2. Stanley is here giving hearsay information that is very unclear; he does
not locate many of the places mentioned in the map accompanying TDC, I.

3. South of the Rufiji. See Meyer, Deutsch Kolonialreich, 132-33.

4. Pice, a copper currency introduced into Zanzibar by Said bin Sultan in
1840. Burton, Zanzibar, II, 405-06.

5. Amerikani — unbleached cotton cloth.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the purchaser. At Zanzibar it ranges in price from $7 to $9 per
weight of thirty-five pounds. This means, supposing a steam vessel
drawing but thirty inches of water, especially constructed for river
navigation, with a capacity of thirty tons, were to proceed up the
Rufiji to the copal diggings, and purchase thirty tons of this gum
at $3 per weight of thirty-five pounds, that at Zanzibar the enter-
prising merchant could sell his cargo to the first European or Amer-
ican merchant for $8 the frasilah at this very moment; in other
words, obtain the handsome sum of $12,500 for an outlay during
a few days or weeks of $5,700.

Beyond Matumbi all the countries north, south and west contain
ivory in greater or lesser quantities. Urori is rich in this precious
article of trade. The same enterprising merchant, having employed
the late dry season in the collection of his gum copal cargo, could
proceed safely any distance up the Rufiji as far as Urori, where
he could have, of course, an agent in advance of him, and collect
easily a cargo of thirty tons of ivory. This article is worth in Un-
yanyembe $1 per pound; in Urori it may be purchased at from sixty
cents to ninety cents per pound.

If we make a tabular estimate of the cost and profit to be obtained
in this trade your readers will perceive for themselves of what value
painstaking geographical research is to the merchant:

To cost at Zanzibar of 30 tons ivory, at $65 the frasilah, free of

all duty $124,800

To cost in Urori of 30 tons of ivory, at $31.50 the frasilah

60,480

Clear profit, £11, 016, 9s. 6d, or $ 64,320

Ugangeh is richer in ivory than Urori, according to the Arabs; but
until my explorations of the Rufiji I admit that I never heard of
this country before; but there is such a vast extent of country west
of the Rufiji delta so little known that long years must elapse before
the geography of Eastern Central Africa can become known. Ugogo
at the present time contributes occasionally large supplies of ivory
to the coast; but the labor to obtain it by land, the tribute to which
the merchant is subjected, the annoyances of which he is the object,
are so great and many that, once the river traffic was opened, the
proud Wagogo would be compelled to carry their own ivory to the
Rufiji for sale.

Katanga and Kasungu are both new countries, now made known
for the first time; so also are Korongo, Koni, Toleya, which lie on
the north side of the Rufiji, between Kazunga and Matumbi. Descend-
ing the river from the Matumbi Mountains, the great plain which
lies between them and its maritime delta extends before the eye,

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

147

bounded to the northeast by the purple lines of the distant hills and
ridges of Keecki and Wande; eastward, by the dark, gloomy forests
of the delta; southward, by the countries of Muhoro6 and Kilonga,
which, from a distance, present an appearance of unbroken forest.

This great plain of the Rufiji is the creation of the river. The rich
deposit it has left during the ages is fathoms deep. On its surface,
enriched every rainy season by the dark mould left by the inunda-
tions, lies inexhaustible wealth. Sugar, rice, grain of various kinds,
thrive wonderfully on the fat soil. It is the most populous district I
have seen during four journeys to Africa, and I should estimate that
at least 50,000 people inhabit this great plain. The villages stand
in knots and clusters along the banks of the river, and from the time
we passed Kisimbea until we anchored opposite Jumbe each bank
presented troops of curious sightseers, who stood in full view of us
without the least fear or distrust, from which one may be pardoned
if he concludes that they gained such courage from the knowledge
of their numbers. Between Fugalleh and Nyambwa I must certainly
have seen some thousands of natives, who, though they chaffed us
considerably, showed the very best disposition — such a disposition
as may always be looked for in a people with trading instincts.

Almost always the second question propounded to a native by me
on this river was, “Do the slaves pass by this way?” They all an-
swered me promptly, “No,” following it with the required information.
The answer each time was the same, except at Jumbe, where I dis-
covered that I was almost opposite the exact spot where the Arab
slave-traders sometimes crossed. The route now mainly adopted by
the slave-traders — commencing from Kilwa Kivinjia — crosses the
Mgenga River, the Mto-Piani and, arriving at Perereh, passes through
Sumanga, Ngumbu, Mamboro, Muhoro, to Mirongegi, which lies
close to Jumbe, and, crossing the river at Kisu, sometimes follows
the northern bank of the Rufiji to Kikunia, a three days’ journey to
the slave driver. From Kikunia the main road is that which leads
through Kisimeteh, Ngimpia, Sindaji, Kivinjia, Kiviniga, Kisigu, and
arrives at Mbuamaji, on the sea; or the slave caravan pushes on to
Dar Salaam.7

6. For Mohoro, Meyer, Deutsch Kolonialreich, 108-09.

7. There was then an argument over the number of slaves being brought
over this route. Elton in 1873 and 1874 reported a busy traffic from Kilwa
north; Holmwood estimated that 15,000 reached Pemba yearly. Their superior,
Prideaux, doubted this total, but a later investigation by Kirk substantially
upheld Holmwood’s estimate. Elton to Prideaux, Dec. 20, 1873, and other des-
patches in this file, E-64, ZA; Frederick Holmwood, “Introductory Chapter on
Africa and the Slave-Trade,” in Elton, Travels and Researches, 9-12; Prideaux
to Aitchison, March 9, 1875, E-71, ZA; Kirk to Derby, April 20, 1876, FO
84/1453, PRO.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

The route adopted by the slave traders mainly in crossing the Ru-
fiji is that which skirts the Matumbi mountains via Ruhingo, on the
river. All the eastern villages along the line of travel through the
Rufiji plain are interested in the slave trade. They keep the slave
traders informed of every item of news concerning the approach of
any foe, particularly the white men, and I discovered that long be-
fore we had arrived at Jumbe the natives knew of our coming.
Messengers had been dispatched from Miehweh by river and by
land to herald our advent in the river, and I noted also that as soon
as our boat hove in sight of any village of a principal district a
couple of canoes left well manned with paddlers to inform those
above that the dreaded Wasungu had at last invaded the river with
two boats. On the morrow I was informed by a servant of Jumbe
I should experience different treatment if I persisted in my intention
of ascending the river.

In the morning we prepared to extend our discoveries up stream.
The dew had fallen heavily during the night. The tall reeds which
fringed the river banks dripped huge raindrops, which the morning
sun transformed into the appearance of diamonds. Large crowds of
natives speedily made their appearance and were witnesses of the
preliminary work of getting under way, but they made no demon-
stration of hostility.

Soon after starting our gig put to shore to convey a man aboard
who expressed a wish to trade with the white men. As the gig rowed
hard after us with him this native took fright at the sound of our
bugle, which was blown to hasten the movements of the rowers,
and took a somerset into the water to the intense merriment of all
on board and the sightseers on shore. We at once dropped anchor
to encourage him and to explain to him that it was a most foolish
thing to be afraid of white men, who would never come up the Rufiji
except as friends to the natives. We had the gratification to see him
come on board again and depart with a profound respect for white
people.

Continuing our journey a few snags made their appearance in the
river for the first time; but they presented no obstacles — the river
was broad and deep enough on either side. Shortly after rounding a
sharp bend of the river, the Matumbi mountains came clear and
distinct into view, from which I surmise that we were not twenty
miles from them. While admiring the scene so suddenly presented
to our view we were approaching the northern bank of the river, on
which a large settlement was visible. The district was called Kisu,

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

149

and the people were strong upholders of the slave-trade and hostile
to white men, whom they have been taught to regard as enemies
by the slave traders.

We were compelled by the channel to approach within a few feet
of the bank, and had they been able to decide rapidly upon hostilities
we all should have been exposed to great danger. The friendly breeze,
however, came on strong and fresh at this moment, and we swept by
them in an instant. But we had no sooner passed this than another
large cluster of villages came into view, and a body of about 200
natives were seen at the landing place. As we drew near the chief
stepped out and hailed us, demanding to know what business we
had on the Rufiji. He was answered by one of our armed escort,
a tall, robust, young fellow, black as ink in features, but with an eye
like a hawk and shoulders that in breadth would not have disgraced
the best man in her Majesty’s Life Guards.

“We are white men. What do you want with us?”

“I want you to stop for a talk.”

‘We don’t want to talk just yet. We have not gone far enough.”

“I want you to stop first before you go up further.”

“Cannot do it, master,” answered he boldly, and making a certain
sign, which all understand who know East Africans, that he was
wearied.

“I tell you to stop.”

‘We are sick of stopping, master; cannot do it, master.”

“Why have you come up the river?”

“To see.”

“To see what?”

“The river.”

“What about the river?”

“To know how far it goes and how deep the water is.”

“How far do you intend going?”

“As far as we can.”

“There are bars (fungo) on the river. You cannot cross those in
that big boat.”

“We will try to.”

‘Well, now, take my advice; stop here, or it will be worse for you.”

“Impossible, master.”

“I’ll make you stop.”

“Do so, then, and farewell to you, master.”

The chief of Kisu was left fuming on the landing place, and men
were seen running hither and thither in alarm, and the groups were

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

seen to become small knots of men, violently gesticulating and
stamping their feet, and all this time the Wave was plunging up
river before a spanking breeze.

We were sailing gloriously along, and the Kisu chief and his vio-
lent people were left far behind. Bend after bend had been safely
rounded, the mountains were seen more distinctly, when we sud-
denly stopped and half keeled over. Our deep helm was furrowing
the sand at the stern, and the bow, though drawing but two feet, was
fast. Extricating her from her position, we sought another spot, and,
after great difficulty, managed to cross the bar. The sun was fear-
fully hot, and seemed to burn into our brains. The wind died away,
and came only in cats’-paws. The current was not very rapid, as the
river was broad at this place; but it was such laborious work with
the oars that we had simply become subjects of derision to the jeer-
ing and hostile natives. However, we persevered, and, with one sail
hoisted, we managed to creep along and make progress, though slow.

Soon we were requested to halt a second time by the shore people,
but we paid no heed to them except to answer an occasional ques-
tion. The excitement was evidently growing along the shore, and
our continued progress, despite all threats and commands, seemed
to have plunged them into a stupor of rage. At one village, a few
miles above the larger settlements of Kisu, a friendly voice shouted
out, “You cannot go further with that big boat; there is no water
ahead;” to which we answered cheerily that was precisely what
we came to know, and we would try, and if not able to go ahead we
would return.

About a mile above the village the river widened to about 300 yards.
The low shores seemed to be but dried sandbanks, and right across
from side to side the water rippled uneasily, with every indica-
tion of a stubborn bar. The guides, as they looked at it, said at once
that we had come as far as we could go in the large boat. We
pushed on, however, and went aground. We unshipped the rudder,
hauled down the sail and manned fourteen oars, and, with vociferous
chorus to the exhilarating boat song, we plunged forward, one of the
young Englishmen sounding ahead. Again and again we tried it, but
of no avail; over and over again we ploughed the sands, and stuck
fast. Above this sand bar, which is about 200 yards in breadth, the
river resumes its usual depth, but the navigation is impeded by sand
bars.

After deliberating as to what had best be done I concluded to re-
turn and explore the two other principal exits from the delta, the Ma-
gambu and the Kikunia, and then visit Mafia Island, opposite the

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

151

Rufiji delta, after which I should have expended all the time I could
spare before commencing my march into the interior.

On descending the river the natives shouted out to us, “We know
why the Wasunga have come up the Rufiji. You came here to find
out about the slave trade — to catch the slave traders. Return, and
tell the other white people that we will not have the slave traders
troubled nor their road crossed.”

One chief was so furious that he followed us for half a mile with
his men, cursing us and using the most violent language and gesture;
but, fortunately for him, he confined himself to this verbal demon-
stration of hostility.

On the second day we entered the magnificent Magambu, and,
eight hours after commencing the descent, arrived at the sea. Then,
setting sail, we sailed north again, and two hours later we entered
the noble estuary of the Kikunia branch of the delta, and, before a
vigorous breeze and an incoming tide, sailed up the river once more,
and at night anchored at the mouth of Pemba Creek. At noon the
next day we had entered the Simbooranga, and descended that stream
to Sanninga, where we were greeted with kindness by the people of
that island.

Mafia Island 8 we ascertained to be a most fertile island, abounding
in palm groves and shambas, or gardens. It is the third island in
size within the Sultan’s dominions. Situated opposite the delta of the
Rufiji, it seems as if placed by nature at this position as the entre-
pot of the main land, which is but ten miles distant. Ships of large
tonnage could ride securely at anchor within 500 yards of Kismia
Mafia, a place which the Admiralty charts absurdly call Kissomang
Point.9 Were not my letter already of such great length I could
easily point out the advantages of securing a portion of Mafia — say
the district in the neighborhood of Kismia Mafia — as a place to plant
a colony of freed slaves, from which locality, after instruction and
preparation, they might emerge as enterprising traders with the in-
terior, via the Rufiji River. But I must leave these remarks for some
future letter, for I must now hasten to give an unprejudiced opinion
upon the value of our exploration of the Rufiji.

Readers interested in African exploration in new commercial
avenues may see for themselves what the Rufiji is after reading this
letter. It has lost but little in my estimation because I failed to
ascend higher than Kisu in a boat built for ocean sailing. Had

8. See Baumann, Der Sansibar-Archipel. I. Die Insel Mafia und Ihre Kleineren
N achbarinseln.

9. De Horsey, African Pilot, 186.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I possessed the Lady Alice , which Mr. Messenger, of Teddington,10
was building for me — and which has only arrived by this mail — I
could have ascended, I believe, a couple of hundred miles, if not
more, with my entire escort of armed men. For exploration, prudence
requires that we shall be prepared for all contingencies; that there
shall be men sufficient accompanying the explorer to enable him
with a few men to make a proper defence if attacked. Our gig
would have conveyed eight men and a week’s provisions, but she
would not have made us independent of the land, nor strong enough
to resist attack, which would have endangered the success of our
great journey. As I look at the Lady Alice I find her a boat of suffi-
cient capacity to convey up any river a force of twenty-five men,
with a month’s provisions; yet she draws but twelve inches loaded.
She is 40 feet in length, 6 feet beam, built of best Spanish cedar,
in water-tight compartments. A duplicate of this boat would enable
any traveller to proceed up the Rufiji as far as any native canoe,
after which the report of such man, on his return, of the navigability
of the Rufiji would settle the question for ever.

In the meantime, so far as we ascended, the Rufiji must be classed
as a navigable river. Such a steamer as Sir John Glover11 possessed
on the Volta, or one built after the model of an American river
steamer, may proceed up the Rufiji with ease, whenever any mer-
chant shall be found bold enough to enter on a promising African
venture.

Our work of exploration also clears up the difficulties of annihilat-
ing the overland route of the slave trader. Steam launches, properly
built for river navigation, commanded by officers familiar with river
navigation, assisted by guides procured at Samuga Island, may proceed
either up the Magambu or Simbooranga mouth of the Rufiji, and, tow-
ing up with them a few light flatboats loaded with coal, could anchor
them at Jumbe; and, proceeding lightly loaded, could capture a few
slave caravans and bring down their proprietors to be punished at
Zanzibar. Any naval officer, acting discreetly and energetically, could
strike within four days a most effective and deadly blow at the
land slave trade. Such a system of action, at intervals of a few

10. See TDC, I, 4. James Messenger also built the Daisy for use by the
Church Missionary Society on Lake Victoria. Wilson and Felkin, Uganda and
the Egyptian Sudan, I, 91ff.

11. John Glover (1829-1885) of the Royal Navy had been active in West
Africa, both as naval officer and administrator. He participated in the Ashanti
war of 1873 where Stanley had reported on his operations. Glover, Life of
Sir John Hawley Glover, especially 163ff.; McIntyre, “Commander Glover and
the Colony of Lagos, 1861-1873.”

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153

weeks, could not fail to be followed by results which would gratify
and astonish everyone in England. Mafia Island, off Kismia Mafia,
offers a capital rendezvous for the man-of-war during the absence
of her launches; but if I may suggest anything from my experience
of this river, I would advise that those officers charged with this
duty should consist of those who have experience and who have
volunteered for this important duty; that one man-of-war should
be appointed specially for this river work, properly equipped with
capacious steam vessel, which might navigate this stream without
detriment to the good cause. A small stern-wheeler, which any
English Thames shipbuilder could construct, drawing but eighteen
inches of water, armed with one mountain steel seven-pounder and
a couple of rocket tubes, with a crew of forty men, could forever
solve the problem of how to stop the East African slave trade.

Captain Elton, in his official report to Captain Pride aux, 12 act-
ing political agent at Zanzibar, publishes the fact that a grand total
of 4,096 slaves were marched by the overland route from Kilwa to
Dar Salaam. I know nothing whatever of the accuracy of these fig-
ures, but I have already disclosed to you the whereabouts of the
slave traders’ tracks and have informed you what my exploration of
the Rufiji suggests should be done to crush the now established land
slave traffic.

I should not have been at such pains to find out what I have given
you above if I did not feel from my soul that the government of
Great Britain, which has expended such vast sums for the suppres-
sion of this slave trade, might, for the small sum of £5,000, begin
to hope that her great mission in East Africa was approaching its
successful accomplishment, and so enable all men to cry “Laus Deo!”

Zanzibar
Nov. 12, 1874 1

The expedition which bears the above title [the Herald and Tele-
graph Expedition for the Exploration of the Nile Sources] is about
to commence its long journey into the heart of unexplored Africa,

12. Elton to Prideaux, Jan. 28, 1874, E-64, ZA. William F. Prideaux (1840-
1914) of the Indian army and diplomatic service served in Zanzibar as British
representative from 1873 to 1875. Who Was Who 1897-1915, 576.

1. NYH, Dec. 24, 1874.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

but before embarking on board the fleet of dhows which are anchored
nearby waiting for us, I wish to employ a few hours in giving you
some information respecting its organization, present intentions and
prospects.

Acquainted but too well with the dangers, the sicknesses, the trou-
bles and annoyances which I shall have presently to encounter, since
the burden of responsibility of the conduct of this expedition rests
on myself alone, I must confess to a slight feeling of joy at the
prospect of immediate departure for the interior. I feel elated at
the fact that I have been selected as the commander of this expedi-
tion, for the very fact of my selection argues that there is a being
in existence something similar to me in form and appearance; and
that this being who once was very much doubted has sufficient
integrity and honesty to be chosen to repeat his journey to Africa.
Though I had very many reasons for not undertaking a second jour-
ney to Africa I was conscious that by the acceptance of this com-
mand I would compel those who doubted that I had discovered Liv-
ingstone at Ujiji to confess themselves in error; and the member of
the Royal Geographical Society who called me a “charlatan” to re-
tract the libel. The few months I had spent in Ashantee with the
British troops had not materially injured my health; at the same
time they had not contributed much to establish that which had been
impaired during my search after Livingstone. But without consider-
ing the wisdom of the proceeding or my powers to accomplish the duty
I was preparing to perform, I sailed from England in command of
the Daily Telegraph and NEW YORK HERALD expedition, with the
paramount idea in me that if I lived to return with good results
my unjust enemies would be silenced forever. So much for myself
and my hopes.

Soon after the Daily Telegraph’s publication of the fact that a
new expedition was about to proceed to Africa under my command
I became the recipient of some hundreds of letters from volunteers
who desired to assist and advise me in my undertaking. It would
be no exaggeration to state that these applicants for position in this
expedition considerably exceeded 1,200 in number. Probably 700 of
them were natives of Great Britain, 300 were natives of America
and the balance might be distributed equally between France and
Germany. Three of these volunteers were generals, five were colonels,
several scores were captains and lieutenants in the army; about
fifty applications came from officers in the navy, while the rest were
civilians in various professions and walks of life, ranging from the
civil engineer high in his profession and proficient in all acquire-

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

155

merits, to the Liverpool cotton porter and New York boarding house
runner, who desired to see Africa, “having visited almost all parts
of the world.” The army and navy officers who applied were evi-
dently gentlemen in earnest, far better qualified, perhaps, than I was
for the post of commander; but, judging from their letters, I must
confess that the majority of the civilians who applied for situations
were madmen, and that the rest were fools, who knew nothing of
what they boasted they could do. It may be that I use very harsh
terms, but I speak the truth; and, as the applicants shall be name-
less, I do no harm. The unblushing falsehoods of these nameless
applicants naturally disgusted me; there were few of them who did
not declare on their honor that they were up to every “dodge,” had
seen everything and knew everything. One madman proposed that I
should take a balloon with me; another a flying ship; another pro-
posed that he and I should go alone, disguised as negroes, and un-
armed; another desired me to take a tramway with me and a small
locomotive, of which he would be the engineer; another proposed
that I should endeavor to establish an empire in Africa, which was
a very easy thing to do, as he had read “Kaloolah,” “Ned Gray,” and
“My Kalulu,” 2 and knew “all about it;” while one, still more insane
than any, suggested to me that, instead of taking guns and ammuni-
tion, and paying tribute to “nigger” chiefs, I should poison them off
hand. The Frenchmen and Germans were mainly commissioners of
hotels, who, like the idiots I imagine them to be by their letters,
volunteered to interpret for me at the various hotels I should happen
to stop at in Africa. They were rich in recommendations, and could
speak seven languages; they were all prime travellers, and the only
merit they possessed in my eyes was that they knew how to cook a
“bef-tek” on occasion. To all these applicants I was naturally mutely
impregnable; but I may as well inform them all though your columns
that I have with me three young Englishmen with whom I have
every reason to believe I shall be perfectly satisfied, and that I bid
them all a regretful farewell.3

I never knew how many kind friends I could number until I was
about to sail from England. The White Star line treated me in the
most princely fashion; gave me free passages to America and back.4
The Peninsular and Oriental Company and the British India, through

2. Kaloolah by William S. Mayo (1811-1895), an adventure story set in
Africa. Hart, The Oxford Companion to American Literature, 537. For Stanley’s
novel, My Kalulu, see Bennett, “Some Notes on Two Early Novels concerning
Tanzania.”

3. The Pococks and Frederick Barker (c. 1850-1875). BCB, III, 30-31.

4. See Anderson, White Star, for the story of this trans-Atlantic line.

156

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

their courteous agents, showered courtesy after courtesy on me. Testi-
monials from hundreds of gentlemen were thrust on me, and invita-
tions to dinner and parties and to “spend a month or so in the
country” were so numerous that if I could have availed myself of
them in succession years must elapse before any hotel need charge
a penny to my account. But, though my preparations for the journey
monopolized my time and prevented me from doing anything more
than declining with thanks these manifold kindnesses, my numerous
friends must believe that I am none the less grateful. I departed
from England August 15, loaded with good wishes, keepsakes,
photographs, favors of all kinds, prouder of the knowledge that I had
more friends than enemies than any prince or potentate can be of
his throne or power.

At Aden I met my white assistants, whom I had despatched from
England, via Southampton, in charge of the dogs. The young English-
men had quite got over all melancholy feelings, and were in prime
spirits, though they entertained a doubt that, if Central Africa was
as hot as Aden, whether they should enjoy it very much. On my
assuring them that they need fear nothing on the score of heat
in Africa, they expressed themselves as relieved from their greatest
fear. On the British India steamer Euphrates I was delighted to find
that the Pocock brothers possessed several qualifications beyond
those of sobriety, civility and industry. I discovered that they were
capital singers and musicians having belonged to some choir in their
native town, where they were much esteemed.

The delightful weather we experienced between Aden and Zanzi-
bar was most grateful after the intense heat of Steamer Point, and
we consequently arrived at Zanzibar on the 22d of September,5 al-
most as fresh and as robust as when we left England. The next
morning after I landed some of my old friends of the former expedi-
tion heard of my arrival, and it was very gratifying to me to see the
pleasure they manifested to one who had been so stern to them on
certain occasions, when naught but sternness of the most extreme
kind would have enabled me to overmaster a disposition they some-
times betrayed to be sullenly disobedient and mutinous. But they re-
membered, as well as I did, that though I was merciless when they
were disposed to be wicked, I was as kind and as partial to them as
Livingstone was when all went fair and well; and they knew that,
when the rewards were distributed, that those who had behaved
themselves as true men were not forgotten. The report that I had

5. TDC, I, 54, gives Sept. 21.

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157

come was soon bruited through the length and breadth of the island,
and Livingstone’s and my old dusky comrades gathered quickly
about my good host, Mr. Sparhawk’s, house, to pay their respects
to me, and of course to receive heshimeh, or presents, with which,
fortunately, I had provided myself before leaving England.

Here was Ulimengo,6 the incorrigible joker and hunter of the
Search Expedition, with his mouth expanding gratefully on this day
at the sight of a gold ring which encircled one of his thick black
fingers, and a silver chain, which held an ornament, and hung down
his broad and superb chest; and Rojab,7 who narrowly escaped de-
struction for immersing Livingstone’s six years’ journal in the muddy
waters of the Mukondokwa, with his ebony face lighted up with the
most extreme good will towards myself for my munificent gift; and
Manwa Sera also, the redoubtable ambassador of Speke and my
most faithful messenger, who had once braved a march of 600 miles
with his companion Sarmine in my service, and Livingstone’s most
faithful captain on his last journey; he was speechless with gratitude
because I had suspended a splendid jet necklace to his neck and
encircled one of his fingers with a huge seal ring, which to his mind
was a sight to see and enjoy.

Nor was the now historical Mabruki Speke — styled by Captain
Burton “Mabruki the Bull-headed” — who has each time distinguished
himself with white men as a hawk-eyed guardian of their property
and interests — nor was Mabruki, I say, less enraptured with his
presents than his fellows; while the courtly, valiant, faithful Chow-
pereh — the man of manifold virtues, the indomitable and sturdy
Chowpereh — was as pleased as any with the silver dagger and gold
bracelet and earrings which fell to his share.

His wife, whom I had purchased from the eternally wandering
slave gang, and released from the harsh cold iron collar which en-
circled her neck, and whom I had bestowed upon Chowpereh as a
free woman for wife, was, I discovered the happy mother of a fine
little boy, a little tiny Chowpereh, who I hope will grow up to lead
future expeditions to Africa, and be as loyal to white men as his
good father has proved himself. Besides bestowing presents on the
wife and child, Chowpereh, having heard that I had brought a won-
drous store of medicine, entreated me that I should secure his son
during his absence with me in Africa against any visitation of the
smallpox, which I hope I have done by vaccination.

6. Ulimengo had served with Speke; he died at Vinyata in Ituru during this
expedition. Gray, “Livingstone’s Muganda Servant,” 128.

7. See HIFL, 642-43.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Two or three days after my arrival a deputation of the “Faithfuls”
came to me to learn my intentions and purposes. I informed them
that I was about to make a much longer journey into Africa than
formerly, and into very different countries from any that I had
ever been into before, and I proceeded to sketch out to the astonished
men an outline of the prospective journey. They were all seated on
the ground before me, tailor fashion, eyes and ears interested, and
keen to see and hear every word of my broken Kisawahili. As
country after country was mentioned, of which they had hitherto
but dimly heard, and river after river, lake after lake named, all of
which I hoped, with their aid, to explore carefully and thoroughly,
various ejaculations, expressive of emotions of wonder, joy and a
little alarm, broke from their lips, but when I concluded each man
drew a long breath, and almost simultaneously they uttered, in their
own language, “Ah, fellows, this is a journey worthy to be called a
journey!”

“But, master,” said they, with some anxiety, “this long journey
will take years to travel — six, nine or ten years.”

“Nonsense,” said I. “Six, nine or ten years! What can you be think-
ing of? It takes the Arabs nearly three years to go to Ujiji, it is
true, but I was only sixteen months from Zanzibar to Ujiji and
back to the sea. Is it not true?” 8

“Ay, true,” answered they.

“Very well. And I tell you, further, that there is not enough money
in this world to pay me for stopping in Africa ten, nine, or even
six years. I have not come here to live in Africa. I have come here
simply to see these rivers and lakes, and after I have seen them
to return home.”

“Ah, but you know the big master (Livingstone) said he was only
going for two years, and you know that he was, altogether, nine
years.” 9

“That is true enough. Nevertheless, you know what I did before,
and what I am likely to do again, if all goes well.”

“Yes, we remember that you are very hot, and you did drive us
until our feet were sore and we were ready to drop from fatigue.
Wallah! but there never was such a journey as that from Unyan-
yembe home! No Arab or white man came from Unyanyembe in
so short a time as you did. It was nothing but throw away this thing
and that, and go on, go on, go on, all the time. Aye, master, that is
true.”

8. In TDC, I, 58, Stanley gives a slightly different quotation.

9. Livingstone’s last trip lasted from 1866 to 1873.

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159

“Well, is it likely, then, when I marched so quick before that I
am likely to be slow now? Am I much older now than I was then?
Am I less strong? Do I not know what a journey is now? When
I first started from Zanzibar to Ujiji I allowed the guide to show
me the way; but when we came back who showed you the way?
Was it not I, by means of that little compass which could not lie
like the guide?”

“Aye, true master; true, every word.”

“Very well, then, finish these foolish words of yours and go and
get me 300 good men like yourselves, and when we get away from
Bagamoyo I will show you whether I have forgotten how to travel.”

“Ay, Wallah, my master;” and, in the words of the Old Testament,
“they forthwith arose, and went as they were commanded.”

The result of our polite “talk” or “palaver” was witnessed shortly
when the doors and gates of the Bertram Agency and former Con-
sulate10 were thronged by volunteers, who were of all shades of
blackness, and who hailed from almost every African tribe known.
Wahiyow, Wabena, Wagindo,11 Wanyamwezi, Wagogo, Waseguhha,
Wasagara, Wahehe, Somali,12 Wagalla, Wanyassa,13 Wadirigo,14
and a score of other tribes, had their representatives, and each day
added to the number, until I had barely time to do anything more
than strive, with calmness and well practised patience, to elicit from
them information as to who they were, what they had been doing
and whom they had served. The brave fellows who had accompanied
Livingstone on his last journey, or myself, of course, had the prefer-
ence, because they knew me, and fewer words were wanted to strike
a bargain. Forty-seven of those who accompanied Livingstone on his
last journey answered to their names, and two hundred strangers,
in whose fidelity I was willing to risk my reputation as a traveller
and nearly £1,000 sterling in advanced wages, were finally enlisted
and sworn as escort and servants. Many of them will naturally prove

10. The American representative, Cheney, was an agent of another house.
See document 16, note 12.

11. The Ngindo of southeastern Tanzania; they were then “one of the great
slave supplying tribes” and were numerous along the coast and in Zanzibar.
Steere, Short Specimens of the Vocabularies of Three Unpublished African
Languages ( Gindo , Z aramo, and Angazidja), 5; see also Cross-Upcott, “Social
Aspects of Ngindo Bee-Keeping.”

12. See Lewis, The Modern History of Somaliland , and the references therein.

13. For the various peoples around Lake Nyasa, Tew, Peoples of the Lake
Nyasa Region.

14. Cameron met Africans he called Dirigo near Mpwapwa. Cameron,
Across Africa, I, 88-89. Beidelman, “The Baraguyu,” 245-78, suggests they are
Baraguyu.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

recusants and malcontents, braggarts, cowards and runaways; but it
cannot be helped; I have done all that I am able to do in providing
against desertion and rascality. Where there is such a large number
of wild people it would be absurd to hope that they will all be faith-
ful and loyal to the trust and confidence reposed in them, or, that
a large expedition can be conducted thousands of miles without great
loss.

The enlistment of the escort and preparations for the expedition
were temporarily stopped during our exploration of the Rufiji River,
but on our return these were resumed with all vigor and despatch.
After the men, the armed escort and porters were secured, I devoted
myself to examine the barter goods which were necessary to procure
sustenance in the far interior. I discovered, contrary to my expecta-
tions (for Mr. Clements Markham,15 Secretary to the Geographical
Society, had published the statement that these goods had risen in
price since my departure from Zanzibar), that the barter goods were
one per cent and in some instances two per cent cheaper than they
were purchasable formerly. Bales of American sheeting that cost me
$93.75 in 1871 I was now enabled to buy for $87.50 per bale, while
the sami-sami beads, that formerly cost $13 the frahsilah, now cost
but $9. 75. 16 This was very much in my favor; and after much con-
sultation with the lately returned leaders of caravans upon the pres-
ent prevailing fashion of beads and cloth among the distant tribes,
I ordered the necessary stock of both, which, when piled up in
portable bales and sacks, present quite an imposing and somewhat
formidable pile.

If cloth and beads and wire are cheaper than they were two years
ago the hire of pagazis or porters is double. In 1871 and 1872 I
employed Wanyamwezi and Wanguana at the rate of $2.50 per
month each man; the same class of persons now obtain $5 per month,
and with some people I have had great difficulty to procure them
at this pay, for they held out bravely for a week for $7 and $8 per
month. There must have been no lack of money, and somewhat
inordinate liberality among those English gentlemen of the Cam-
eron Expedition,17 to have risen the hire of such men to double the

15. Clements R. Markham (1830-1916), one of the foremost geographers
of his day. He was honorary secretary of the Royal Geographic Society from
1863 to 1888, and its president from 1893 to 1905. Markham, The Life of Sir
Clements R. Markham; GJ 47 (1916), 161-76.

16. The reduced prices probably were due to the uncertain conditions of
trade resulting from the Arab-Nyamwezi difficulties in the interior. See Bennett,
Studies in East African History, 4ff.

17. Verney L. Cameron (1844-1894) was sent inland by the Royal Geo-
graphical Society to aid Livingstone. When he learned of Livingstone’s death,
Cameron went on to explore Lake Tanganyika and then crossed Africa. Stanley

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

161

former rate they were accustomed to. I hear that several of these
men engaged with Cameron for $7 and $8 per month, which, if true,
only shows too plainly how the money has been expended. If each
white traveller who intends penetrating Africa commits himself to
such an injudicious proceeding as to double the rate of hire to which
the pagazis and Wanguana escort are accustomed, it will soon be
impossible for any gentlemen, unless those commissioned by a rich
and generous government, to dare the venture. A moment’s reflection
on the expense which this liberality entails on him would show
the traveller the unwisdom of liberality to strange men whom he
knows nothing of previous to his journey. The time to be liberal is
after the return, when the best men can be discriminated from the
worst, the very good from the indifferently good and the steadily
loyal fellows from the deserters. At such a time the reward is often
considered to be as good as the wages, and should the traveller re-
quire them again at some future period his judicious distribution of
rewards will be found to have been remembered to his advantage.
It has grown to be a custom now for servants, porters and escort to
receive at least four months’ pay in advance. Before starting from
Bagamoyo I expect that the expedition will number 400 men. Each
of these men, previous to his marching, will have received £4 pay
in advance, either in money or in cloth. The most prudent ask that
their advance be given them in cloth. Those who have money re-
quire three days to spend it in debauchery and rioting, in purchasing
wives, while a few of the staid married men, who have children,
will provide stores for their families.

On the morning of the fourth day, when the bugle sounds for the
march, I need not be surprised if I find it a difficult task to muster
the people together and that hours will be employed in hunting the
laggards up and driving them on to our first camp, and very probably
I shall find that at least fifteen or so have absented themselves
altogether. This, of course, will be annoying, but it is well that I
know that it is a probable thing and that I am in a measure prepared
for such desertion. On the second day of the march I shall probably
find myself minus ten more, which also will be annoying and ex-
ceedingly trying to the patience I have bottled up for the emergency.
For several days longer there will be constant desertion by twos,

would follow parts of his route on the journey he was now preparing. See
Cameron, Across Africa; DNB, XXIII, 379-81. Cameron was the first Afri-
can explorer to set out with “a prepared list of queries furnished by the An-
thropological Institute.” Cameron, “Anthropology of Africa,” 167-68; Fox, “Re-
port of the Committee . . . appointed for the purpose of preparing and pub-
lishing brief forms of Instructions for Travellers, Ethnologists, and other An-
thropological Observers.”

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

threes and fours, but the losses will have to be borne and remedied
somehow; and finally disease will break out, the result of their mad
three days’ debauchery, to be succeeded by smallpox, ulcerous sores,
dysentery and fever and other diseases. And about this time, too,
the white men will begin to suffer from strange languor of body
and feverish pulse, and these, despite the rapidly diminishing force
of carriers, will have to be transported on the shoulders of porters
or on the backs of such asses as may be strong enough for such
work. And the future of the expedition depends upon the way we
shall be able to weather this stormy period; for the outlook at about
this time will be sad indeed. Just think what a mournful jest a
special correspondent of a rival newspaper might make of the Daily
Telegraph and NEW YORK HERALD expedition at this time, say
three short weeks from the coast! The magnificent caravan which
started from the sea 400 strong, armed to the teeth, comfortable,
well laden and rich, each armed man strong, healthy, well chosen,
his skin shining like brown satin, eyes all aglow with pride and ex-
citement, strong in his Snider rifle and twenty rounds of cartridges,
his axe and knives; twelve stately, tall guides, tricked out in crimson
joho and long plumes, heading the procession, which is nearly a
mile long, while brazen trumpets blow and blare through the forest,
awakening the deep woods with their sounds and animating every
soul to the highest pitch of hope. Ah! this was a scene worth seeing.
But three weeks from now how different will be the greatly dim-
inished caravan. Scores will have deserted, the strong will have
become weak, the robust sick, the leader will be ready to despair
and to wish that he had never ventured a second time into the sea
of mishaps and troubles which beset the traveller in Africa! These
are my anticipations, which are none of the brightest, you will allow.
However, when the soldier has donned his helmet it is too late to
deplore the folly which induced him to enlist.

Among other things which I convey with me on this expedition to
make our work as thorough as possible is a large pontoon named
the Livingstone. A traveller having experience of the difficulties which
prevent efficient exploration is not likely to enter Africa without
being provided with almost every requisite likely to remove the great
obstacles which lack of means of ferriage presents. After I had
accepted the command of this second expedition I began to devise
and invent the most portable kind of floating expedient or vehicle
to transport baggage and men across streams and lakes to render
me independent of the native chiefs. I thought of everything I had
seen likely to suit my purpose. Zinc tubes, such as the Engineer

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

163

Department conveyed to the Prah in the late Ashantee war; canvas
boats, such as Marcy, in his Prairie Traveller , recommends;18 the
devices and expedients suggested in Art of Travel, india rubber boats,
Irish wicker boats, &c., but everything I thought of that previous
travellers had experimented with were objected to by me on account
of their weight and insufficient floating power. It is one of the most
interesting things in African travel, among chains of lakes and nu-
merous large rivers, to resolve the problem of navigating these waters
safely and expeditiously without subjecting an expedition to the
caprice and extortion of an ignorant savage chief or entailing upon
yourself heavy expense for porterage. As no carts or wagons can
be employed in conveying boats or zinc pontoons through the one-
foot-wide paths, which are the channels of overland trade in Central
Africa, zinc pontoons were not to be thought of. A zinc tube, eighteen
inches in diameter and eight feet long, would form a good load
for the strongest porter; but fancy the number of tubes of this zinc
required to convey across a lake fifty miles wide a force of 300
men and about nine tons of baggage and material of an expedition.
And what kind of a boat can transport such a number and weight
across a stormy lake, such as we could carry with us, at a moder-
ately rapid rate of travel, a distance of from 1,000 to 2,000 miles?

After much anxious deliberation and ruin of much paper I sketched
out a series of inflatable pontoon tubes, to be two feet in diameter
and eight feet long, to be laid transversely, resting on three separate
keels and securely lashed to them with two separate triangular
compartments of the same depth, eight feet at the base, which
should form the bow and stern of the inflatable boat. Over these
several sections three lengthy poles were to be laid which should
be lashed between each transverse tube to the three keels under-
neath. Above these upper poles laid lengthwise were to be bamboo
poles, laid transversely, upon which the passengers and baggage
might rest, without danger of foundering. After the design was fully
matured the next thing to do was to find a manufacturer intelligent
enough to comprehend what was required, and as J. C. Cording of
Piccadilly, London, had a good reputation among travellers, I tried
him, and after a very few moments’ conversation with the foreman
of the shop I was delighted to find that he perfectly understood
what unusually strong material was requisite, and every part and

18. Randolph B. Marcy (1812-1887), an American army officer; in 1859
he published The Prairie Traveler for the War Department to serve as a guide
for travelers in the American West. R. F. Burton edited an edition of the volume
in 1863. DAB, XII, 273-74.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

portion of the design. I need only add that within a month I had
in my possession the several parts and sections of this peculiar
floating craft, beautifully and strongly made, in as complete and
efficient order as would please the most fastidious traveller. All these
several sections, when put in the scales, weighted 300 pounds, which,
divided into portable loads of sixty pounds each, require but five
men to carry the entire craft. No material can possibly equal this.
If the strong, thick india rubber cloth is punctured or rent Cording
has supplied me with the material to repair it, and if all turns out
as well with it as I strongly anticipate and hope it will, it must, of
course, prove invaluable to me.19

But an explorer needs something else, some other form of floatable
structure, to be able to produce results worthy of a supreme effort
at penetrating the unknown parts of Africa. He must have a boat
with him with which he may be enabled to circumnavigate lakes
and penetrate long distances up and down rivers with a small and
efficient body of men, while the main body is encamped at some
suitable and healthy site. And what kind of a boat can be invented
for the traveller such as he can carry thousands of miles, through
bush and jungle and heat and damp and rain, without impairing its
usefulness or causing him to regard it as an incumbrance? After
various plans and designs I could think of nothing better than a
light cedar boat, something after the manner and style of the Oko-
naga (Canada) cedar boat, but larger and of greater capacity. These
Canadian boats are generally thirty feet in length and from five to
six feet in width. They are extremely light and portable, and when
near rapids are taken ashore and easily hoisted on the shoulders
of six men and taken to smooth waters again. But a boat of this
kind, though portable for short distances in Canada, would have
to be constructed differently to be carried along the crooked narrow
paths of African jungles. They would require to be built in water-
tight sections, each section light enough to be carried by two men
without distressing the bearers. Mr. James Messenger, of Teddington,
near London, has a well-deserved reputation for building superb
river boats, and while enjoying a Sunday near Hampton, witnessing
the various specimens of his skill and workmanship, I came to the
conclusion that Mr. Messenger would suit me. I had an interview
with this gentleman, and I laid my plans before him. I soon discovered
that I was in the presence of a master workman, by the intelligent
way he followed my explanations, though it was evident that he

19. The vessel was not used on the expedition. See TDC, I, 4-5.

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165

had not the slightest idea what an African jungle path was like. He
understood what I meant by “portability,” but his ideas of “porta-
bility” of anything naturally suggested it on a broad highway, an
English turnpike road, or at the utmost a path over treeless fields
or commons. I doubt if even now the gentleman understands the
horrors of a jungle path, with its intricate and never-ending crooked
curves, beset on each side by a depth and intensity of vegetation
through which we must struggle, and twist, and contort our bodies
that we may pass through with our burdens, while the perspiration
which streams from our brows almost blinds us, and causes us to
grope and stumble and halt, like so many blind puppies, in that
sickly, dull twilight which reigns there. To convey anything very
large, or wide, or high, or long, is out of the question through such
a tangle and under such circumstances; and I must assume to myself
the credit of having endeavored to describe such a locality as vividly
as my powers would enable me to the boat-builder. Mr. Messenger
accepted the contract to build a boat of light, well seasoned cedar,
40 feet in length and 6 feet in width, in five sections, each section
of which was not to exceed more than 120 pounds in weight.20 I
saw the boat after it was constructed, and before it was sawn up
into sections, and her beautiful lines and the skilled workmanship
lavished on her elicited at once from me unqualified praise and ap-
probation. Before departing from his yard I suggested to Mr. Mes-
senger that he should weigh her as she stood, and divide her, if
he found her of greater weight than he or I anticipated, into sections
not exceeding 120 pounds in weight.

This boat, completed and packed with care, followed me to Zanzi-
bar by the next mail. When I opened the packages a perfect marvel
of boat architecture was revealed; every bolt and nut worked per-
fect and free, and every one who saw the sections admired them. In
a transport of joy I ordered the weighing scales to be rigged up,
and each section weighed carefully. Four of the sections weighed
280 pounds avoirdupois, and one section weighed 310 pounds! The
utter impossibility of rectifying this mistake in a place like Zanzibar
made me despair at first, and I thought the best thing to do was
to ship her back to England, and present her, with my compliments,
to Mr. Messenger; but, upon inquiring for a carpenter, a young
shipwright called Ferris was introduced to me and recommended
for his intelligence. I exhibited the beautiful but totally unmanage-
able boat, and told him that in her present state she was useless to

20. There is an illustration of the boat in ibid., 4.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

me and to everybody else, because she was too heavy and cumber-
some and that I could not carry her if I were paid £5 per mile for
doing so, and that time was short with me. I desired him to cut her
down six inches, and subdivide each section, and to complete the
work within two weeks, for that was the utmost time I could give
him. To effect these improvements the two after sections had to
be condemned, which would curtail the length considerably, and of
course, mar her beauty.

I can now congratulate myself (good Mr. Ferris having completed
his work to my entire satisfaction) on possessing a boat which I can
carry any distance without distressing the porters, with twelve men,
rowing ten oars and two short paddles, and able to sail over any
lake in Central Africa. I ought to state here that I do not blame
Mr. Messenger for the mistake of sending me such unmanageable
sections so much as I blame myself for not stopping over another
month in England to watch the construction of such a novelty as
this kind of boat must necessarily be to a Thames boat builder.

As this expedition is for a different purpose to the former one
with which I discovered Livingstone, I am well provided with the
usual scientific instruments which travellers who intend to bring
home results that will gratify scientific societies take with them. I
have chronometers, sextants, artificial horizons, compasses, beam
and prismatic; pedometers, aneroid barometers and thermometers;
nautical almanacs for three years, hand leads and 1,000 fathoms
sounding line, with a very complete little reel, mathematical instru-
ments, a planisphere and a complete and most excellent photographic
apparatus, and large stock of dry plates. I have also half a dozen
good timepieces, silver and gold, blank charts and every paraphernalia
and apparatus necessary to bring home such results as will suit the
most captious critic.

The East Coast of Africa, from the mouth of the Juba River to
the mouth of the Rovuma, possesses hundreds of good starting
points for the unexplored interior; but the best, for many reasons,
is Bagamoyo. The present expedition is such a large and costly
one, and promises so far to be the best organized and best equipped
of any that ever left the seacoast of East Africa for the purpose of
exploration, that it would have been a great pity if it were wrecked
or ruined just as it began to set out to fulfil its mission. To guard
against the possibility of a total collapse I have, after much delib-
eration, decided to start from Bagamoyo, and proceed some distance
along the well known caravan path, so as to give confidence to my
men, and withdraw them as much as possible from the temptation

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

167

to desert, and then plunge northward into the Masai land — a coun-
try as yet untrod by white men, and of the state of which the best
informed of us are totally ignorant.21 It will be a risky undertaking,
but not half so dangerous as starting for that country from some
unknown seaport.

My present intention is, then, to make my way westward to the
Victoria Nyanza and ascertain whether Speke’s or Livingstone’s hy-
pothesis is the correct one — whether the Victoria Nyanza consists
of one lake or five lakes. All the most important localities will be
fixed by astronomical observations, and whether the Victoria Lake
consists of one or many lakes we shall discover by complete cir-
cumnavigation. When this work is finished I intend to visit Metesa
or Rumanika, and then cross over to the Lake Albert Nyanza, and
endeavor to ascertain how far Baker is correct in his bold hypothesis
concerning its length and breadth. On this lake I expect to meet
Gordon and his party, by whom I hope to be able to send my first
reports of my travels and discoveries since leaving the Unyanyembe
caravan road.22

Beyond this point the whole appears to me so vague and vast
that it is impossible to state at this period what I shall try to do next.
Whether Gordon circumnavigates the Albert or not, I shall most
certainly do so if I reach it, and discover every detail about it to
the best of my ability; but what I shall do afterwards will be best
told after the circumnavigation of the Albert Nyanza.

What I may discover along this lengthy march I cannot at present
imagine. I shall be equally pleased to corroborate either Speke’s
or Livingstone’s hypothesis by actual personal observation and dili-
gent exploration. I confess to you I have no bias either way. I would
just as soon have the Victoria Lake one vast sheet of water as I
would have it distributed among five insignificant lakelets; and I

21. Stanley overstates the lack of knowledge of the Masai route. In the
1850’s a missionary could report that Arab and Swahili caravans were “con-
stantly proceeding to the interior of the Masai country,” while in 1870 another
missionary collected valuable information of routes from a coast trader. J. L.
Krapf’s introduction in Erhardt, Vocabulary of the Enguduk Iloigob, 3; Wake-
field, “Routes of Native Caravans from the Coast to the Interior of Eastern
Africa, chiefly from information given by Sadi Bin Ahedi. . . .”

22. Charles Gordon (1833-1885) was then pushing south as governor of the
Equatorial Province of the Sudan. His many problems had soured him on ex-
ploration. In November, 1875 Gordon wrote: “I declare I do not care whether
there are two lakes or a million, or whether the Nile has a source or not . . .
I am not paid for exploration. I hope Stanley has done the Lake; if he has
not, and will go in the steamer, when ready??? I will let him go, if I meet
him.” Hill, ed., Colonel Gordon in Central Africa 1874-1879, 47-48. See also
Hill, Biographical Dictionary, 138-40.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

am quite ready to corroborate Baker’s dream of a connection be-
tween the Tanganyika and the Albert, as I am to disprove it, if I
find after its exploration that he is incorrect. I have no prejudice
either way. Sir Samuel Baker’s grand lake, however, is in more danger
from Gordon than it is from me; for Gordon ought to be able, if all
has gone well with him, to give the results of his decision long,
aye, many months, before I can possibly reach the lake. It is for-
tunate for me that Gordon will be able to visit the Albert before I
will, for Baker is so tenacious of his opinions that I fear it would
be mere weariness of spirit to attempt to convince him that he was
wrong; for which reason I should much prefer to be enabled to
prove that his hypothetical sketch map of the Albert Nyanza is cor-
rect.23

You may rest assured that as I journey along I shall avail my-
self of every opportunity to send my despatches to the coast, but
after I leave the Unyanyembe road the first news you will receive
from me will be, I hope, via the Nile.

Zanzibar, East Coast of Africa
Nov. 15, 1874 1

For the last four or five years the island and town called Zanzibar
have been very prominent before the public. The rigorous measures
pursued by the British government for the suppression of the slave
trade on this coast and the appeals of Livingstone in behalf of the
aboriginal African have made Zanzibar a well-known name. Previous
to this time it was comparatively unknown — as little known, indeed,
as the polysyllabic name by which it is described in the Periplus of
Arrian.2 The mention of Zanguebar, Zanji-bar — or, as it is now

23. For Livingstone’s hypothesis, see Bridges, “British Exploration of East
Africa,” 309, 470-71. Baker postulated a southward extension of Lake Albert
and from African information had decided that lakes Albert and Tanganyika
were “only one vast lake bearing different names according to the localities
through which it passes.” Speke believed Lake Victoria to be one vast lake, but
Burton was affirming that there were several lakes, and not one, in the region.
Baker, Ismailia, II, 263ff.; Baker, “Sir Richard Burton and the Nile Sources.”

1. NYH, Dec. 26, 1874.

2. The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea was formerly wrongly attributed to
Flavius Arrianus, a second-century a.d. Greek soldier, administrator, philosopher
and historian. Cary et al.. The Oxford Classical Dictionary, 101. For the Periplus,
Mathew, “The East African Coast until the Coming of the Portuguese,” 94-97.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

169

called, Zanzibar — produced very little interest. Some few people
there were who remembered there was such a name in very large
characters on the map of the world, occupying a large strip on the
east side of Africa, during their schoolboy days, but what that name
indicated or comprehended very few knew or cared. They thought
that it might be a very wild land, peopled with cannibals and such
like, no doubt; for I remember well, when I first returned from
Africa, a great number of those kind who frequent clubs and big
societies often asked me, “Where the deuce is Zanzibar?” There were
people, however, who prospered and grew rich on the ignorance of
their white brothers who were so woefully deficient in elementary
geographical knowledge. These were the staid old merchants of Lon-
don, New York, Salem and Hamburg, who had agents living at
Zanzibar,3 who unobstrusively collected precious cargoes of African
productions and shipped them home to their employers, who sold
them again quietly and unobtrusively to manufacturers at enormous
profits. Great sums of money were made for many many years
by these old merchants, until the slave trade question began to be
agitated and Livingstone’s fate to be a subject of inquiry. When a
Committee of the House of Commons held a protracted sitting, sifting
every item of information relating to the island and its prospects, its
productions and commerce, &c., and the NEW YORK HERALD des-
patched a special commissioner in search of Livingstone, one result
of whose mission was the publication of the name of Zanzibar far
and wide. Captain Burton has also written two large volumes, which
bear the conspicuous name of “Zanzibar,” 4 in large gold letters, on
their backs; but very few of these volumes, I imagine, have found
their way among the popular classes. I mean to try in this letter to
convey a description of the Island, its prince, and such subjects as
have relation to them, as will suit any mind likely to take an interest
in reading it. De Horsey’s “African Pilot” describes Zanzibar as being
an island forty-six miles in length by eighteen miles in width at
its greatest breadth, though its average breadth is not more than
from nine to twelve miles. The “African Pilot” and None’s “Epitome”
place the island in south latitude 6 deg. 27 min. 42 sec., and in
east longitude 39 deg. 32 min. 57 sec., but the combined navigating

3. For the establishment of these merchants, see Bennett and Brooks, New
England Merchants, passim.

4. These two volumes, published in London in 1872, rather upset Bishop
Steere. He lamented: “Burton’s Zanzibar is just what an ill conditioned coarse-
minded man with the fever would be likely to write. There is truth at the
bottom of it all, but the general result is wholly untruthful.” Steere to Ann
Steere, July 17, 1872, A. 1. Ill, UMCA.

170

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

talent on board her Britannic Majesty’s surveying ship Nassau locates
Zanzibar in south latitude 6 deg. 9 min. 36 sec., and east longitude
39 deg. 14 min. 43 sec.5 Between the island and the mainland runs
a channel from twenty to thirty miles in width, well studded with
coral islands, sand bars, sand banks and coral reefs.

The first view the stranger obtains of Zanzibar is of low land
covered with verdure. If he has been informed much concerning the
fevers which trouble the white traveller in equatorial Africa, he is
very likely to be impressed in his own mind that the low land is
very suggestive of it, but a nearer view is more pleasing and serves
to dispel much of the vague fear or uneasiness with which he
approached the dreaded region of ill-health and sorrow. The wind
is gentle and steady which fills the vessel’s sails; the temperature
of the air is moderate, perhaps at 70 deg. or 75 deg. Fahrenheit;
the sky is of one cerulian tint, the sea is not troubled and scarcely
rocks the ship, the shore is a mass of vivid green, the feathery fronds
of palm trees, and the towering globes of foliage of the mangrove
relieve the monotony, while the gleaming white houses of the rich
Arabs heighten the growing pleasure with the thought that the “fever
may not be so bad as people say it is.” Proceeding southward
through the channel that separates Zanzibar from the Continent,
and hugging the shore of the island, you will many times be gratified
by most pleasant tropical scenes, and by a strange fragrance which
is borne from the leaf-clad island — a fragrance which may remind
you of “Ceylon’s spicey isles.” With a good glass you will be able
to make out first the cocoa palm and the deep dark green globe of
foliage which the mango raises above when the tree is in its prime,
the graceful bombax,6 and the tall tamarind, while numbers of tall
gigantic trees of some kind loom above masses of umbrageous
shrubbery. Bits of cultivated land, clusters of huts, solitary tembes,
gardens and large, square, white houses, succeed each other quickly
until your attention is attracted by the sight of shipping in the dis-
tance, and, near-by, growing larger and larger every moment, the
city of Zanzibar, the greatest commercial mart on the east coast of
Africa. Arrived in the harbor you will find the ship anchors about
400 yards from the town, close to a few more European ships, and
perhaps a British man-of-war or two, while a number of queer-looking
vessels, which you will style “native,” lie huddled between your own
vessel and the shore. These native vessels are of various tonnage

5. De Horsey, African Pilot, 189-203.

6. Bombax rhodognaphalon. Dale and Greeenway, Kenya Trees Or Shrubs, 67.
See also Burton, “Lake Regions,” 65.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

171

and size, from the unwieldy Arab trading dhow, with two masts
leaning inelegantly and slovenly toward the bows, while the towering
after part reminds you of the pictures of ships in the Spanish Ar-
mada, to the lengthy, low and swift-looking mtepe, which, when
seen going before the wind, seems to be skimming the sea like a
huge white seagull.7 Beyond the native fleet of trading Muscat
dhows, Kilwa slavers, Pangani wood carriers and those vessels which
carry passengers to the mainland, the town of Zanzibar rises from
the beach in a nearly crescent form, white and glaring, and unsym-
metrical. The narrow, tall, whitewashed house of the reigning Prince
Barghash bin Said rises almost in the centre of the first line of
buildings; close to it on the right, as you stand looking at the town
from shipboard, is the saluting battery, which numbers some thirty
guns or thereabouts; and right behind rises a mere shell of a dingy
old Portuguese fort,8 which might almost be knocked into pieces by
a few rounds from Snider muskets. Close to the water battery is the
German Consul’s9 house, as neat as clean whitewash can make an
Arab building, and next to this house rises the double residence and
offices of Her Britannic Majesty’s Assistant Political Resident,10 sur-
mounted by the most ambitious of flagstaffs. Next comes an English
merchant’s house,11 and then the buildings occupied by Mr. Augustus
Sparhawk, the agent of the great house of John Bertram & Co., of
Salem, Mass.; and between the English merchant’s house and the
Bertram agency, in neighborly proximity, is seen the snow white
house of Mr. Frederick M. Cheney, agent of Arnold, Hines & Co.,
of New York,12 while beyond all, at the extreme right, on the ex-
treme end of the crescent, on Shangani Point, towers in isolated
vastness the English residency, which was formerly the house of
Bishop Tozer and his scanty flock of youthful converts.13 If you

7. For the mtepe, the sewn boat of East Africa, Prins, Sailing from Lamu,
79, 82-84, 120-28, 296; for dhow types, ViUiers, Sons of Sinbad, 417-19.

8. It is not a Portuguese fort. A Guide to Zanzibar, 35-36.

9. F.H.T. Schultz, agent of the Hamburg house of O’Swald. Coupland,
Exploitation of East Africa, 95.

10. F. Elton. Ibid., 201.

11. The British firm of Smith, Mackenzie and Co. Ltd. The History of Smith,
Mackenzie and Company, Ltd., 10.

12. Frederick M. Cheney of Boston; he spent about twenty years in Zanzibar
as a trader and at times acted as American diplomatic representative. Ben-
nett, “Edward D. Ropes, Jr.”

13. William G. Tozer (d. 1899), missionary bishop of the Universities Mis-
sion to Central Africa, had presided over the withdrawal of the mission from
the Lake Nyasa region to Zanzibar. There he gained a reputation of being un-
suited for his position — largely through his failure to adapt himself to African
conditions. His successor, Steere, said: “here he is like a steam engine with

172

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

start again from that central and prominent point, the palace of His
Highness, and intend to take a searching view of the salient objects
of observation along the sea front of the town, you will observe that
to the left of the water battery are a number of sheds roofed with
palm fronds, and that in front of these is about the only thing re-
sembling a wharf visible along the beach. This you will be told is
the Zanzibar Custom House. There may be a native dhow discharg-
ing her cargo, and lines of burly strong laborers come and go, go
and come, continually, bearing to the Custom House bales, packages,
ivory tusks and what not, and returning for fresh burdens; while,
on the wharf, turbaned Arabs and long-shirted half-castes either
superintend the work or from idle curiosity stand by to look on.

Moving the eye leftward of the Custom House to a building of
noble dimensions you will see that mixture of richness of woodwork
and unkempt slovenliness and general untidiness or semi-decay
which attracts the traveller in almost all large Turkish and Arab
houses, whether in Turkey, in Egypt or Arabia. This is the new
palace of Prince Barghash. The dark brown veranda, with its open
lattice work, interlaced bars of wood, infinitesimal carving — the best
work of an Arab artisan — strike one as peculiarly adapted for a
glowing climate like this of Zanzibar. But if the eye surmounts this
woodwork it will find itself shocked at observing the half-finished
roof and the seams of light which fall through it, and the dingy
whitewash and the semi-ruinous state of the upper part of the struc-
ture. A little left of this stand two palatial buildings which for size
dwarf even the British residency. One is the house of Nassur bin
Said,14 the Prime Minister of His Highness; the other is inhabited
by the Sultan’s harem. Beyond these large buildings are not many.
The compact line of solid buildings becomes broken by unsightly
sheds with thatched roofs. This is the Melinde quarter, a place de-
voted to the sale of fish, fruit, &c., to which new European arrivals
are banished to seek residences among the few stone houses to be
found there.

Beyond Melinde is the shallow Malagash inlet, the cause — I may
say the main cause, perhaps the only cause — of the unhealthiness
of the town of Zanzibar; and beyond the Malagash inlet extends the

the connecting rod broken, he cannot apply his power to any purpose.” Ward,
ed.. Letters of Bishop Tozer; Chadwick, Mackenzie’s Grave, 194ff.; Kirk to FO,
Nov. 22, 1872, F084/1357, PRO; Steere to Festing, Dec. 15, 1872, A.l.III,
UMCA.

14. His role in the 1873 treaty negotiations is mentioned in Coupland, Ex-
ploitation of East Africa, 185-90.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

173

country, like a rich, prolific garden, teeming with tropical plants and
trees, sloping gently upward as far as the purpling ridges of Elaysu.15

Such is Zanzibar and its suburbs to the new arrival, as he at-
tempts to note down his observations from shipboard. Descending
the side ladder he is rowed ashore, and if he has a letter of intro-
duction is welcomed by some “noble specimen of a British merchant,”
or an American merchant of thirty-five or forty years’ standing, or
a British official, or by one of those indescribables who has found
his way into Zanzibar, and who patiently bides for the good time
that is reported and believed to be coming; for I find that Zanzibar,
instead of attracting the real merchant, has, since my last visit, but
changed its European inutiles. When I was here before I met a living
specimen of the happy and sanguine Micawber class. He is gone,
but another fills his place. One can scarcely dare say anything good
of Zanzibar or of any other place without attracting the wrong class
of persons; and as I am on this topic I may as well specify what
class of persons can be benefited pecuniarily by immigration to Zan-
zibar.

To an enterprising man of capital Zanzibar and the entire sea
line of the Sultan’s dominions offer special advantages. A man with
a capital of £5,000 might soon make his £20,000 out of it; but not
by bringing his capital and his time and health to compete with great,
rich mercantile houses of many year’s standing and experience, and,
settling at Zanzibar, vainly attempting to obtain the custom of the
natives, who are perfectly content with their time-honored white
friends, when the entire coast line of the mainland invites his atten-
tion, his capital, his shrewdness and industry. The new arrival must
do precisely what the old merchants did when they commenced
business. He must go where there is no rivalry, no competition, if
he expects to have a large business and quick returns for his money.
He must bring his river steamer of light draught and penetrate the
interior by the Rufiji, the Pangani, the Mtwana, or the Jub, and
purchase the native product at first cost and resell to the large mer-
cantile houses of Zanzibar or ship home.16 The copal of the Rufigi
plain, accessible, as I know by experience, to a light draught steamer,

15. For a town plan of Zanzibar and a discussion of the various quarters,
Baumann, Der Sansibar-Archipel. II, passim; for a stark account of Zanzibar’s
health conditions, Christie, Cholera Epidemics, passim. For “Elaysu,” see docu-
ment 16, note 40.

16. European merchants, except Americans, who did not exercise their rights,
were forbidden by treaty to trade for ivory and copal on the Mrima. There
was little business for Europeans outside this area. Bennett and Brooks, New
England Merchants, 239ff.

174

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

is now carried on the shoulders of natives to Dar Salaam and Mbua-
majii, to be sold to the Banians, who reship it to Zanzibar and
there resell to the European merchant. The ivory of Unyamwesi is
brought down close to Mbumi Usagara, which is accessible by a
light draught steamer by the Wami. The ivory trade of Masai and
the regions north is carried down through a portion of the Pangani
Valley, and the Pangani for a short distance is also navigable and
furnishes a means of enabling the white merchant to overreach his
more settled white brothers at Zanzibar. The Jub River, next to the
Zambezi, is the largest river on the east coast of Africa, while it is
comparatively unknown. Arab caravans penetrate the regions south
of it and obtain large quantities of ivory and hides. Why should not
the white merchant attempt to open legitimate trade in the same
articles by means of the river? 17 When John Bertram, of Salem,
Mass., came to Zanzibar, some forty years ago, there was not a single
European house here. He was an officer of a whaling vessel when
he saw this large town, with its splendid opportunities for commenc-
ing a mercantile business. On arriving home he invested the results
of his venture in chartering a small vessel with goods such as would
meet a ready sale in Zanzibar. The speculation turned out to be a
good one; he repeated it, and then established an agency at Zanzibar,
while he himself resided at Salem to conduct the business at home,
to receive the cargoes from Zanzibar and ship cloth and other goods
to his agency out here.18 The business which the young whaler
started continued to thrive. Agent succeeded agent as each man
went home, after a few years’ stay in Zanzibar, to enjoy the fruit of
his labors. Boys sent out to Zanzibar to learn the business became
responsible clerks, then head agents and subsequently opulent mer-
chants, and so on from year to year, until John Bertram can point
with noble pride to his own millions and the long list of noble men
whom he taught, encouraged, sustained by his advice and enriched.
The moral of all this is, that what John Bertram, of Salem, did at
Zanzibar, can be done by any large minded, enterprising Englishman
or American on the mainland of Africa. Nay, as there is a larger
field on the mainland and as he can profit by the example of Ber-
tram he can do more.

Men experienced in the ways of Oriental life need not be told in

17. The Juba was then little known and Stanley was exaggerating its pos-
sibilities. Previous commercial and exploration ventures had had little success
there. Ibid., 483, 490; Dundas, “Expedition up the Jub River through Somali-
land, East Africa.”

18. This is not the usual account of Bertram’s first visit. See Bennett, “Stan-
ley and the American Consuls at Zanzibar,” 47.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

175

detail how people live in Zanzibar, nor how the town appears within,
nor what the Arabs and half-castes and Wangwana know of sanitary
laws. Zanzibar is not the best, the cleanest nor the prettiest town
I have ever seen; nor, on the other hand, is it the worst, the filthiest
nor the ugliest town. While there is but little to praise or gratify in
it, there is a good deal to condemn, and, while you condemn it you
are very likely to feel the cause for condemnation is irremediable
and hopeless. But the European merchants find much that is endur-
able at Zanzibar. It is not nearly the intolerable place that the
smelted rocks of Aden have made Steamer Point, nor has it the
parboiling atmosphere of Bushire or Busrah, nor is it cursed by the
merciless heat of Ismaila or Port Said. If you expose yourself to
the direct rays of the sun of Zanzibar for a considerable time it
would be as fatal for you as though you did such an unwise thing
on the Aden Isthmus. Within doors, however, life is tolerable — nay,
it is luxuriously comfortable. We — I mean Europeans — have numbers
of servants to wait on us, to do our smallest bidding. If we need a
light for our cigars, or our walking cane, or our hats when we go
out, we never think of getting these things for ourselves or of doing
anything of which another could relive us of the necessity of doing.
We have only the trouble of telling our servants what to do, and
even of this trouble we would gladly be relieved. One great comfort
to us out here is that there is no society to compel us to imprison
our necks within linen collars, or half strangle ourselves with a
silken tie, or to be anxious about any part of our dress. The most
indolent of us never think of shifting our night pyjamas until nearly
midday. Indeed, we could find it in our hearts to live in them alto-
gether, except that we fear a little chaff from our neighbors.

Another luxury, which we enjoy out here, which may be not en-
joyed in Europe. What think you of a salt water bath morning,
noon and evening just before dinner? Our servants fill our tubs for
us, for our residences stand close to the sea, and it is neither trouble
nor expense, if we care at all for the luxury, to undress in the cool
room and take a few minutes’ sleep in the tub. Though we are but
a small colony of whites, we resemble, microscopically, society at
home. We have our good men and true and sociable men; we have
large hearted hospitable men, our pig-giving friends, our hail-fellows
well met, and perambulating gossips. Our liquors and wines and
cigars are good, if they are not the best in the world. Some of us of
course are better connoisseurs in such things than others, and have
accordingly contrived to secure the most superior brands. Our houses
are large, roomy and cool; we have plenty of servants; we have good

176

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

fruit on the island; we enjoy health while we have it, and with our
tastes, education and national love of refinement, we have contrived
to surround ourselves with such luxuries as serve to prolong good
health, peace of mind and life, and, inshallah! shall continue to do
so while we stay in Zanzibar. The above is but the frank, outspoken
description of himself, as as might be given by a dignified and worthy
Zanzibar merchant of long standing of European extraction.19 And
your Commissioner will declare that it is as near truth as though the
Zanzibar merchant of long standing and experience had written it
himself.

Now we have had the Europeans of Zanzibar, their houses and
mode and law of life described, let us get into the streets and en-
deavor to see for ourselves the nature of the native and the Semitic
resident, and ascertain how far they differ from the Anglo-Saxon
and Anglo-American sublimities.

As we move away toward the Seyid’s palace we gradually become
conscious that we have left the muddy streets with their small, nar-
row gutters, and which re-echoed our footsteps so noisily. The tall
houses where the Europeans live, separated by but a narrow street,
ten feet wide, shut out the heat and dazzling glare which otherwise
the clean white-washed walls would have reflected. When we leave
these behind we come across the hateful glaring sunlight, and our
nostrils become irritated by an amber-colored dust, from the “gar-
bling” of copal and orchilla weed,20 and we are sensible of two
separate smells which affect the senses. One is the sweet fragrance
of cloves, the other is the odor which a crowd of slaves bearing
clove bags exhale from their perspiring bodies. Shortly we come
across an irregular square blank in the buildings which had hemmed
us in from the sunlight. A fetid garbage heap, debris of mud houses,
sugar-cane leavings, orange and banana peelings, make piles which,
festering and rotting in the sun, are unsightly to the eye and offen-
sive to the nostrils. And just by here we see the semi-ruinous Por-
tuguese fort, a most beggarly and dilapidated structure. Several
rusty and antique cannon lie strewn along the base of the front wall,
and a dozen or so of rusty and beggarly-looking half-castes, armed
with long, straight swords and antique Muscat matchlocks, affect
to be soldiers and guardians of the gate. Fortunately, however, for

19. A picture of the life of an American merchant in Zanzibar is given in
Bennett, “E. D. Ropes, Jr.”

20. “Garbling” describes the act of removing refuse from copal, etc. For
copal, see Bennett and Brooks, New England Merchants, passim; for orchilla
(the lichen Roccella tinctoria ), ibid., 518, 531.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

177

the peace of the town and the reigning Prince, the prisoners whom
the soldiers guard are mild-mannered and gentle enough, few of
them having committed a worse crime than participating in a blood-
less street brawl or being found intoxicated in the street.21

Passing the noisy and dusty Custom House, with its hives of sing-
ing porters at work, and herds of jabbering busybodies, nobodies
and somebodies, we shortly arrive at the palace, where we might as
well enter, and see how it fares with His Highness Barghash bin
Said, the Prince of Zanzibar and Pemba. As we may have merely
made an appointment with him as private citizens of a free and
independent foreign country, and are escorted only by a brother
citizen of the same rank, etiquette forbids that the Seyyid should
descend into the street to receive his visitor. Were we Her Britannic
Majesty’s Consul or Political Resident His Highness would deem it
but due to our official rank to descend into the street and meet us
exactly twenty-four steps from the palace door. Were we an Envoy
Extraordinary the Prince would meet us some fifty or seventy-five
paces from his gate. We are but private citizens, however, and the
only honor we get is an exhibition of the guards — Belooches, Persians
and half-castes — drawn up on each side of the door, their uni-
forms consisting of lengthy butternut-colored disdashehs, or shirts
which reach from the nape of the neck to the ankles of each.

After we have ascended a flight of steps we discover the Prince,
ready to receive us, with his usual cordial and frank smile and good
natured greeting, and, during a shower of good natured queries re-
specting our health, we are escorted to the other end of the barely
furnished room, where we are invited to be seated.

I have had (adopting the first person singular again) a long con-
versation with the Prince of Zanzibar; but, omitting all extraneous
matter, I shall only touch upon such portion of our conversation as
relates to a subject in which we are all interested, viz.: the slave
trade and to the diplomatic mission of Sir Bartle Frere.22

We have all read the despatches of Sir Bartle, relating his inter-
course officially with the Sultan of Zanzibar; we have also heard
from his own lips his views upon East African slavery. But none of

21. Drunkenness was a crime for the local inhabitants under the laws of
Zanzibar. Fraser, Tozer, and Christie, The East African Slave Trade, 42.

22. H. Bartle E. Frere (1815-1884), a distinguished British Indian official,
arrived in Zanzibar in 1873 to negotiate a treaty restricting the limits of the
slave trade. British aims were not gained until after the departure of Frere.
Martineau, The Life and Correspondence of Sir Bartle Frere; Coupland, Ex-
ploitation of East Africa , 182ff.; PRGS 6 (1884), 403-07; Gavin, “Frere Mis-
sion to Zanzibar,” 122-48; Bennett, “Charles de Vienne.”

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

your readers have heard the story of the Sultan himself, with his
views of slavery and of the mission of Sir Bartle Frere. Without
pretence of literal and exact record of what the Sultan said, I yet
declare the spirit of what he said will be found embodied in the
following :

“During Majid, my brother’s time, Speke came here and travelled
into Africa, and what he said about us Arabs caused us a little trou-
ble. The consuls, too, have given us great trouble. Some have written
home much that is not quite true; but some time ago my brother
Majid died, and by the grace of God I succeeded him. The trouble
which my brother Majid endured was as nothing compared to that
which has been the result of that man, Dr. Livingstone’s letters. I
maintain that those letters you brought from him and carried to
England were the cause of all this great trouble. Indeed, I have had
a troublous time of it ever since I came to the throne. First, there
came the hurricane of two years ago (April, 1872), which destroyed
my entire fleet and all the ships of my people, and devastated the
island and the coast. We were well off before that time, and we be-
came suddenly poor. I had seven ships and steamers of war lost,
and my people lost about 200 ships, and if you doubt my word re-
specting the devastation on the land take one of my horses and ride
out into the country that you may see for yourself. In the midst of
the desolation and ruin which had overtaken us we heard that the
former Governor of Bombay, Sir Bartle Frere, was coming out to us
to talk to us about the slave trade. Now, you white people must
understand that all Arabs trade in slaves, that they have done so
from the beginning. Our Koran does not say it is a sin, our priests
say nothing against it, the wise men of Mecca say nothing against it;
our forefathers traded in slaves, and we followed their footsteps and
did likewise. But my father, Said Said,23 and my brothers, Thou-
weynee, Majid and Toorkee,24 were friends with the English and
the English gave them advice and got them to sign treaties not
to trade in slaves any more. To the treaty that my brothers signed
I gave my consent freely when I came to the throne, for I have
always been a friend to the English and to Englishmen.

23. Said bin Sultan, ruler of Zanzibar and Masqat from 1804 to 1856. For
his rule, Gray, History of Zanzibar, 109ff.; Gavin, “Sayyid Sa’id.”

24. Thuwayni bin Said, born in 1821, succeeded to the rule in Masqat in
1856; he was murdered by his son, Salim, in 1866. Turki bin Said (1832-
1888) became ruler of Masqat with British aid in 1870. Ingrams, Chronology
& Genealogies of Zanzibar Rulers, 6; Gavin, “Frere Mission to Zanzibar,” 124-26;
Miles, The Countries and Tribes of the Persian Gulf, II, 347ff.; Landen, Oman
since 1856, passim.

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179

“When Sir Bar tie Frere came here we were in sore distress, and
very poor. He asked me to sign a treaty that no slave trade should
be permitted in my country. When I consulted my chiefs they held
their hands out to me and said. We have nothing, we are poor, but
if the English will give us time — say a year or so — we are quite
willing to sign that which they ask us.’ I repeated to Sir Bartle what
my chiefs were willing to do, and I asked him to give us time such
as they gave the Portuguese;25 but Sir Bartle, in his hurry to get us
to sign the treaty, overlooked the distress we were in from the hurri-
cane. Time and time again I asked that he would give us but a
few months to consider and prepare for this final stroke of mis-
fortune, but he would not listen, he was deaf to me. Continually,
he said to me, ‘Sign this treaty.’ I was quite willing to sign it, though
by signing it I was losing about $20,000 a year revenue; but my
people could not understand this haste of Sir Bartle Frere to get the
treaty signed without giving us time to think of it. We all knew
that the English could do what they wanted to do in Zanzibar; if
they took the island we were too poor and weak to resist; if they
destroyed us all we could not help it. All we could have done would
have been to consign our cause to God, and submit. Sir Bartle Frere
went away angry. I cannot help it, but I grieve that he should be
angry with me for what I could not help. One of the things he
asked me to give my consent to was that I should assist the English
in putting down the slave trade. How can I assist the English? I
have no ships as I had formerly, or I would willingly do so.

“Soon after Sir Bartle Frere went away an English fleet came
to our harbor. The English Admiral (Rear Admiral Arthur Cumming)26
and Dr. Kirk came to see me about the orders they had received
from the Foreign Office to stop the slave trade. They both advised
me as friends to sign the treaty. I got my people’s consent to do
so, and I signed it, not because I was afraid of the English ships,
for, if the English came to Zanzibar and said, ‘We want this island,’
I would not resist them, for I know that they are strong and I am
weak — but because the English Admiral and Dr. Kirk advised me
as friends, for they knew my poverty and understood my case better
than I could have told them.”

Such is the story of the Sultan, without embellishment, and I dare

25. See Coupland, The British Anti-Slavery Movement , 159-66, for tliis policy
between 1815 and 1842.

26. Arthur Cumming (1817-1893), commander-in-chief of the East Indies
Station, 1870-1874. Boase, Modern English Biography, IV, 821-22; Clowes,
Royal Navy, VII, 574.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

say that Sir Bartle Frere will indorse most of it, if not all. It was
a surprise to Sir Bartle’s many admirers that his well known diplo-
matic talents had failed to secure the Sultan’s signature to the
treaty for the suppression of the slave trade, but with my knowledge
of the method which Sir Bartle adopted to secure the Sultan’s
signature I may say now that I no longer wonder at his failure. Small
and insignificant as Prince Barghash may be in power and influence
he is yet an independent chief of an independent State, to whom
are due all the little courtesies which skilful diplomats are in the
habit of using to persons recognized as rulers, consequently the
stern, relentless coercion which Sir Bartle’s words and manners em-
bodied could not be met in any other way by a man conscious of his
dignity as a sovereign prince than by a refusal to sign the treaty.
The mild manners and suavity of Admiral Gumming, together with
the tact and friendly entreaties of Dr. Kirk, however, produced the
desired result, leaving us nothing to regret save the failure of Sir
Bartle to succeed where he ought to have succeeded, and where he
might have succeeded had he possessed his soul with patience. Now,
however, that the treaty has been signed and England’s indignation
at the Seyyid’s first refusal to concede to her demands been appeased,
strict justice requires that the Prince shall in some measure be re-
quited for the concession he made. This is not merely my opinion,
nor is it merely my definition of what justice demands in this case;
but it is the outspoken and frank declaration of several eminent
English gentlemen with whom I have conversed. They say that the
Prince should be indemnified, for this concession on his part, with
some grant of money or aid, in some form or another, for sacrificing
to England’s views of what is right and wrong an eighth portion of
his revenue; that the plea that England may use, that she guaranteed
Prince Barghash release from the annual subsidy of 40,000 crowns
to his brother at Muscat, cannot be employed at all, as England
herself had imposed this sum on the Zanzibar Sultan in order that
her commerce might not be endangered in the fratricidal war
which might ensue on Prince Barghash’s refusal to pay this heavy
subsidy; and that it is doubtful whether Prince Toorkee could ever
summon sufficient force to compel Prince Barghash to pay him a sin-
gle coin.27 With which views just men will not fail to agree. The
beggarly presents which Sir Bartle Frere and his suite brought to
Zanzibar for presentation to the Sultan were unworthy of the nation,

27. For the subsidy from Zanzibar to Masqat, the result of the Canning award
of 1861, Coupland, Exploitation of East Africa, 14, 28-30, 72-74; Gavin,
“Frere Mission to Zanzibar,” 146.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

181

which no doubt intended to act generously, of the representative of
Her Britannic Majesty which conveyed them, and of the prince for
whom they were purchased. Well enough, no doubt, for the petty
potentate of Johanna, who ultimately received them,28 but not for
the sovereign of Zanzibar and Pemba, and a thousand miles of
coast, with whom a British envoy was charged to negotiate. It is
not common sense to suppose that any private citizen would look
indulgently upon any proposition which required of him to sacrifice
£4,000 a year of his income in consideration of a few paltry presents
which did not exceed over a few hundred pounds in value at the
most, any more than that Prince Barghash should. Yet this is pre-
cisely what Sir Bartle Frere was charged to do by the Foreign Office
in his late mission to Zanzibar. Owing to the losses incurred by him
and his people during the hurricane of 1872, and the sacrifice of a
large portion of his revenue by the demands of England, the Prince
of Zanzibar suffers from straitness of income and ready money. He
has leased the customs to Jewram Sujee, a Banian, for a term of
years, for a very insufficient sum.29 He is sorely troubled with the
native war in Unyamwezi, which prevents the ivory from arriving
at the sea.30 His private estates are mere wrecks of what they once
were, and the real pecuniary condition of Prince Barghash may be
summed up as truly deplorable. Now a present of two condemned
gunboats or any two vessels of war, such as the Admiralty has
almost always on hand for sale cheap for cash, would be a godsend to
the Sultan of Zanzibar, and a round sum of a few thousand pounds
given to him as a sign of friendship and good will, might obviate
in some measure the necessity of the large expense which England
incurs annually in her laudable endeavors to suppress the slave trade.

There are several ways of regarding such a proposition, but it will
not appear surprising to the candid reader if he reads the above
facts dispassionately and without prejudice. It is a good adage that
which advises that we should choose the least evil of two, and every-
body will admit that if England could purchase the hearty co-opera-
tion of the Zanzibar Sultan with a timely and needful present, in the

28. Abdulla, Sultan of Anjouan, 1855-1891. Frere visited Abdulla and ap-
peared to be somewhat impressed with him, recommending that the sultan
receive liberated slaves from the British for settlement on Anjouan. The scheme
did not materialize. Kirk to FO, Sept. 20, 1876, Q-17; Sunley to Smith, March
7, 1891, E-131; Frere to Kirk, April 1, 1873, E-63B; Kirk to Smith, March 16,
1873, E-63B : all in ZA.

29. The firm of Jairam Sewji was represented in Zanzibar by Likmidas Ladha.
Jairam had died in 1866. Bennett and Brooks, New England Merchants, 212.

30. See document 15, note 16.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

philanthropic scheme which England has so long attempted to en-
force on the East African Coast, it would be less expensive than
supporting a large squadron at an expense of several thousands of
pounds per annum. And now that the slave trade is carried on inland
it is more necessary than ever that Seyyid Barghash’s good will should
be secured. Without the aid that England could give the Prince I
doubt much that however friendly disposed he may be, he can do
anything to assist in suppressing the trade, for the reasons already
given.31

Turning again to other topics, I may as well sketch the Prince
before bowing him my adieu. He is now in the prime of life, prob-
ably about forty- two years old, of vigorous and manly frame, and
about five feet nine inches in height. He is a frank, cordial and
good natured gentleman, with a friendly brusqueness in his manner
to all whom he has no reason to regard with suspicion. He has an
open, generous and a very undiplomatic face, slightly touched here
and there with traces of the smallpox. He dresses plainly and is not
given to ostentation in any way. He wears the usual linen dress of
the Arabs, with his waist cinctured by a rich belt of plaited gold,
which supports the crooked dagger generally borne by an Arab gen-
tleman. Over his linen dress he wears a long black cloth coat, the
edges of which are covered with a narrow gold braid. His headdress
is the usual ample turban of the Arab, wound about his head, and
completing in his person a somewhat picturesque costume. It would
be difficult to choose a prince with whom diplomatic relations could
be carried on so easily, provided always that the diplomat remem-
bered that the Prince was an Arab and a Moslem gentleman. Polite-
ness will effect more than rudeness, always with Arabian gentle-
men. Admiral Cumming, I feel sure, with his gentle, dispassionate
bearing, could effect as much with Seyyid Barghash as Admiral
Yelverton’s courteous and calm bearing effected with the menacing
ruffians of Cartagena.32 In whatever school of deportment these old
British admirals, who, over a steely firmness, wear such courtesy,
are brought up, it might be recommended that diplomats charged
with delicate negotiations might be sent to learn lessons of true
politeness. There is, however, one phase in Prince Barghash’s charac-
ter which presents a difficulty in dealing with him, and that is his

31. For the resolutions of these complaints, real and otherwise, Coupland,
Exploitation of East Africa, 237 if.

32. Hastings R. Yelverton (1808-1878), commander-in-chief, Mediterranean
station, 1870-1875. His conduct when Spanish rebels from Cartagena seized
part of the Spanish fleet in 1871 is given in Clowes, Royal Navy, VH, 243—46;
see also Boase, English Biography, III, 1562.

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183

fanaticism. Ever since he undertook the journey to Mecca he has
shown himself an extremely fervid Moslem, indisposed to do any-
thing or attempt anything not recommended in the Koran.33 A prince
of more liberal religious views might have had an opportunity during
the late diplomatic negotiations of permanently bettering himself
and people; but Barghash was restrained by his extreme religious
scruples from asking any aid of England.

Continuing our journey through the town of Zanzibar, beyond the
Sultan’s palace, we come to the business quarter of the natives. The
spicy smells, intermixed with those of fruit, printed cloth, oils, ghee,
peppers, &c., grow stronger as we advance, added to which is the
very infragrant odor which is exhaled from the bodies of the naked
and unwashed multitude. Flies here congregate in swarms, and settle
where they enjoy plentiful repasts. Down into the narrow and
crowded alley, flanked by the low palm-roofed sheds where the humble,
free and slave populace are engaged in their noisy barter, pours the
merciless sunlight, drawing stifling vapors from the filthy and un-
drained street. Not caring to take more than a hasty glance at any-
thing under such circumstances, we hasten on through the most
wretched alleys and streets, by half ruinous houses which only
require to be repaired to be made presentable, and only require the
superintendence of sanitary police to make them habitable; by low-
roofed and square-pillared mosques and verandas, or burzanis,
where squat dusky men and yellow men, kinky and straight-haired
men, Arabs and Banians, Hindis and half-castes, each of whom we
detect by either his garb or his appearance. And so we proceed by
ruins and huts and dunghills and garbage heaps and square, dingy
white buildings, until we come to the Malagash Inlet, over which
a bridge leads to a populous suburb and the evergreen country. If
we cross the bridge and skirt the opposite bank by a broad well-
trodden path, we will be travelling along the base of a triangle, of
which Shangani Point and the British Political Residency may
form the apex. A half hour’s walk along this path leads us through
ill-kept gardens, where mandioca or manioc (the cassava), Indian
corn, and holcus, sesame and millet grow half shaded by orange
and lime, pomegranate and mangopalm, and jack trees,34 until we
halt before the white and clean buildings of the English Church

33. Barghash had formerly been strongly under the influence of Mutawwa’
interpreters of Islam. Gavin, “Frere Mission to Zanzibar,” especially 144.

34. Artocarpus integrifolia. Naval Staff Intelligence Division, A Handbook
of Kenya Colony (British East Africa) and the Kenya Protectorate (Protectorate
of Zanzibar), 562.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

mission.35 We have noted in our short walk that agricultural skill
and industry is at a very low ebb, barely fit to be termed by such
names, rather a wretched, burrowing and shiftless, slovenly planting;
but the genial soil covers a multitude of defects, sins of indolence
and unthriftiness.

As we have arrived at the English Church Mission Buildings,
what shall I say about the mission except the honest, truthful facts?
The Right Rev. Bishop Tozer, “Bishop of Central Africa,” in priestly
purple and fine linen, is no more to be seen here, and it really
appears as if the mission had begun new life, and had begun to
lift its head among the useful societies of the world. As yet I have
seen no great increase of converts, but fair promise of future useful-
ness is visible everywhere. As a friend to the Church which has
sent this mission out, I was formerly restrained from saying much
about it, because I knew very little good of it; 36 and had I not seen
the erudite but undignified prelate exhibiting himself in such unusual
garb to the gaze of the low rabble of Zanzibar I would certainly
have passed the Church mission and its pitiful ways of converting
the heathen in silence. Now, however, I may speak with candor.
The great building now known as the British Residency was, in 1871
and 1872, the episcopal palace and mission house. After its sale to
the English government the missionaries removed their school to
their country house, a half mile or so beyond the extremity of Mala-
gash Inlet. With the money obtained by the sale of the mission house
the Superintendent purchased the old slave market — a vacant area
surrounded by mud huts, close to the cattle yards of the Banians
and the ooze and stagnant pools of the Malagash. On the site of
so much extreme wretchedness and crime the Church missionaries
have commenced to erect structures which, when completed, may
well be styled superb.

These buildings consist of a fine residence, a school and a church,37

35. The Universities Mission to Central Africa.

36. Stanley’s restraint was rather limited. See HIFL, 19-20. One of Tozer’s
missionaries noted that the bishop’s high church dress had “acted upon the
yankee as a red cloth on an insane bull.” Alington to Jones, Jan. 16, 1873,
A.l.III, UMCA.

37. The church, a future imposing landmark in Zanzibar, was held by some
to be a useless extravagance for Muslim Zanzibar. Thomson described it as
“a striking illustration of the misapplication of money and energy, which might
have been so much more usefully directed into other channels.” Steere, its
builder, was stung by such criticism — “Do not,” he said, “call it a Cathedral.
It is the Memorial Church in the Old Slave Market. The fact of the slave-
market site and the memorial character are what justify its costliness.” Thom-
son, Central African Lakes, I, 18; Steere to Penny, Sept. 20, 1881, A.l.III,
UMCA.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

185

which, with another building, just begun by Lacknindoss,38 the Ban-
ian, will surround an irregular square, in which palms and flowers
and fruit trees will be planted. A view from one of the windows of
the unfinished residence gives us a clearer idea of the locality the
missionaries have selected, and suggests grave doubts of the wis-
dom of its selection. Looking at it from a sentimental point of view,
the locality is, no doubt, very appropriate, and a certain fitness is
also seen in it. The British government denounced the slave trade,
and made a grand effort to crush it; and the market for the sale
of slaves in old times was purchased by the mission, on which the
missionaries erect a church wherein peace and good will and broth-
erly love will be preached and taught. The neighborhood, also, is
one of the most miserable quarters of Zanzibar; but the missionaries
convey with them the power to improve, refine and elevate, despite
its extreme poverty and misery. It is all very well, we think; but if
we look from the windows and examine the character of the ground
into which the walls of the building have been sunk, we will see that
it is a quagmire, with putrid heaps of cow dung and circular little
pools of sink-water, which permeate through the corrupting soil, and
heave up again in globules and bubbles, exhaling the vilest odor
that ever irritated the civilized European’s nose. And if what we
have seen below is not enough to conjure up in the mind a dismal
prospect of sickness and pain and sorrow for the unhappy mission-
aries who may be appointed to live here, the view of the long and
broad stretch of black mud, which the shallow waters of the Mala-
gash leave behind them for hours night and day, will certainly do it.
It would require the treasury of a government to redeem the ground
from its present uninhabitable state. All I can say, however, is that
I can only hope that the dismal future suggested by the scenes near
the mission building may never be realized, and that the worthy
missionaries may be prosperous in the new field before them.

Dr. Steere,39 lately consecrated Bishop of Central Africa, is about

38. Likmidas Ladha, the son of Ladha Damji, succeeded to the direction
of his father’s business after his death, thus becoming local representative of
the firm of Jairam Sewji and the customs master of Zanzibar. New, Life, Wan-
derings, and Labours in Eastern Africa, 37.

39. Edward Steere (1828-1882) went to Central Africa with the Universities
Mission in 1862, and then went to Zanzibar in 1864. He succeeded Tozer as
bishop in 1874. Steere gave vital direction to the mission, returning it once
more to the Nyasa region. He is perhaps best remembered today for his
pioneering studies of the Swahili language. Heanley, A Memoir of Bishop
Steere; Whiteley, “Swahili and the Classical Tradition,” 215-16, for some notes
on his language work. For the almost universally high opinion of Steere in
East Africa, see Kirk to Hill, Aug. 29, 1882, FO 84/1619, PRO.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

to arrive here, as successor of Bishop Tozer. If report speaks cor-
rectly he is about to establish mission buildings near Lake Nyassa,
in which case he will have the hearty sympathy and support of every
good man; and, did Livingstone live, Bishop Steere would depart
with his blessings and best wishes for success. The very name of
Bishop Steere suggests success. He is a practical and an indefa-
tigably industrious man. He is devoid of bigotry, but while devoted
to his Church he does not neglect the great fact that conversion of
the heathen means more than the mere teaching of the formula of
the Church of England. In short, he is a fit leader, because of his
plain, practical good sense, his industry, his intellectual acquirements
and religion for the new Christian mission, and I heartily congratu-
late the Board of the Church Mission for their selection and choice
of such a man. While we are almost certain that Bishop Steere
will be able to show results worthy of him, it is absolutely necessary
for the cause of religion throughout Africa that he should be prop-
erly supported by his friends at home. There must be no niggard
supplies sent to him, for the establishment of such a mission as
will insure success requires considerable resources, and the Church
Mission should this time make a supreme effort worthy of their great
Church.

From the English Mission to the country is but a step, and before
closing this letter we should like to ask the reader to accompany
us as far as the ridges of Elaysu.40 The path which we choose lies
through cultivated tracts and groves of fruit trees which stretch on
either side of it, thickening as they recede, and growing intensely
deep and umbrageous, even to the depth and intensity of a forest.
We note the sad effects of the hurricane in the prostrate and fast
rotting trunks of the cocoanut palm, and the vast number of palms
which lean from the perpendicular, and threaten before long to also
fall. We note these things with a good deal of pity for the country,
the people and the poor, unfortunate Prince, and we also think what
a beautiful and happy isle this Isle of Zanzibar might be made under
a wise and cultivated ruler. If such a change as is now visible in
Mauritius, with all its peaks and mountains and miles of rugged
ground, can be made, what might not be made of Zanzibar, where
there are no mountains nor peaks nor rugged ground, but gentle
undulations and low ridges eternally clothed in summer green ver-
dure. At every point, at every spot you see something improvable,
something that might be made very much better than it now is. And
so we ride on with such reflections, which reflections are somewhat

40. Welezo, a ridge to the west of Zanzibar town. See the map in Baumann,
Der Sansibar-Archipel. II, and Cave, Three Journeys, 79.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

187

assisted, no doubt, by the ever-crooked path which darts toward
all points of the compass in sudden and abrupt crookedness. But the
land and the trees are always beautiful and always tropical. Palms
and orange trees are everywhere, with a large number of plaintains,
mangoes and jack fruit trees; the sugar cane neighbor, the Indian
corn, the cassava, is side by side with the holcus sorghum, and
there is a profusion of verdure and fruit and grain wherever we
turn our eyes. And shortly we arrive at the most picturesque spot on
the island of Zanzibar — Elaysu, or Ulayzu — as some call it — every
inch of which, if the island were in the possession of the white man,
would be worth a hundred times more than it is now, from its com-
manding elevation, from the charming views of sea and land and
town its summit presents, for its healthiness, its neighborhood to
town, for it is but five or six miles off. What cosy, lovable, pretty
cottages might be built on the ridge of Elaysu, amid palms and
never-sere foliage, amid flowers and carol of birds, amid shades of
orange and mango trees! How white men and white women would
love to dream on verandas, with open eyes, of their far away homes,
made far pleasanter by distance and memory, while palms waved
and rustled to gentle evening breezes, and the sun descended to the
west amid clouds of all colors. Yes, Elaysu is beautiful and the re-
ceding ridges, with their precipitous ravines, fringed with trees
and vegatation, are extremely picturesque, and some short bits of
scenery which we view across the white glaring bars of sunlight
are perfectly idyllic in their modest beauty. But much as I would
be pleased to dilate on this and that view to you, with all the varying
tints and shadows, gleaming brightness, and soft twilight, of un-
surpassed tropical scenes and continuous groves of trees, I am con-
strained for want of space to refuse. As we turn our horses’ heads
around to return, we view the town and harbor of Zanzibar charm-
ingly somnolent in the pale gray haze through which they are seen,
representing but too fitly, in that dreamy state in which we imagine
them, the lassitude and indifference of the people of Zanzibar.

District of Mpwapwa, Country of Usagara
Dec. 13, 1874 1

Uncouth as the name of the district and the cluster of villages
whence I date my letter may appear in writing, it is not at all dis-

1. NYH , March 1, 1875. Stanley was now about half-way to Unyanyembe.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

cordant to the ear. Nay, the sweet voice of an Msagara damsel can
even give it a pleasant sound, and, as near as I can make it, it
ought to be written Mbambwa. I can hardly describe my feelings as
I revisited this spot after an absence of two years. I first experienced
a sharp throb of regret as I recollected that it was the scene of
the death of my Scotch assistant, William Farquhar, who perished
here in 1871, and as I cast my eyes toward the west over the sere
expanse and autumnal leafage of miles and miles of undulating
plain. I verily believe that my next feeling was one of sorrowful
foreboding at the momentary suggestion that perhaps one, if not all,
of the white men on this expedition might find similar unhonored
graves in this strange land. These feelings were not of long duration,
however, for the cheery voices of the guides were heard loudly pro-
claiming that we were approaching Mpwapwa, and the view of high
towering mountains, slopes all green with wide shadowing mimosa
and tamarind, hollows dark with the verdant globes of foliage of
sycamores, and the broad bed of the Mpwapwa stream, washed with
crystal water, dispelled evil presentiments and all melancholy prog-
nostigations. Thoughts of misfortune and dark days to come fled like
a sick man’s fancies before the spring coloring of noble mountains
and the refreshing verdure of well watered slopes.2

Honestly, no man has less right to begin a letter in this strain
than I have; for no man, however lucky his star may be, has more
right to be proud and happy and cheerful than I have this day. For
I have had an unprecedentedly successful march from the Indian
Ocean, and surprisingly favorable influences have attended the ex-
pedition ever since we left Zanzibar. Nothing of the blight and mis-
fortune that I predicted in my last letter from Zanzibar, nothing
whatever of the vexatious delays, frequent desertions, half-hearted
conduct of the armed escort, and various annoyances I surmised
would befall us. On the contrary, we have arrived at the “half-way
house” to Unyamwezi in an incredibly short time, as I will presently
show you. We have suffered less sickness, less trouble, and, alto-
gether, have had more good fortune than any expedition which ever
came into Africa.

The expedition left Bagamoyo on the 17th of November and ar-
rived here yesterday, the 12th day of December, which makes a
period of only twenty-five days! This fact, stated thus briefly, might
not surprise those uninitiated with the usual time required for this

2. A later visitor would consider Mpwapwa “not quite so inviting” as Stan-
ley described it. Report of the Rev. R. Price of his Visit to Zanzibar and the
Coast of Eastern Africa, 35-36.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

189

march; but if I state that on my expedition in search of Livingstone
the same march occupied me fifty-seven days, and that it occupied
Lieutenant Cameron’s party four months, even the most superficial
reader will not fail to perceive that I have every reason to be de-
voutly grateful and extremely cheerful. And, while considering this
rate of speedy marching, it must be remembered that this is a very
large expedition, bearing such cumbersome things as the pontoon
Livingstone and the cedar boat Lady Alice , and that since leaving
the coast we have been travelling along an entirely new route, much
north of any yet adopted.

Though I may look now with pleased expression on the distance
traversed so speedily, as auguring well for the further prosecution
of the march to the unknown lands north, and thence to the Nile
sources, the day we left Zanzibar, with its wild disorder, did not
promise much success. Nearly every member of the expeditionary
force was either drunk, tipsy or elevated, or, as some would say, “a
little the ‘better’ for the liquor.” Many were absent from muster,
and a few had deserted with their advance. I consoled myself with
thinking, as I noticed the confusion and insolence of some of the
most inebriated, “All right, my sable gentlemen; to-day is your day;
to-morrow the reign of discipline and order begins.”

After disembarking at Bagamoyo matters were not mended. The
men had not as yet expended all their advance, and the consequence
was that they betook themselves into the vile liquor shops of the
Goanese at Bagamoyo, and after brutalizing themselves with the
fire-water retailed there they took to swaggering through the streets,
proclaiming that they were white men’s soldiers, maltreating women,
breaking into shops and smashing crockery, some even drawing
knives on the peaceable citizens, and in other ways indulging their
worst passions.

Of course, as long as I remained at Bagamoyo this state of
things would continue; a few might be arrested and severely pun-
ished, but it would be too great a task to watch about 300 such
men scattered among the houses of so large a town as Bagamoyo.3
I was so engrossed with the novel duties of supressing turbulence
and debauchery that I had not much time left for anything else. On
the fifth day, however, after arriving at Bagamoyo, the bugle an-
nounced the march, and although we had some trouble in collecting
the laggards, by nine a.m. the last man had left the town.

At Shamba Gonera, my former first camp, the men manifested a

3. For notes on the development of this most important center, Leue, “Baga-
moyo.”

190 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

disposition to stop, in order to make “one more night of it” at Baga-
moyo; but by this time, as you may imagine, I had had enough of
such scenes, and they were bodily driven on by the armed guard,
not without considerable violence. Arriving at the Kingani River, the
sections of the Lady Alice were screwed together, and her powers of
transportation and efficiency here were well tested. I ascertained
that the utmost she could bear in ferrying across the river were
thirty men and thirty bales of cloth, or the weight of three tons,
which was perfectly satisfactory to me. The Livingstone pontoon
was not uncovered, as the Lady Alice proved expeditious enough in
transporting the force across the river. When the ferriage was com-
pleted we resumed the journey, and long before sunset we encamped
at Kikoka.

The intense heat of the Kingani Plains lying on either side told
severely on those men who were unaccustomed to travelling in Africa,
and who had indulged their vicious propensities at Zanzibar and
Bagamoyo before departure, which compelled us to remain a day
at Kikoka. I had, however, taken the precaution to leave a strong
guard at the river to prevent the men from returning to Bagamoyo,
and another on the hills between Bagamoyo and the Kingani Plain,
on the eastern side of the river, for a similar purpose.

During the afternoon of this day, as I was preparing my last let-
ters, I was rather surprised at a visit paid me in my camp from a
party of the Sultan’s soldiers, the chief of whom bore a letter from
the Governor of Bagamoyo,4 wherein he complained that my people
had induced about fifteen women to abandon their masters.

On mustering the people and inquiring into their domestic affairs
it was discovered that a large number of women had indeed joined
the expedition during the night. Most of them, however, bore free
papers accorded to them by the political agent at Zanzibar; but
eleven5 were, by their own confessions, runaway slaves. After being
hospitably received by the Sultan of Zanzibar and the Arabs it was
no part of a stranger’s duty, unless authorized by some government
likely to abide by its agent’s actions, to countenance such a novel
mode of liberating the slaves. The order was, therefore, given
that these women should return with the Sultan’s soldiers; but, as
this did not agree with either the views of the women themselves
or their abductors, the females set up a determined defiance to the
order, and the males seized their Snider rifles, vowing that they
should not return. As such a disposition and demonstration of hos-

4. Mansur bin Suliman. TDC, I, 74.

5. Ibid., 86, says nine.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

191

tility was not politic nor calculated to deserve my esteem, or to win
for me the Arab’s good will, this disposition was summarily sup-
pressed and the women returned to their masters.

The first victim on this expedition has been the noble mastiff Cas-
tor, presented to me by the Baroness Burdett Coutts,6 who died
between the Kingani and Kikoka, from heat apoplexy. The second
was the mastiff dog Captain — a very fine though ferocious animal
— who died a few ways after. I still have three dogs — the retriever
Nero, the undaunted bulldog Bull and a well-bred bull terrier Jack,
who so far have borne the fatigues of the march very well, though
the latter is considerably exercised in his mind by the numbers of
grasshoppers he meets in the country while en route.

Our course since leaving Rosako has been mainly west-northwest,
until approaching Mpwapwa we travelled due west. For several days
we journeyed along the southern bank of the Wami River, making
the discovery that the Wami can never be navigable during the dry
season, as its channel for many miles is choked with granite boulders.
During the rainy season very large craft could ascend as far as the
Usagara Mountains; there is a rise of over sixteen feet in the river.
On crossing the Wami we entered Nguru,7 which is north of Use-
guhha — a country studded with tall peaks and mountains, the high-
est of which is a truncated cone, Mount Kidudwe, having an altitude
of about 12,000 feet above the sea. As we journeyed through Nguru
we crossed the several tributaries of the Wami, which are the Mweh-
weh, the Mkindo, the Mvomero, the Usingwe, the Rudewa and Mu-
kondokwa.8

From Nguru we entered Northern Usagara, over ground which the
aneroids indicated was 4,475 feet above sea level. Then we descended
into lower ground about 3,400 feet above sea level until we came
to Mpwapwa, which, I have ascertained, has an altitude, according
to boiling point and two barometers, of 3,575 feet. Three days from
here we crossed three tributaries of some river flowing east north
of the Wami, which may probably be the Pangani.9 The most ex-

6. Angela Burdett-Coutts (1814-1906), one of the richest women of her
time, was a supporter of many philanthropic causes. To Stanley she was, ac-
cording to his biographer, “an ever faithful friend and admirer.” Patterson,
Angela Burdett-Coutts and the Victorians; Hird, Stanley, 278.

7. The home of the Ngulu people, a group closely related to the Zigula. Last
to Wigram, June 2, 1879, C.A6/014, CMS; Beidelman, Matrilineal Peoples of
Eastern Tanzania, 57-66.

8. For Stanley and the Wami system, see document 12, note 4.

9. For the general altitudes of the region, Maurette, Afrique Equatoriale ,
Orientate et Australe, 88ff., and Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika, passim.
Mpwapwa is 3,700 feet above sea level. Ibid., 542. Stanley was not near any
of the tributaries of the Pangani River.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

treme north which we reached on our journey here from the coast
has been south latitude 5 deg. 49 min., which I ascertained by
taking double altitudes. This was at the village of Kitangeh.

We intend to prosecute our journey to-morrow, but before leaving
the Unyanyembe road for the land of discoveries and the sources
of the Nile, which I am eager to reach, I will drop you a short
letter informing you of our march through inhospitable Ugogo.

P.S. I have omitted to state that the white men, Edward and Fran-
cis Pocock and Fred Barker, are enjoying excellent health and spirits.
The three have gone through their seasoning fevers without much
trouble.

Village of Kagehyi, District of Uchambi, Usukuma, on the Victoria

Niyanza
March 1, 1875 1

The second part of the programme laid before me as Commander
of the Anglo-American Press Expedition to perform, ended success-
fully at noon on the 27th February, 1875. The great lake first dis-
covered by Captain Speke — the Victoria Niyanza — was sighted and
reached by us on that day; and it is with the feeling of the most
devout gratitude to Almighty God for preserving us, amid manifold
perils, that I write these lines.

It seems an age since we departed from Mpwapwa, Usagara,
whence I despatched my last letter to you. We have experienced so
much, seen and suffered so much, that I have to recapitulate care-
fully in my memory and turn to my note book often to refresh my
recollections of even the principal events of this most long, arduous
and eventful march to the Victoria Niyanza.

I promised you in my last letter that I would depart as soon as
practicable from the old route to Unyanyembe, which is now so well
known, and would, like the patriarch Livingstone, strike out a new
line to unknown lands. I did so, but in our adventurous journey
north I imperilled the expedition and almost brought it to an untimely

1. NYH, Oct. 11, 1875. Kageyi is located in Busukuma chiefdom, southeast
of the lake-shore settlement of Kayenzi.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

193

end, but which, happily for me, for you and for geographers, a kindly
Providence averted.

On leaving Mpwapwa we edged northward across the Desert of
the Marenga Mkali,2 or the Bilber Water, leaving the vain chief of
Mbumi far to the south, and traversed Northern Ugogo with the
usual success attending travellers in Southern Ugogo. The chiefs
practised the usual arts to fleece us of property and blackmailed us
at every opportunity. Now, we met chiefs more amiably disposed
toward strangers to pay heavier tribute in other chiefs’ lands. We
crossed broad and bleak plains, where food was scarce and cloth
vanished fast, to enter hilly districts where food was abundant, the
people civil and the chiefs kind. We traversed troublesome districts,
where wars and rumors of wars were rife, the people treacherous
and hostile, to enter countries lying at the mercy of the ferocious
Wahumba3 on the north, and the Wahehe to the south. Thus good
and evil fortune alternated during our travels through Ugogo — an
epitome in brief of our after experiences. Furious rainy tempests
accompanied us each day, and some days both nature and man
warred against us, while on other days both seemed combined to
bless us. Under our adverse fates the expedition seemed to melt
away; men died from fatigue and famine, many were left behind
sick, while many, again, deserted. Promises of reward, kindness,
threats, punishments, had no effect. The expedition seemed doomed.

The white men, though selected out of the ordinary class of Eng-
lishmen, did their work bravely — nay, I may say heroically. Though
suffering from fever and dysentery, insulted by natives, marching
under the heat and equatorial rain-storms, they at all times proved
themselves of noble, manful natures, stout hearted, brave men, and
— better than all — true Christians. Unrepining they bore their hard
fate and worse fare; resignedly they endured their arduous troubles,
cheerfully performed their allotted duties, and at all times com-
mended themselves to my good opinion.

The western frontier of Ugogo was reached on the last day of 1874.
We rested two days, and thence struck direct north, along an almost
level plain, which some said extended as far as Niyanza. We found
by questioning the natives that we were also travelling along the

2. “. . . a flat jungle-covered plain between thirty and forty miles wide,
without a single drop of water or a single human habitation.” Wilson and
Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Sudan, I, 57.

3. The Baraguyu, the southernmost Nilo-Hamitic group in Africa. See Biedel-
man, “The Baraguyu,” 245-78.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

western extremity of Uhumba, which we were glad to hear, as we
fondly hoped that our march would be less molested.

Two days’ march north brought us to the confines of Usandawi,4
a country famous for elephants; but here our route inclined north-
west, and we entered Ukimbu, or Uyanzi, at its northeastern ex-
tremity.

We had hired guides in Ugogo to take us as far as Iramba,5 but
at Muhalala, in Ukimbu, they deserted. Fresh guides were engaged
at Muhalala, who took us one day’s march farther northwest, but at
night they also deserted, and in the morning we were left on the
edge of a wide wilderness without a guide. On the roads the previ-
ous day the guides had informed us that three days’ march would
bring us to Urimi,6 and relying on the truth of the report I had
purchased two days’ provisions, so that this second desertion did not
much disconcert us nor raise any suspicion, though it elicited many
unpleasant remarks about the treachery of the Wagogo. We there-
fore continued our march, but on the morning of the second day the
narrow, ill-defined track which we had followed became lost in a
labyrinth of elephant and rhinoceros trails. The best men were
despatched in all directions to seek out the lost road, but they were
all unsuccessful, and we had no resource left but the compass. The
day brought us into a dense jungle of acacias and euphorbia, through
which we had literally to push our way through by scrambling,
crawling along the ground under natural tunnels of embracing
shrubbery, cutting the convulvulvi and creepers, thrusting aside
stout, thorny bushes, and, by various detours, taking advantage of
every slight opening the jungle afforded, which naturally lengthened
our journey and protracted our stay in the wilderness. On the eve-
ning of the third day the first death in the wilderness occurred.

The fourth day’s march lasted nearly the whole day, though we
made but fourteen miles, and was threefold more arduous than
that of the preceding day. Not a drop of water was discovered during
the march, and the weaker people, laboring under their loads, hun-

4. The Sandawi of the Kondoa Irangi area; they have physical and lin-
guistic similarities with the Hottentots. Trevor, “The Physical Characteris-
tics of the Sandawe”; Huntingford, Southern Nilo-Hamites, 135-39.

5. The Iramba people live in the area of the Iramba plateau, the Wembere
steppe, and the Dulumo valley. Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika, 158. For a
description, Reche, Zur Ethnographie das abflusslosen Gebietes Deutsch-Ostafrikas,
92-100.

6. The Rima, or Nyaturu, of the Singida region. Ibid., 31-68; see below,
note 13.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

195

ger and thirst, lagged behind the vanguard many miles, which caused
the rear guard, under two of the white men, much suffering. As the
rear guard advanced they shouldered the loads of the weaker men,
and endeavored to encourage them to resume the march. Some of
these men were enabled to reach the camp, where their necessities
were relieved by medicine and restoratives. But five men strayed
from the path which the passing expedition had made, and were
never seen alive again. Scouts sent out to explore the woods found
one dead about a mile from our road; the others must have hope-
lessly wandered on until they also fell down and died.

The fifth day brought us to a small village, lately erected, called
Uveriveri, the population of which consisted of four men, their wives
and little ones. These people had not a grain of food to spare. Most
of the men of our expedition were unable to move for hunger and
fatigue. In this dire extremity I ordered a halt and selected twenty7
of the strongest men to proceed to Suna, twenty-nine miles north-
west from Uveriveri, to purchase food. In the interval I explored the
woods in search of game, but the search was fruitless, though one
of my men discovered a lion’s den and brought me two young lions,
which I killed and skinned.

Returning to camp from my fruitless hunt I was so struck with
the pinched faces of my poor people that I could have wept heartily
could I have done so without exciting fear of our fate in their minds,
but I resolved to do something toward relieving the pressing needs
of fierce hunger.

To effect this a sheet iron trunk was emptied of its contents, and
being filled with water, was placed on the fire. I then broke open
our medical stores and took five pounds of Scotch oatmeal and
three tins of revalenta arabica, with which I made gruel to feed
over 220 men. Oh, it was a rare sight to see these poor famine
stricken people hasten to that torquay dress trunk and assist me to
cook that huge pot of gruel, to see them fan the fire to a fiercer
heat, and, with their gourds full of water, stand by to cool the foam-
ing liquid when it threatened to overflow, and it was a still more
rare sight to watch the pleasure steal over their faces as they drank
the generous food. The sick and weaker ones received a larger
portion near my tent, and another tin of oatmeal was opened for
their supper and breakfast. But a long time must elapse before I
shall have the courage to describe my feelings during the interval

7. TDC, I, 110, gives forty; Diary, 43, twenty.

196

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I waited for the return of my people from Suna with food, and
fruitless would be the attempt to describe the anxiety with which I
listened for the musketry announcing their success.

After forty-eight hours’ waiting we heard the joyful sounds, which
woke us all into new life and vigor. The food was most greedily
seized by the hungry people, and so animating was the report of
the food purveyors that the soldiers, one and all, clamored to be led
away that afternoon. Nowise loath myself to march away from this
fatal jungle, I assented; but two more poor fellows breathed their
last before we left camp. We camped that night at the base of a
rocky hill, overlooking a broad plain, which, after the intense gloom
and confined atmosphere of the jungle, was a great pleasure to us,
and, next day, striking north along this plain, after a long march,
under a fervid sun, of twenty miles, reached the district of Suna, in
Urimi.

In Urimi, at Suna, we discovered a people remarkable for their
manly beauty, noble proportions and nakedness. Neither man nor
boy had either cloth or skins to cover his nudity; the women bear-
ing children only boasted of goat skins. With all their physical
beauty and fine proportions they were the most suspicious people
we had yet seen. It required great tact and patience to induce them
to part with food for our cloth and beads. They owned no chief,
but respected the injunctions of their elders, with whom I treated
for permission to pass through their land. The permission was re-
luctantly given, and food was begrudgingly sold, but we bore with
this silent hostility patiently, and I took great care that no overt act
on the part of the expedition should change this suspicion into hatred.

Our people were so worn out with fatigue that six more poor
fellows died here, and the sick list numbered thirty. Here also Ed-
ward Pocock fell seriously ill of typhoid fever. For his sake, as well
as for the other sufferers, I halted in Suna four days; but it was too
evident that the longer we stayed in their country the natives re-
garded us with less favor, and it was incumbent on us to move,
though much against my inclination. There were many grave rea-
sons why we should have halted several days longer, for Edward
Pocock was daily getting worse and the sick list increased alarm-
ingly; dysentery, diarrhoea, chest diseases, sore feet, tasked my
medical knowledge to the utmost; but prudence forbade it. The rear-
guard and captains of the expedition were therefore compelled to
do the work of carriers, and every soldier for the time being was
converted into a pagazi, or porter. Pocock was put into a hammock,
the sick and weakly were encouraged to do their utmost to move on

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

197

with the expedition to more auspicious lands, where the natives
were less suspicious, where food was more abundant, and where
cattle were numerous. Imbued with this hope, the expedition re-
sumed its march across the clear, open and well cultivated country
of Urimi.

We reached Chiwyu about ten o’clock, after a short march, and
here the young Englishman Edward Pocock breathed his last, to the
great grief of us all. According to two rated pedometers we had
finished the 400th mile of our march from the sea, and had reached
the base of the watershed whence the trickling streams and infant
waters begin to flow Nileward, when this noble young man died.
We buried him at night, and a cross cut deep into a tree marks his
last resting place at Chiwyu.

The farther we traveled north we became still more assured that
we had arrived in the dewy land whence the extreme southern
springs, rivulets and streams discharge their waters into the Nile.
From a high ridge overlooking a vast extent of country the story
of their course was plainly written in the deep depressions and hol-
lows trending northward and northwestward, and as we noted these
signs of the incipient Nile we cherished the darling hope that before
long we should gaze with gladdened eyes on the mighty reservoir
which collected these waters which purled and rippled at our feet,
into its broad bosom, to discharge them in one vast body into the
White Nile.

From Chiwyu we journeyed two days through Urimi to Mangara,
where Kaif Halleck — the carrier of Kirk’s letter bag to Livingstone,
whom I compelled to accompany me to Ujiji in 1871 — was brutally
murdered. He had been suffering from asthma, and I had permitted
him to follow the expedition slowly, the rear guard being all em-
ployed as carriers because of the heavy sick list, when he was way-
laid by the natives and hacked to pieces.8 This was the first overt
act of hostility on the part of the Warimi. Unable to fix the crime
on any particular village, we resumed our journey, and entered
Ituru, a district of Northern Urimi, on the 21st day of January.

The village near which we camped was called Vinyata, and was
situated in a broad and populous valley, containing, probably, some
2,000 or 3,000 souls. Here we discovered the river which received
all the streams that flowed between Vinyata and Chiwyu. It is called
here Leewumbu,9 and its flow from this valley was west. Even in
the dry season it is a considerable stream, some twenty feet in

8. TDC, I, 122-23, gives a slightly different sequence of events.

9. See below, note 17.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

width and about two feet deep, but in the rainy season it becomes
a deep and formidable river.

The natives received us coldly, but as we were but two days’ jour-
ney from Iramba I redoubled my exertions to conciliate the surly
suspicious people, and that evening my efforts seemed crowned with
success, for they brought milk, eggs and chickens to me for sale,
for which I parted freely with cloth. The fame of my liberality
reached the ears of the great man of the valley, the magic doctor,
who, in the absence of a recognized king, is treated with the defer-
ence and respect due to royalty by the natives. This important per-
sonage brought me a fat ox on the second day of my arrival at
Vinyata, and in exchange received double its value in cloth and
beads, and a rich present was bestowed upon his brother and his
son. The great man begged for the heart of the slaughtered ox,
which was freely given him, and other requests were likewise hon-
ored by prompt gifts.

We had been compelled to take advantage of the fine sun which
shone this day to dry the bales and goods, and I noticed, though
without misgiving, that the natives eyed them greedily. The morn-
ing of the third day the magic doctor returned again to camp to
beg for some more beads to make brotherhood with him. To this,
after some slight show of reluctance to give too much, I assented,
and he departed apparently pleased.

Half an hour afterward the war cry of the Waturu was heard
resounding through each of the 200 villages of the valley of the
Leewumbu. The war cry was similar to that of the Wagogo, and
phonetically it might be spelt “Hehu, A Hehu,” the latter syllables
drawn out in a prolonged cry, thrilling and loud. As we had heard
the Wagogo sound the war notes upon every slight apparition of
strangers we imagined that the warriors of Ituru were summoned
to contend against some marauders like the warlike Mirambo or
some other malcontent neighbors, and, nothing disturbed by it, we
pursued our various avocations, like peaceful beings, fresh from
our new brotherhood with the elders of Ituru. Some of our men
were gone out to the neighboring pool to draw water for their respec-
tive messes, others were gone to cut wood, others were about
starting to purchase food, when suddenly we saw the outskirts of
the camp darkened by about 100 natives in full war costume. Feath-
ers of the bustard, the eagle and the kite waved above their heads,
or the mane of the zebra and the giraffe encircled their brows; their
left hands held their bows and arrows, while their right bore their
spears.

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199

This hostile presence naturally alarmed us, for what had we done
to occasion disturbance or war? Remembering the pacific bearing
of Livingstone when he and I were menaced by the cannibal Wa-
bembe,10 I gave orders that none should leave camp until we should
ascertain what this warlike appearance meant, and that none should,
by any demonstration, provoke the natives. While we waited to see
what the Waturu intended to do, their numbers increased tenfold,
and every bush and tree hid a warrior.

Our camp was situated on the edge of a broad wilderness, which
extended westward many days’ march; but to the north, east and
south, nothing was seen but villages and cultivated ground, which,
with the careless mode of agriculture in vogue among savages, con-
tained acres of dwarf shrubbery; but I doubt whether throughout
this valley a better locality for a camp could have been selected than
the one we had chosen. Fifty or sixty yards around us was open
ground, so that we had the advantage of light to prevent the ap-
proach of an enemy unseen. A slight fence of bush served to screen
our numbers from those without the camp, but, having had no oc-
casion to suspect hostilities, it was but ill adapted to shield us from
attack.

When the Waturu were so numerous in our vicinity that it was
no longer doubtful that they were summoned to fight us, I des-
patched a young man who knew their language to ascertain their
intention. As he advanced toward them six or seven warriors drew
near to talk with him. When he returned he informed us that one
of our men had stolen some milk and butter from a small village
and that we must pay for it in cloth. The messenger was sent back
to tell them that white men did not come to their country to rob or
quarrel; that they had but to name the price of what was stolen to
be paid at once, and that not one grain of corn or milletseed should
be appropriated by us wrongfully. Upon this the principal warriors
drew nearer, until we could hear their voices plainly, though we
did not understand the nature of the conversation. The messenger
informed us that the elders demanded four yards of sheeting, which
was about six times the value of the stolen articles; but at such
a time it was useless to haggle over such a demand, and the cloth
was paid. When it was given to them the elders said they were
satisfied, and withdrew.

But it was evident that though the elders were satisfied the war-
riors were not, as they could be seen hurrying by scores from all

10. See HIFL, 511-14.

200

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

parts of the valley and gesticulating violently in crowds. Still we
waited patiently, hoping that if the elders and principal warriors
were really amicably disposed toward us, their voices would prevail,
and that they would be able to assuage the wild passions which now
seemed to animate the others. As we watched them we noted that
about 200 detached themselves from the gesticulating crowds east
of the camp and were hurrying to the thick bush west of us. Soon
afterward one of my men returned from that direction bleeding
profusely from the face and arm, and reported that he and a youth
named Sulieman were out collecting firewood when they were at-
tacked by a large crowd of savages, who were hidden in the bush.
A knobstick had crushed his nose and a spear had severely wounded
him in the arm, but he had managed to escape, while Sulieman was
killed, a dozen spears having been plunged into his back.

This report and the appearance of the bleeding youth so excited
the soldiers of the expedition that they were only with the utmost
difficulty restrained from beginning a battle at once. Even yet I
hoped that war might be prevented by a little diplomacy, while I
did not forget to open the ammunition boxes and prepare for the
worst. But much was to be done. The enclosure of the camp re-
quired to be built up, and something of a fortification was needed
to repel the attack of such a large force. While we were thus pre-
paring without ostentation to defend ourselves from what I conceived
to be an imminent attack, the Waturu, now a declared enemy, ad-
vanced upon the camp, and a shower of arrows fell all around us.
Sixty soldiers, held in readiness, were at once ordered to deploy in
front of the camp, fifty yards off, and the Wangwana, or freemen
of Zanzibar, obedient to the command, rushed out of the camp, and
the battle commenced.

Immediately after this sixty men, with axes, were ordered to cut
bushes and raise a high fence of thorn around the camp, while
twenty more were ordered to raise lofty platforms like towers within,
for sharpshooters. We busied ourselves in bringing the sections of
the Lady Alice to make a central camp for a last resistance, and
otherwise strengthening the defences. Every one worked with a will,
and while the firing of the skirmishers, growing more distant, an-
nounced that the enemy was withdrawing from the attack, we were
left to work unmolested. When the camp was prepared I ordered the
bugler to sound the retreat, in order that the savages might have
time to consider whether it was politic for them to renew the fight.

When the skirmishers returned they announced that fifteen of

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

201

the enemy were killed, while a great many more were wounded and
borne off by their friends. They had all distinguished themselves
— even ‘‘Bull,” the British bulldog, had seized one of the Watura by
the leg and had given him a taste of the power of the English ca-
nines of his breed before the poor savage was mercifully despatched
by a Snider bullet.

We rested that day from further trouble, and the next morning
we waited events until nine o’clock, when the enemy appeared in
greater force than ever, having summoned their neighbors all about
them to assist them (I felt assured now) in our ruin. But, though
we were slow to war upon people whom I thought might be made
friends the previous day, we were not slow to continue fighting if
the natives were determined to fight. Accordingly I selected four
experienced men to lead four several detachments, and gave orders
that they should march in different directions through the valley
and meet at some high rocks distant five miles off; that they should
seize upon all cattle and burn every village as soon as taken.
Obedient to the command they sallied out of the camp and began
the second day’s fight.

They were soon vigorously engaged with the enemy, who fled fast
and furious before them to an open plain on the banks of the Lee-
wumbu. The detachment under Far j alia Christie11 became too ex-
cited, and because the enemy ran, imagined that they had but to
show themselves to cause the natives to fly; but once on the plain
— having drawn them away isolated miles from any succor — they
turned upon them and slaughtered the detachment to a man, except
the messenger, who had been detailed to accompany the detachment
to report success or failure. I had taken the precaution to send
one swift-footed man to accompany each detachment for this pur-
pose. This messenger came from Far j alia to procure assistance, which
was at once despatched, though too late to aid the unfortunate men,
but not too late to save the second detachment from a like fate, as
the victorious enemy, after slaughtering the first detachment, had
turned upon the second with the evident intention to cut the entire
force opposed to them in detail. When the support arrived they
found the second detachment all but lost. Two soldiers were killed.
The captain, Ferahan, had a deep spear wound in his side. The
others were hemmed in on all sides. A volley was poured into the

11. Far j alia Christie had previously served with Livingstone and the mis-
sionary, New. New, “Journey from Pangani,” 414; Gray, “Livingstone's Mu-
ganda Servant,” 128.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

rear of the astonished enemy, and the detachment was saved. With
their combined forces our people poured a second volley, and con-
tinued their march almost unopposed to the northern and eastern
extremity of the valley. Meanwhile, smoke was seen issuing from
the south and the southeast, informing us that the third and fourth
detachments were pursuing their way victoriously, and soon a score
or more villages were enwrapped in dense volumes of smoke. Even
at a distance of eight miles we beheld burning villages, and shortly
after fired settlements to the north and east announced our victory
on all sides.

Toward evening the soldiers returned, bringing cattle and an
abundance of grain to the camp; but when the muster-roll was called
I found I had lost twenty-one men, who had been killed, while
thirty-five deaths of the enemy were reported.

The third day we began the battle with sixty good men, who re-
ceived instructions to proceed to the extreme length of the valley
and burn what had been left the previous day.12 These came to a
strong and large village to the northeast, which, after a slight re-
sistance, they entered, loaded themselves with grain and set on fire.
Long before noon it was clearly seen that the savages had had
enough of war and were demoralized, and our people returned through
the now silent and blackened valley without molestation.

Just before daybreak on the fourth day we left our camp and
continued our journey northwest, with provisions sufficient to last
us six days, leaving the people of Ituru to ponder on the harsh fate
they had drawn on themselves by their greed, treachery and wanton
murder, and attack on peaceful strangers.13

We are still a formidable force, strong in numbers, guns and
property, though, for an expedition destined to explore so many
thousands of miles of new countries, we had suffered severely. I
had left the coast with over 300 men; but when I numbered the
expedition at Mgongo Tembo, in Iramba, which we reached three
days after departing from the scene of our war, I found that I had
but 194 men left. Thus, in less than three months, I had lost by

12. TDC, I, 128, says the enemy appeared again; Diary, 50-51, says none
came.

13. On his return to Britain, Stanley, in reply to critics of his proceedings
in Africa, boldly asserted, “I am happy to say we did not leave that place
until we had perfectly sickened them.” Stanley, “On His Recent Explorations
and Discoveries in Central Africa,” 151. The Swiss trader Broyon asserted
these hostilities opened up the region to Nyamwezi caravans, but the area re-
mained in general hostile to visitors, at least to Arabs and Europeans. De Frey-
cinet to MAE, Sept. 14, 1878, CCZ, IV; Baumann, Durch Masailand, llOff.
For another view of the hostilities, see document 21.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

203

dysentery, famine, heart disease, desertion and war, over 125 men
natives of Africa and one European.14

I have not time — for my work is but beginning — to relate a tithe
of our adventures, or how we suffered. You can better imagine our
perils, our novel and strange fortunes, if you reflect on the loss of
126 men out of such an expedition. Such a loss even in a strong
regiment would be deemed almost a calamity. What name will you
give such a loss when you cannot recruit your numbers, where every
man that dies is a loss that cannot be repaired; when your work,
which is to last years, is but beginning; where each morning you
say to yourself, “This day may be your last?”

On entering Iramba we found that the natives called out against
all strangers, “Mirambo and his robbers are coming.” But a vast
amount of patience and suave language saved us from the doom that
threatens this now famous chieftain. Despite, however, all medi-
cines and magic arts that have been made and practised as yet,
Mirambo lives. He seems to make war upon all mankind in this
portion of the African interior, and appears to be possessed of ubi-
quitous powers. We heard of him advancing upon the natives in
Northern Ugogo, Ukimbu was terror-stricken at his name, the people
at Unyanyembe were still fighting him, and here in Iramba he has
been met and fought, and is again daily expected.

As we journeyed on through Iramba and entered Usukuma his
fame increased, for we were now drawing near some of the scenes of
his exploits. When we approached the Victoria Niyanza he was
actually fighting, but a day’s march from us, with the people of
Usanda and Masari, and a score of times we came near being
plunged into wars because the natives mistook our Expedition for
Mirambo’s force; but our color always saved us before we became
actually engaged in conflict.

Various were our fortunes in our travels between Mgongo Tembo,
in Iramba, and the Niyanza. We traversed the whole length of Usu-
kuma, through the districts of Mombiti, Usiha, Mondo, Sengerema
and Marya, and, passing through Usmaow, re-entered Usukuma by
Uchambi, and arrived at the lake after a march of 720 miles.15

As far as Western Ugogo I may pass over without attempting to
describe the country, as readers may obtain a detailed account of it

14. There are different figures in Diary, 53.

15. Busanda, Busiha, Mondo, Sengerema, and Busmao are Sukuma chief-
doms. Mombiti, Masari, and Marya (Malya) are Sukuma settlements. Mal-
colm, Sukumaland, 2, 9-10; Cory, Sukuma Law and Custom , 170-71; TDC,
I, 134.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

from How I Found Livingstone. Thence north is a new country to
all, and a brief description of it may be interesting to students of
African geography.

North of Mizanza a level plain extends as far as the frontier of
Usandawi, a distance of thirty-five miles (English). At Mukondoku
the altitude, as indicated by two first rate aneroids, was 2,800 feet.
At Mtiwi, twenty miles north, the altitude was 2,825 feet. Diverging
west and northwest, we ascend the slope of a lengthy mountain
wall, apparently, but which, upon arriving at the summit we ascer-
tain to be a wide plateau, covered with forest. This plateau has
an altitude of 3,800 feet at its eastern extremity; but as it extends
westward it rises to a height of 4,500 feet. It embraces all Uyanzi,
Unyanyembe, Usukuma, Urimi and Iramba — in short, all that part
of Central Africa lying between the valley of the Rufiji south and
the Victoria Niyanza north, and the mean altitude of this broad
upland cannot exceed 4,500 feet. From Mizanza to the Niyanza is
a distance of nearly 300 geographical miles, yet at no part of this
long journey did the aneroids indicate a higher altitude than 5,100
feet above the sea.16

As far as Urimi, from the eastern edge of the plateau, the land
is covered with a dense jungle of acacias, which, by its density,
strangles all other species of vegetation. Here and there, only in
the cleft of a rock, a giant euphorbia may be seen, sole lord of its
sterile domain. The soil is shallow, and consists of vegetable mould
mixed largely with sand and detritus of the bare rocks, which crown
each knoll and ridge, and which testify too plainly to the violence of
the periodical rains.

In the basin of Matongo, in Southern Urimi, we were instructed
by the ruins of hills and ridges, relics of a loftier upland, of what
has been effected by nature in the course of long ages. No learned
geological savant need ever expound to the traveller who views
these rocky ruins the geological history of this country. From a dis-
tance we viewed the glistening, naked and riven rocks as a singular
scene; but when we stood among them, and noted the appearance
of the rocky fragments of granite, gneiss and prophyry, peeled, as
it were, rind after rind, or leaf after leaf, like an artichoke, until
the rock was wasted away, it seemed as if Dame Nature had left
these relics, these hilly skeletons, to demonstrate her laws and ca-
reer. It seemed to me as if she said, “Lo and behold this broad
basin of Matongo, with its teeming village and herds of cattle and

16. Mizanza is on the border region of Ugogo. TDC, T, 102-04. For the area
Stanley refers to, Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika, 151-64, and the map oppo-
site p. 151.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

205

fields of corn, surrounded by these bare rocks — in primeval time
this land was covered with water, it was the bed of a vast sea. The
waters were dried, leaving a wide expanse of level land, upon which
I caused heavy rains to fall five months out of each year during
all the ages that have elapsed since first the hot sunshine fell upon
the soil. These rains washed away the loose sand and made deep
furrows in course of time, until at certain places the rocky kernel
under the soil began to appear. The furrows became enlarged, the
water frittered away their banks and conveyed the earth away to
lower levels, through which it wore away a channel first through the
soil and lastly through the rock itself, which you may see if you
but walk to the bottom of that basin. You will there behold a chan-
nel worn through the solid rock some fifty feet in depth; and as
you look on that you will have an idea of the power and force of
tropical rains. It is through that channel that the soil robbed from
these rocks has been carried away towards the Niyanza to fill its
depths and in time make dry land of it. Now, you may ask how
came these once solid rocks, which are now but skeletons of hills
and stony heaps, to be thus split into so many fragments? Have you
never seen the effect of water thrown upon lime? The solid rocks
have been broken and peeled in an almost similar manner. The

tropic sun heated the surface of these rocks to an intense heat,

and the cold rain falling upon the heated surface caused them to
split and peel as you now see them.”

This is really the geological history of this country simply told.
Ridge after ridge, basin after basin, from Western Ugogo to the

Niyanza, tells the same tale; but it is not until we enter Central

Urimi that we begin to marvel at the violence of the process by
which Nature has transformed the face of the land. For here the
perennial springs and rivulets begin to unite and form rivers, after
collecting and absorbing the moisture from the watershed; and these
rivers, though but gentle streams during the dry season, become
formidable during the rains. It is in Central Irimi that the Nile
first begins to levy tribute upon Equatorial Africa, and if you look
upon the map and draw a line east from the latitude of Ujiji
to longitude thirty-five degrees you will strike upon the sources of
the Leewumbu, which is the extreme southern feeder of the Victoria
N’yanza.

In Iramba, between Mgongo Tembo and Mombiti we came upon
what must have been in former times an arm of the Victoria Ni-
yanza. It is called the Luwamberri Plain, after a river of that name,
and is about forty miles in width. Its altitude is 3,775 feet above
the sea and but a few feet above the Victoria Niyanza. We were

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

fortunate in crossing the broad, shallow stream in the dry season,
for during the masika, or rainy season, the plain is converted into
a wide lake.

The Leewumbu River, after a course of 170 miles, becomes
known in Usukuma as the Monangah River. After another run of
100 miles it is converted into Shimeeyu, under which name it enters
the Victoria east of this port of Kagehyi. Roughly the Shimeeyu
may be said to have a length of 350 miles.17

After penetrating the forest and jungle west of the Luwamberri
we enter Usukuma — a country thickly peopled and rich in cattle.
It is a series of rolling plains, with here and there, far apart, a
chain of jagged hills. The descent to the lake is so gradual that I
expect to find upon sounding it, as I intend to do, that, though it
covers a vast area, it is very shallow.

Now, after our long journey, the Expedition is halted a hundred
yards from the lake, and as I look upon its dancing waters I long
to launch the Lady Alice and venture out to explore its mysteries.
Though on its shore, I am as ignorant of its configuration and ex-
tent as any man in England or America. I have questioned the
natives of Uchambi closely upon the subject at issue, but no one
can tell me positively whether the lake is one or more. I hear a
multitude of strange names, but whether they are of countries or
lakes it is impossible to divine, their knowledge of it being very
superficial. My impression, however, is that Speke, in his bold sketch
and imagined outline, is nearer the truth than Livingstone, who
reported of it upon hearsay at a great distance from its shores; but
as soon as I can finish my letters to you and my friends the sections
of the Lady Alice will be screwed together, and the first English
boat that ever sailed on the African lakes shall venture upon her
mission of thoroughly exploring every nook and cranny of the shores
of the Victoria. It is with great pride and pleasure I think of our
success in conveying such a large boat safely through the hundreds
of miles of jungle which we traversed, and just now I feel as though
the entire wealth of the universe could not bribe me to turn back
from my work. Indeed, it is with the utmost impatience that I think
of the task of writing my letters before starting upon the more
pleasant work of exploring, but I remember the precept, “Duty be-
fore pleasure.”

I hear of strange tales about the countries on the shores of this

17. The Simiyu is a relatively unimportant river flowing into Lake Victoria.
The rivers Stanley claimed were connected with the Simiyu from the south
actually flowed into lakes Eyasi and Kitangiri. Baumann, Durch Masailand,
66fl\; Johnston, Nile Quest, 267. See document 19.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

207

lake, which make me still more eager to start. One man reports a
country peopled with dwarfs, another with giants, and another is
said to possess a breed of such large dogs that even my mastiffs
are said to have been small compared to them. All these may be
idle romance, and I lay no stress on anything reported to me, as I
hope to be enabled to see with my own eyes all the wonders of these
unknown countries.

It is unfortunate that I have not Speke’s book with me; but a map
of Central Africa which I have with me contains the statement, in
brackets, that the Victoria Niyanza has an altitude of only 3,308
feet above the ocean. If this statement is on Speke’s authority, either
he or I am wrong, for my two aneroids, almost fresh from England,
make it much higher. One ranges from 3,550 to 3,650 feet; the
other from 3,575 to 3,675 feet. I have not boiled my thermometers
yet, but intend doing so before starting on the work of exploring
the lake. I have no reason to suspect that the aneroids are at fault,
as they are both first class, and have been carefully carried with the
chronometers.18

With regard to Speke’s position of Muanza, I incline to think that
he is right, but as I have not visited Muanza I cannot tell. The natives
point it out westward of Kagehyi and but a short distance off. The
position of the port of Kagehyi is south latitude 2 deg. 31 min.,
east longitude 33 deg. 13 min.

I mustered the men of the expedition yesterday and ascertained
it to consist of three white men and 166 Wanguana soldiers and
carriers, twenty-eight having died since leaving Ituru thirty days
ago. Over one-half of our force has thus been lost by desertion
and deaths. This is terrible, but I hope that their long rest here will
revive the weak and strengthen the strong. The dreadful scourge of
the expedition has been dysentery and I can boast of but few men
cured of it by medicine, though it was freely given, as we were
possessed of abundance of medical stores. A great drawback to their
cure has been the necessity of moving on, whereas a few days’ rest,
in a country blessed with good water and food, would have restored
many of them to health; but good water and good food could not be
procured anywhere together except here. The Arabs would have
taken nine months or a year to march this long distance, while we
have performed it in only 103 days, including halts. As I vaccinated
every member of the expedition on the coast, I am happy to say
that not one fell a victim to smallpox.

18. Speke gave Lake Victoria an altitude of 3,740 feet on his first visit and
of 3,306 feet on his second. Speke, “Upper Basin of the Nile,” 325, 332. The
actual height of the lake is 3,720 feet.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I leave this letter in the hands of Sungoro,19 a Msawahili trader,
who resides here, in the hope that he will be enabled shortly to send
it to Unyanyembe, as he frequently sends caravans there with ivory;
but a copy of it I shall take with me to Uganda, and deliver it
to Mtesa, the King, to be conveyed, if possible, to Colonel Gordon.
Since leaving Mpwapwa I have not met one caravan bound for
Zanzibar; and after leaving Ugogo it was impossible to meet one,
or to despatch couriers through such dangerous countries as we have
traversed. The letters containing the account of our explorations of
the Victoria Niyanza and our subsequent march to the Albert Ni-
yanza I hope to be able to deliver personally into the hands of Colonel
Gordon.

P.S. You may have observed that I have differed from Captain
Speke in spelling Nyanza, as he calls it. I have taken the liberty of
writing it as it is actually pronounced by both Arabs and natives,
Ni-yanza or Nee-yanza.20

March 5. The boiling point observed by one of Negretti & Zambra’s
apparatus this day was 205 degrees 6 minutes; temperature of air,
82 degrees Fahrenheit. The boiling point observed by another instru-
ment by a different maker was 205 degrees 5 minutes; temperature of
air, 81 degrees Fahrenheit. The barometer at the same time indicated
26.90 inches. The mean of the barometrical observations at Zanzibar
was 30.048. The mean of the barometrical observations during seven
days’ residence here has been 26.138.

Kagehyi, on the Victoria Niyanza
March 4, 1875 1

Dear Sir.2 A most unpleasant, because sad, task devolves upon me,
for I have the misfortune to have to report to you the death of your son
Edward of typhoid fever. His service with me was brief, but it was

19. Sungoro Tarib; he was killed in a quarrel with Lukonge of Ukerewe in
1877. See Gray, “Arabs on Lake Victoria. Some Revisions,” 76-78; Hartwig,
“Bukerebe, the Church Missionary Society and East African Politics, 1877-1878.”

20. Burton commented that Stanley, “although strong in the vernacular,
proved in his first work . . . that he ignored the minutiae of speech, and that
his ear must not be relied upon.” Burton’s letter of Oct. 19, 1875, 354. On
his return from Africa, Stanley affirmed he would not use his proposed new
spelling out of respect for the memory of Speke. TDC, I, 162.

1. NYH, Oct. 11, 1875. As recounted in the following despatches, Stanley
and part of his expedition set off to explore Lake Victoria in the Lady Alice.
Barker and F. Pocock remained behind.

2. Edward Pocock’s father, Henry J. Pocock.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

209

long enough for me to know the greatness of your loss, for I doubt
that few fathers can boast of such sons as yours. Both Frank and
Ted proved themselves sterling men, noble and brave hearts and
faithful servants. Ted had endeared himself to the members of the
expedition by his amiable nature, his cheerfulness, and by various
qualifications which brought him into high favor with the native
soldiers of this force. Before daybreak we were accustomed to hear
the cheery notes of his bugle, which woke us to a fresh day’s labors;
at night, around the camp fires, we were charmed with his sweet,
simple songs, of which he had an inexhaustible repertoire. When
tired also with marching it was his task to announce to the fatigued
people the arrival of the vanguard at camp, so that he had become
quite a treasure to us all; and I must say that I have never known
men who could bear what your sons have borne on this expedition
so patiently and uncomplainingly. I never heard one grumble either
from Frank or Ted; have never heard them utter an illiberal remark,
or express any wish that the expedition had never set foot in Africa,
as many men would have done in their situation; so that you may
well imagine that, if the loss of one of your sons causes grief to
your paternal heart, it has been no less a grief to us, as we were
all, as it were, one family, surrounded as we are by so much that
is dark and forbidding.

On arriving at Suna, in Urimi, Ted came to me, after a very long
march, complaining of pain in his limbs and loins. I did not think
it was serious at all, nor anything uncommon after walking twenty
miles, but told him to go and lie down, that he would be better on
the morrow, as it was very probably fatigue. The next morning I
visited him and he again complained of pains in the knees and
back, at which I ascribed it to rheumatism and treated him accord-
ingly. The third day he complained of pain in the chest, difficulty of
breathing and sleeplessness, by which I perceived that he was suf-
fering from some other malady than rheumatism, but what it could
be I could not divine. He was a little feverish, so I gave him a
mustard plaster and some aperient medicine. Toward night he be-
gan to wander in his head, and on examining his tongue I found it
almost black, and coated with dark gray fur. At these symptoms I
thought that he had a severe attack of remittent fever, from which
I suffered in Ujiji in 1871, and, therefore, I watched for an oppor-
tunity to administer quinine — that is, when the fever would abate
a little. But on the fourth day, the patient still wandering in his
mind, I suggested to Frank, that he should sponge him with cold
water, and change his clothing, during which operation I noticed
that the chest of the patient was covered with spots like pimples

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

or smallpox pustules, which perplexed me greatly. He could not
have caught the smallpox, and what the disease was I could not
imagine; but, in turning to my medical books, I saw that your son
was suffering from typhoid, the description of which was too clear
to be longer mistaken, and both Frank and I devoted our attention
to him. He was nourished with arrowroot and brandy, and everything
that was in our power to do was done; but it was very evident that
the case was serious, though I hoped that his constitution would
brave it out.

On the fifth day we were compelled to resume our journey, after
a rest of four days. Ted was put in a hammock and carried on the
shoulders of four men. At ten o’clock on the 17 of January we
halted at Chiwyu, and the minute that he was laid down in the camp
he breathed his last. Our companion was dead.

We buried him that night under a tree, on which his brother Frank
had cut a deep cross, and read the beautiful service of the Church
of England over him as we laid the poor wornout body in its final
resting place.

Peace be to his ashes! Poor Ted deserved a better fate than dying
in Africa, but it was impossible that he could have died easier. I
wish that my end may be as peaceful and painless as his. He was
saved the stormy scenes we went through shortly after in our war
with the Waturu; and who knows how much he has been saved
from? But I know that he would have rejoiced to be with us at this
hour of our triumph, gazing on the laughing waters of the vast
fountain of old Nile. None of us would have been more elated at the
prospect before us than he, for he was a true sailor and loved the
sight of water. Yet again I say, peace be to his ashes; be consoled,
for Frank still lives, and from present appearance is likely to come
home to you with honor and glory such as he and you may well be
proud of.

Ulagalla, Mtesa’s Capital, Uganda

E. Lon. 32 Deg. 49 Min. 45 Sec., N. Lat. 0 Deg. 32 Min.

April 12, 1875 1

I write this letter in a hurry, as it is the mere record of a work
begun and not ended — I mean the exploration of the Victoria Ni-
yanza. But brief as it necessarily must be, I am sure it will interest
thousands of your readers, for it solves the great question, “Is the
1. NYH, Nov. 29, 1875.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

211

Victoria Niyanza one lake, or does it consist of a group of lakes?”
such as Livingstone reported it to be.2 In answer to the query, I
will begin by stating that I have explored, by means of the Lady
Alice , the southern, eastern, and northeastern shores of the Victoria
Niyanza, have penetrated into every bay, inlet and creek that indent
its shores, and have taken thirty-seven observations, so that I feel
competent to decide upon the question at issue, without bias or
prejudice to any hypothesis. I have a mass of notes relating to the
countries I visited, and ample means of making a proper chart at
my camp at Usukuma, but I have neither paper, parallel rules nor
any instrument whatever to lay down the positions I have taken,
with me at present. I merely took an artificial horizon, sextant,
chronometer, two aneroids, boiling point apparatus, sounding line, a
few guns, ammunition and some provisions, as I wished to make the
boat as light as possible, that she might work easily in the storms
of the Niyanza. But when I reach camp I propose to draw a correct
chart of the Niyanza and write such notes upon the several countries
I have visited as will amply repay perusal and study.

I have already informed you that our camp at Kagehyi, in Usu-
kuma, is situated in longitude 33 deg. 13 min. east and latitude 2
deg. 31 min. south. Before starting on the exploration of the lake
I ascertained that Muanza was situated a few miles west, almost
on the same parallel of latitude as Kagehyi. Now Muanza is the
point whence Speke observed the Victoria Niyanza and where he
drew his imaginary sketch of the lake from information given to him
by the natives. If you will look at Speke’s map you will find that
it contains two islands — Ukerewe and Maziti. Looking at the same
objects from Kagehyi, I would have concluded that they were islands
myself; but a faithful exploration of the lake has proved that they
are not islands, but a lengthy promontory of land extending from
longitude 34 deg. 45 \ min. east, to longitude 32 deg. 40 min. 15
sec. east.3 That part of the lake that Speke observed from Muanza

2. The postulation that Lake Victoria was in reality a group of lakes was
advanced by Burton in a volume originally published in 1864. See Burton and
Macqueen, The Nile Basin and Captain Speke’s Discovery of the Source of the
Nile.

3. The Majita peninsula. See Speke, What Led to the Discovery, 306, 310.
Burton, “Lake Regions,” 274, helps to explain the confusion by pointing
out that the Arab word for both island and peninsula is the same. The inhabi-
tants, the Jita, are classed as part of the Shashi group by Murdock, Africa,
348, while Gulliver, “Tribal Map of Tanganyika,” 72, affirms they are closely
related to the Kerewe. For the Jita region, “Einem Berichte des Lieutenants d.
R. Meyer fiber seine Expedition nach Kavirondo,” 517-18; Baumann, Durch
Masailand, 5 Iff.; Spring, Ostafrika, 121-23. Stanley missed the bay to the
south of the peninsula; Baumann visited it in 1892 and later in the year
Spring named it Baumann Gulf.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

is merely a huge gulf, about twenty-five miles wide by sixty-five
miles long. To the noble Lake Niyanza Speke loyally added that of
Victoria, as a tribute to his sovereign, which let no man take away;
but in order to connect forever Speke’s name to the lake which he
discovered I have thought it but simple justice to the gallant ex-
plorer to call this immense gulf Speke Gulf. If you look again on
Speke’s map you will observe how boldly he has sketched the Ni-
yanza stretching eastward and northeastward. Considering that he
drew it from mere native report, which never yet was exact or clear,
I must say that I do not think any other man could have arrived
so near the truth. I must confess that I could not have done it
myself, for I could make nothing of the vague and mythical reports
of the natives of Kagehyi.

Proceeding eastward to the unknown and fabulous distance in
the Lady Alice , with a picked crew of eleven men and a guide, I
coasted along the southern coast of the lake, round many a noble
bay, until we came to the mouth of the Shimeeyu, in longitude 33
deg. 33 min. east, latitude 2 deg. 35 min. south — by far the noblest
river that empties into the lake that we have yet seen. The Shi-
meeyu has a length of 370 miles, and is the extreme southern source
of the Nile. Before emptying into the lake it unites with the Luam-
berri River, whence it issues in a majestic flood to Lake Victoria
Niyanza. At the mouth it is a mile wide, but contracts as we proceed
up the river to 400 yards. Even by itself it would make no insignificant
White Nile. By accident our route through Ituru took us from its
birthplace, a month’s march from the lake, and along many a mile
of its crooked course, until by means of the Lady Alice we were
enabled to see it enter the Niyanza, a river of considerable magni-
tude.

Between the mouth of the Shimeeyu and Kagehyi were two coun-
tries— Sima and Magu — of the same nature as Usukuma, and in-
habited by peoples speaking the same dialect. On the eastern side
of the river is Mazanza, and beyond Manasa. Coasting still along
the southern shore of the lake, beyond Manasa, we come to Ututwa,
inhabited by a people speaking a different language, namely that
of the Wajika, as the Wamasai are called here, a people slender
and tall, carrying formidably long knives and terrible and portentous
spears.4

In longitude 33 deg. 45 min. 45 sec. east we came to the extreme

4. Sima, Magu, Nasa, and Masanza are Sukuma chief doms. Cora, Sukuma
Law and Custom, 170-71. Ututwa was a Sukuma district, but it had a mixed
population, including Sukuma and Shashi. Peters, Das Deutsch-Ostafrikanische
Schutzgebiet, 179-81. Stanley also called the Wajika the Wirigedi. TDC, I, 159.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

213

end of Speke Gulf, and then turned northward as far as latitude 2
deg. 5 min. south, whence we proceeded westward almost in a
straight line along Shashi and Iramba,5 in Ukerewe. In longitude 33
deg. 26 min. east, we came to a strait — the Rugeji strait — which
separates one-half of Ukerewe from the other half, and by which
there is a direct means of communication from Speke Gulf with the
countries lying north of Ukerewe. We did not pass through, but
proceeded still westward, hugging the bold shores of that part of
Ukerewe which is an island, as far as longitude 32 deg. 40 min. 15
sec. east, whence, following the land, we turned northwest, thence
north, until in latitude 1 deg. 53 min. south we turned east again,
coasting along the northern shores of Ukerewe Island until we came
to the tabular-topped bluff of Majita (Speke miscalled this Mazita,
or Maziti, and termed it an island),6 in longitude 33 deg. 9 min.
45 sec. east, and latitude 1 deg. 50 min. south, whence the land
begins to trend northward of east. North of Kashizu in Ukerewe
lies the large island of Ukara, which gives its name with some
natives to that part of the lake lying between it and Ukerewe.7 It
is about eighteen miles long by twelve wide, and is inhabited by
a people strong in charms and magic medicine. From Majita we pass
on again to the north shore of Shashi, whose south coast is bounded by
Speke Gulf, and beyond Shashi we come to the first district in Ururi.

Ururi8 extends from Shashi in latitude 1 deg. 50 min. south, to
latitude 0 deg. 40 min. 0 sec. south, and embraces the districts of

5. The Shashi, a mixed group of Sukuma origin. For visits to their territory,
Baumann, Durch Masailand, 196-203; Kollmann, Auf deutschen Boden in
Afrika, 279-90; Kollmann, The Victoria Nyanza, chap. 8; Moffet, Handbook of
Tanganyika, 189. Iramba is a part of the Bukerewe chiefdom on the main-
land. Cory and Masalu, “Place Names in the Lake Province,” 71.

6. See document 20, note 2.

7. Ukara Island; its inhabitants call themselves Baregi and their island
Buregi, but they are generally known as the Kara. Swahili traders had brought
news of the island to the coast and referred to this area of Lake Victoria as
the Ukara Lake. The Kara were consistently hostile to outsiders and drove a
series of visitors from their shores — one observer not inappropriately called the
island “the Malta of the Nyanza.” Paterson, “Ukara Island”; Wakefield, “Routes
of Native Caravans,” 309; Wilson and Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Sudan ,
I, 189; Baumann, Durch Masailand, 47-50; Schweinitz, Deutsch-Ost- Afrika,
168-71; Spring, Ostafrika, 118-20; Brard, “Der Victoria-Nyansa,” 79. One
disgruntled German official could only say of them: “No other people in East
Africa is capable of such perfidy.” From a speech of Schweinitz, in DKZ
6 (1893), 86.

8. The Ruri are part of the Shashi group. The area Stanley describes con-
tained also, in the north, Gusii, Suba, and Luo. See the maps in Murdock,
Africa, and Gulliver, “Tribal Map of Tanganyika.” See also Scholbach, “Die
Volksstamme der deutschen Ostkiiste des Victoria-Nyansa,” 184-89; Neumann,
“Bericht fiber seine Reisen in Ost-und Central-Afrika,” 284-86. Neuman in 1893
reported that the Ruri had been overrun by the Luo.

214

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Wye, Iriene, Urieri, Igengi, Kutiri, Shirati and Mohuru. Its coast is
indented most remarkably with bays and creeks, which extend far
inland. East of the immediate coast line the country is a level plain,
which is drained by an important river called Shirati. All other
streams which issue into the lake along the coast of Ururi are in-
significant.

North of Shirati, the most northern district of Ururi, begins the
country of Ugeyeya,9 whose bold and mountainous shores form a
strong contrast to the flats of Shirati and Mohuru. Here are moun-
tains rising abruptly from the lake to a height of 3,000 feet and
more. This coast is also very crooked and irregular, requiring patient
and laborious rowing to investigate its many bends and curves. The
people are a timid and suspicious race, much vexed by their neigh-
bors, the Waruri, south, and Wamasai, east and are loath to talk
to strangers, as the Arab slave dealers of Pangani have not taught
them to love people carrying guns.10

The Wageyeya, having been troubled by the Waruri, have left
many miles of wilderness between their country and that of their
fierce neighbors uninhabited. But Sungoro, the agent of Mse Saba,11
who prompted the Waruri to many a devilish act, and has purchased
the human spoils, is constructing in Ukerewe a dhow of twenty
or thirty tons burden, with which he intends to prosecute more ac-
tively his nefarious trade. Nothing would have pleased me better
than to have been commissioned by some government to hang all
such wretches wherever found; and, if ever a pirate deserved death
for inhuman crimes, Sungoro, the slave trader, deserves death.
Kagehyi, in Usukuma, has become the seat of the inhuman slave
trade. To this part they are collected from Sima, Magu, Ukerewe,
Ururi and Ugeyeya; and when Sungoro has floated his dhow and
hoisted his blood-stained ensign the great sin will increase tenfold,
and the caravan road to Unyanyembe will become hell’s highway.

On the coast of Ugeyeya I expected to discover a channel to an-
other lake, as there might be a grain of truth in what the Wanguana
reported to Livingstone; but I found nothing of the sort, except

9. The country of the Luo and Gaya. See Evans-Pritchard, The Position of
Women in Primitive Societies and Other Essays in Social Anthropology, 205-27;
Southall, Lineage Formation among the Luo; Fischer, “Vorlaufiger Bericht liber
die Expedition zur Auffindung Dr. Junkers,” 367; Ogot, History of the Southern
Luo, 127ff.

10. For the Pangani traders to Lake Victoria, Fischer, “Bericht iiber die im
Auftrage der Geographischen Gesellschaft in Hamburg unternommene Reise in
das Masai-Land,” 38ff.

11. In Diary, 63, Stanley says “Sungoro, or Mse Saba.”

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

215

unusually deep bends in the shore, which led nowhere. The streams
were insignificant and undeserving the name of rivers.

A few miles from the Equator I discovered two islands formed of
basaltic rock and overgrown with a dense growth of tropical vegeta-
tion. One had a natural bridge of rock thirty feet long and fifteen
feet wide; the other had a small cave. In longitude 34 deg. 49 min.
east, at Nakidimo, Ugeyeya, we came to the furthest point east of
the Victoria Niyanza.12

North of Ugeyeya begins Baringo,13 a small country, extending
over about fifteen miles of latitude. Its coast is also remarkable
for deep indentations and noble bays, some of which are almost
entirely closed by land and might well be called lakes by unculti-
vated Wan guana. Large islands are also numerous, some of which
lie so close to the mainland that if we had not hugged its shore
closely we should have mistaken them for portions of the mainland.
North of Baringo the land is again distinguished by lofty hills, cones
and plateaus which sink eastward into plains, and here a new coun-
try commences — Unyara,14 the language of whose people is totally
distinct from that of Usukuma, and approaches to that of Uganda
and Usoga.15

Unyara occupies the northeastern coast of the Victoria Niyanza,
and by observation the extreme northeastern point of the Niyanza
ends in longitude 34 deg. 35 min. east and latitude 33 min. 43 sec.
north. As I intend to send you a chart of the Niyanza, it is needless
here to enter into minor details, but I may as well mention here
that a large portion of the northeastern end of the lake is almost

12. Stanley had missed finding the Kavirondo Gulf which is shielded from
Lake Victoria by an island. Thomson in 1883 reached its eastern shores, but
the exact configuration of the gulf was not ascertained until a detailed survey
was made of the lake in 1898-1899. Thomson, Masailand, 484; Whitehouse,
“To the Victoria Nyanza by the Uganda Railway,” 229-41. See document 23,
note 14.

13. Stanley refers to Nduru, or Baringo, a part of Gaya territory. Reports
referring to the Lake Baringo had been current since at least the 1840’s —
through Krapf, Rebmann, Speke, Wakefield — but it was not proved a separate
lake until visited by Thomson in 1884. Thomson, Masailand, 529-36; Gregory,
“Contributions to the Physical Geography of British East Africa,” 311; Johnston,
Nile Quest, 113, 162.

14. The Luhya, or Bantu Kavirondo, occupy this region. Stanley, perhaps,
had heard the name of one of their divisions, Nyala. See Wagner, The Bantu
of North Kavirondo; see also Osogo, Life in Kenya in the Olden Days: The
Baluyia, 32.

15. The Soga inhabited a number of small independent states in an area
bordered by Lake Kyoga, the Victoria Nile, Lake Victoria, and the Mpologoma
River. See Fallers, Eastern Lacustrine Bantu; Fallers, Bantu Bureaucracy; Lu-
boga, A History of Busoga.

216

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

entirely closed in by the shores of Ugana and of two islands, Chaga
and Usuguru, the latter of which is one of the largest in the
Niyanza.

While Unyara occupies the northeastern coast of Niyanza, Ugana
commences the northern coast of the lake from the east, and, run-
ning southwest a few miles, forms here a large bay. It then trends
westward, and the island of Chaga runs directly north and south
for eight miles at a distance of twelve miles from the opposite coast
of Unyara. With but a narrow channel between, Usuguru island runs
from the southern extremity of Chaga, in a south-southeasterly
direction, to within six miles from the eastern shore of the main-
land. Thus almost a lake is formed separate from the Niyanza.16

North of Chaga Island Usoga begins with the large district of
Usowa, where we met with the first hostile intention — though not
act, as the act was checked by show of superior weapons — on the
part of the natives. Thence, as we proceed westward, the districts
of Ugamba, Uvira, Usamu and Utamba line the coast of Usoga.

Where Utama begins, large islands again become frequent, the
principal of which is Uvuma,17 an independent country and the
largest in the Victoria Niyanza. At Uvuma we experienced treachery
and hostility on the part of the natives. By show of friendship on
their part we were induced to sail within a few yards of the shore,
while a mass of natives were hid in ambush behind the trees.
While sailing quietly by, exchanging friendly greetings with them,
we were suddenly attacked with a shower of large rocks, several of
which struck the boat; but the helm being quickly put “hard up,”
we sheered from shore to a safer distance, but not before one of
the rascals was laid dead by a shot from one of my revolvers.

After proceeding some miles we entered a channel between the
islands of Uvuma and Bugeyeya, but close to the shore of Uvuma.
Here we discovered a fleet of large canoes — thirteen in number —
carrying over a hundred warriors, armed with shields and spears
and slings. The foremost canoe contained baskets of sweet potatoes,
which the people held up as if they were desirous to trade. I ordered

16. Shagga (Chaga) is a promontory on Bugana Island. Usuguru is Sigula
Island. See the notes by Thomas, “Captain Eric Smith’s Expedition to Lake
Victoria in 1891,” 151.

17. The Buvuma Islands around the entrance of Napoleon Gulf. See J. F.
Cunningham, Uganda and Its Peoples, 129-41. For a brief historical account,
Ashe, Chronicles of Uganda, 386-90. Buvuma later lost many of its inhabitants
through the ravages of sleeping sickness. Fishboume, “Lake Kioga (Ibrahim)
Exploratory Survey, 1907-1908,” 194.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

217

my people to cease rowing, and as there was but a slight breeze
we still held on with the sail and permitted the canoe to approach.

While we were bargaining for potatoes with this canoe the other
canoes came up and blocked the boat, while the people began to
lay hands on everything; but we found their purpose out, and I
warned the canoes away with my gun. They jeered at this and im-
mediately seized their spears and shields, while one canoe hastened
away with some beads they had stolen, and which a man insolently
held up to my view, and invited us to catch him. At sight of this
I fired, and the man fell dead in his canoe. The others prepared to
launch their spears, but the repeating rifle was too much for the
crowd of warriors who had hastened like pirates to rob us. Three
were shot dead, and as they retreated my elephant rifle smashed
their canoes, the result of which we saw in the confusion attending
each shot. After a few shots from the big gun we continued on our
way, still hugging the shore of Uvuma, for it was unnecessary to
fly after such an exhibition of inglorious conduct on the part of
thirteen canoes, containing in the aggregate over one hundred men.18

In the evening we anchored in the channel between Uvuma and
Usoga, in east long. 33 deg. 40 min. 15 sec., and north lat. 0 deg.
30 min. 9 sec. Next morning the current perceptibly growing stronger
as we advanced north, we entered the Napoleon Channel 19 that
separates Usoga from Uganda, and then sailed across to the Uganda
shore. Having arrived close to the land, we pulled down sail and
rowed towards the Ripon Falls, the noise of whose rushing waters
sounded loud and clear in our ears. The lake shoaled rapidly, and
we halted to survey the scene at a spot half a mile from the first
mass of foam caused by the escaping waters. Speke has been most
accurate in his description of the outflowing river, and his pencil
has done fair justice to it. The scenery around, on the Usoga and
Uganda side, had nothing of the sublime about it, but it is pic-
turesque and well worth a visit. A few small islands dot the channel
and lie close ashore; while at the entrance of the main channel,

18. This account of the fight essentially agrees with Diary, 69, but in TDC,
I, 179-81, Stanley, perhaps influenced by criticisms on his return to Europe,
asserts he first fired over the heads of the Africans before firing at them in
earnest.

19. Named by Speke after Napoleon III (1808-1873) “in token of respect”
for the award of a medal by the Societe de Geographie for Speke’s discovery
of Lake Victoria. Speke, Journal of the Discovery, 469. It became known as
Napoleon Gulf from the 1890’s. Thomas and Dale, “Uganda Place Names:
Some European Eponyms,” 117.

218

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

looking south, the large islands of Uziri and Wanzi stretch obliquely,
or southwest, toward Uvuma. But the eye of the observer is more
fascinated by the ranks of swelling foam and leaping waters than
by the uneven contour of the land; and the ear is attracted by the
rough music of their play, despite the terrors which the imagination
paints to us, and it absorbs all our attention to watch the smooth,
flowing surface of the lakey suddenly broken by the rocks of gneiss
and hematite which protrude, white and ruddy, above the water,
and which threaten instant doom to the unlucky navigator who would
be drifted among them. There is a charm in the scene that belongs
to few such, for this outflowing river, which the Great Victoria Ni-
yanza discharges from its bosom, becomes known to the world as
the White Nile. Though born amid the mountains of Ituru, Kargue
and Ugeyeya it emerges from the womb of the Niyanza the perfect
Nile which annually resuscitates parched Egypt.20

From the Ripon Falls we proceeded along the coast of Ikira south-
west until, gaining the shore opposite Uziri, we coasted westerly
along the irregular shore of Uganda. Arriving at the isle of Kriva
we secured guides, who voluntarily offered to conduct us as far as
Mtesa’s capital. Halting a short time at the island of Kibibi, we
proceeded to Ukafu, where a snug horseshoe-shaped bay was dis-
covered. From Ukafu we dispatched messengers to Mtesa to an-
nounce the arrival of a white visitor in Uganda, after being most
hospitably received with fair words but with empty hands along the
coast of Uganda.21

I was anxious to discover the entrance of the Luajerri, and ques-
tioned the natives long and frequently about it, until, securing an
interpreter who understood the Kiswahili, we ascertained that there
was no such river as the Luajerri, that Luaserri meant still water,
applicable to any of the many lengthy creeks or narrow inlets which
indent the coasts of Uganda and Usoga, from which I conclude
that Speke was misinformed, and that his “Luajerri” is Luaserri,
or still water.22 At least, we discovered no such river, either slug-
gish or quick, flowing northwards; while in the neighborhood of

20. Stanley probably means Karagwe instead of Kargue.

21. A clear sketch of Bugaia and the other islands is given in Carpenter,
A Naturalist on Lake Victoria, map opposite p. 322.

22. Speke described it as “a huge rush-drain three miles broad,” but he said
it “scarcely deserves the name of a river.” From African information it was
said to be a river rising in Lake Victoria and flowing into the Nile. Stanley
named it Grant Bay after Speke’s companion, but the name did not stick.
Speke, Journal of the Discovery, 459, 472; Speke, “Upper Basin of the Nile,”
330; TDC, I, 299; Thomas and Dale, “Uganda Place Names,” 112.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

219

“Murchison Creek” I did discover a long and crooked inlet called
Mwrau — a Luaserri, or still water — which penetrated several miles
inland, the termination of which we saw. I noticed a positive tide
here during the morning. For two hours the water of this creek flowed
north, subsequently for two hours it flowed south, and on asking
the people if it were a usual sight they said it was, and was visible
in all of the inlets on the coast of Uganda.

Arriving at Beya, we were welcomed by a fleet of canoes sent by
Mtesa to conduct us to Murchison Creek. On the 4th of April I
landed amid a concourse of 2,000 people, who saluted me with a
deafening volley of musketry and waving of flags. Katakiro,23 the
chief Mukungu, or officer in Uganda, then conducted me to com-
fortable quarters, to which shortly afterward were brought sixteen
goats, ten oxen, an immense quantity of bananas, plantains, sweet
potatoes, besides eggs, chickens, milk, rice, ghee and butter. After
such a royal and bountiful gift I felt more curiosity than ever to
see the generous monarch.

In the afternoon, Mtesa, having prepared beforehand for my re-
ception, sent to say that he was ready to receive me. Issuing out of
my quarters I found myself in a broad street eighty feet wide and
half a mile long, which was lined by his personal guards and at-
tendants, his captains and their respective retinues, to the number
of about 3,000. At the extreme end of this street and fronting it
was the King’s audience house, in whose shadow I saw dimly the
figure of the King sitting in a chair.

As I advanced toward him the soldiers continued to fire their
guns. The drums, sixteen in number, beat a fearful tempest of sound,
and the flags24 waved, until I became conscious that all this display
was far beyond my merits, and consequently felt greatly embar-
rassed by so flattering a reception. Arrived before the audience house
the King rose — a tall and slender figure, dressed in Arab costume
— approached me a few paces, held out his hand mutely, while the
drums continued their terrible noise, and we stood silently gazing

23. Mukasa, the Katikkiro, held that office from about 1872; he continued
in power under Mutesa’s successor, Mwanga, until 1888, when Mwanga was
deposed. Mukasa was killed during the disorders of 1889. The missionary Ashe
described him as “one of the most remarkable Africans I have met.” Faupel,
African Holocaust, 5-6, 69ff.; Rowe, “The Purge of Christians at Mwanga’s
Court,” 65-70; Ashe, Chronicles of Uganda, 133-34. For the functions of the
Katikkiro, Roscoe, The Baganda, 234ff.

24. The Baganda flag was then described as having “a white ground of 12
inches wide from the staff, 36 inches red, bordered with three pendant strips
of monkey skin, of long hair.” Alpers, “Charles Chaille-Long's Mission to Mu-
tesa of Buganda,” 7.

220

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

at each other a few minutes, I, indeed, more embarrassed than ever.
But soon, relieved from the oppressive noise of the huge drums and
violence of the many screaming, discordant fifes, I was invited to sit,
Mtesa first showing the example, followed by his great captains,
about one hundred in number.

More at ease, I surveyed the figure and features of this powerful
monarch. Mtesa is about thirty-four years old, and tall and slender
in build, as I have already stated, but with broad shoulders. His face
is very agreeable and pleasant, and indicates intelligence and mild-
ness. His eyes are large, his nose and mouth are a great improve-
ment upon those of the common type of negro, and approach to
that of the Muscat Arab slightly tainted with negro blood. His teeth
are splendid, and gleaming white.

As soon as Mtesa began to speak I became captivated by his man-
ner, for there was much of the polish of a true gentleman about it
— it was at once amiable, graceful and friendly. It assured me that
in Mtesa I had found a friend, a generous King, and an intelligent
ruler. He is infinitely superior to Seyd Burghash, the Arab Sultan
of Zanzibar, and he appears to me like a colored gentleman who
has visited European courts, whence he has caught a certain polish
and ease of manner and a vast amount of information which he has
collected for the improvement of his race. If you will recollect that
Mtesa is a native of Central Africa, and that he had seen but three
white men until I came,25 you will, perhaps, be as much astonished
at this as I was. And if you will but think of the enormous extent of
country he rules, extending from east longitude 34 to east longi-
tude 31, and from north latitude 1 to south latitude 3.30, you will
perceive the immense influence he could wield toward the civiliza-
tion of Africa.26 Indeed, I could not regard this King or look at
him in any other light than the Augustus by whose means the light
of the Gospel will be brought to benighted Middle Africa.

Undoubtedly the Mtesa of to-day is vastly superior to the vain
youth whom Speke and Grant saw. There is no butchery of men or
women; seldom one suffers the extreme punishment. Speke and
Grant left him a raw, vain youth, and a heathen. He is now a
gentleman, and, professing Islamism,27 submits to other laws than
his own erratic will, which, we are told, led to severe and fatal
consequences. All his captains and chief officers profess the same

25. Speke, Grant, and the American , Chaille-Long.

26. See below, note 32.

27. Mutesa, although sympathetic to Islam at this time, was not, of course,
a convert. See Katumba and Welbourn, “Muslim Martyrs of Buganda,” 151-58.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

221

creed, dress in Arab costume and in other ways affect Arab custom.
He has a guard of 200 men — renegades from Baker’s expedition,
Zanzibar defalcators, a few Omani and the elect of Uganda.28

Behind his throne, an armchair of native manufacture, the royal
shieldbearers, lancebearers and gunbearers stand erect and staid.
On either side of him are his grand chiefs and courtiers, sons of
governors of his provinces, chiefs of districts, &c. Outside the audi-
ence house the lengthy lines of warriors begin with the chief drum-
mer and noisy goma beaters.29 Next come the screaming fifers, the
flag and banner bearers, the fusilliers, and so on seemingly ad
infinitum with spearmen.

Mtesa asked a number of questions about various things, thereby
showing a vast amount of curiosity and great intelligence.

The King had arrived at this camp — Usavara — fourteen days be-
fore my arrival, with this immense army of followers, for the pur-
pose of shooting birds. He now proposed to return, after two or
three days’ rest, to his capital at Ulagalla, or Uragara.30 Each day
of my stay at Usavara was a scene of gayety and rejoicing. On the
first after my arrival we beheld a grand naval review — eighty-four
canoes, each manned by from thirty to forty men, containing in
the aggregate a force of about 2,500 men. We had excellent races
and witnessed various manoeuvres by water. Each admiral vied
with the other in extolling aloud the glory of their monarch, or in
exciting admiration from the hundreds of spectators on shore. The
King’s three hundred wives were present en grande tenue, and
were not the least important of those on shore.

The second day the King led his fleet in person to show me his
prowess in shooting birds. We rowed, or were rather paddled, up
“Murchison Creek,” visiting en route a dhow he is building for the
navigation of the lake, his place of residence, and his former capital,
Banda, where Speke and Grant found him.

En passant , I may remark that Speke could not possibly have

28. The egotistical Baker objected to this remark. He affirmed that he had
never lost any men by desertion and that the “renegades” were probably slave-
dealers who had suffered from his activities. Baker, who greatly overestimated
his work against the slave trade in the Sudan, went on to say that Stanley
had been received in such a friendly manner because of “orders” he sent to
Mutesa regarding any Europeans who might arrive at his court. Baker’s re-
marks in a discussion of Nov. 29, 1875, PRGS 20 (1875-1876), 48-49. See
below, note 36.

29. Drum — ngoma. For the role of drums in Buganda, Roscoe, Baganda,
25ff.

30. For the Ganda ruler’s capital, or Kibuga, which Stanley found at Rubaga,
Gutkind, The Royal Capital of Buganda.

222

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

seen the whole of the immense bay he has denominated creek. It
is true that from a short distance west of Dwaga, his Ramazan
palace, up to Mngono, the extremity of the bay, a distance of about
eight miles, it might be termed a creek, but this distance does not
approach to one-half of the bay. I respectfully request geographers,
Messrs. Keith Johnston and Stanford 31 especially, to change the
name of Murchison Creek to Murchison Bay, as more worthy of the
large area of water now known by the former inappreciative title.
Murchison Bay extends from north latitude 15 deg. to north latitude
27 deg., and from east longitude 32 deg. 53 min. to 32 deg. 38 min.
in extreme length. At the mouth the bay contracts to a width of
four miles, but within its greatest breadth is twelve miles. Surely
such a body of water — as terms go — deserves the more appropriate
name of bay, but I leave it to fair judging geographers to decide.32
For the position of Mtesa’s capital I have taken three observations,
three different days. My longitude agrees pretty closely with that
of Speke’s, while there is but four miles difference of latitude.

The third day the troops of Mtesa were exercised at target prac-
tice, and on the fourth day we all marched for the Grand Capital,
the Kibuga of Uganda, Ulagalla or Uragara. Mutesa is a great King.
He is a monarch who would delight the soul of any intelligent Euro-
pean, as he would see in Mtesa the hope of Central Africa. He is
King of Karagwe, Uganda, Unyoro, Usoga and Usui.33 Each day I
saw something which increased my esteem and respect for him. He
is fond of imitating Europeans and great kings, which trait, with a
little tuition, would be of immense benefit to his country. He has
prepared broad highways in the neighborhood of his capital for the
good time that is coming when some charitable European will
send him any kind of a wheeled vehicle. As we approached the
capital the highway from Usavara increased in width from 20 feet
to 150 feet. When we arrived at this magnificent breadth we viewed
the capital crowning an eminence commanding a most extensive
view of a picturesque and rich country teeming with gardens of
plantains and bananas, and beautiful pasture land. Of course huts,

31. Edward Stanford (c. 1827-1904), head of a prominent cartographic
firm and publisher of the journals of the Royal Geographical Society. GJ
24 (1904), 686-87; Marston, “Edward Stanford. A Personal Reminiscence.”

32. Stanley’s suggestion was accepted. Thomas and Dale, “Uganda Place
Names,” 116.

33. Mutesa ruled only his own state; he had influence of varying strengths
in other neighboring states. Low, “Northern Interior,” 336-37. For Usui, a Zinza
chiefdom, see document 23, note 7.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

223

however large, lend but little attraction to a scene, but a tall flag-
staff and an immense flag proved a feature in the landscape.

Arrived at the capital I found that the vast collection of huts
crowning the eminence were the Royal Quarters, around which
ran five several palisades and circular courts, between which and
the city was a circular road, ranging from 100 to 200 feet in width,
from which radiated six or seven magnificent avenues, lined with
gardens and huts.

The next day after arrival I was introduced to the Royal Palace
in great state. None of the primitive scenes visible in Speke’s book
were visible here. The guards, clothed in white cotton dresses, were
by no means comical. The chiefs were • very respectable looking
people, dressed richly in the Arab costume. The palace was a huge
and lofty structure, well built of grass and cane, while tall trunks
of trees upheld the roof, which was covered with cloth sheeting
inside.

On the fourth day after my arrival news came that another white
man was approaching the capital from the direction of Unyoro, and
on the fifth day I had the extreme pleasure of greeting Colonel
Linant de Bellefonds, of the Egyptian service, who had been des-
patched by Colonel Gordon to Mtesa, to make a treaty of commerce
between him and the Egyptian government.34 The meeting, though
not so exciting as my former meeting with the venerable David
Livingstone, at Ujiji, in November, 1871, still may be said to be
singular and fortunate for all concerned. In Colonel Bellefonds I met
a gentleman extremely well informed, energetic and a great traveller.
His knowledge of the countries between Uganda and Khartoum was
most minute and accurate, from which I conclude that but little of
the geography of Central Africa between the cataracts of the Nile
and Uganda is unknown. To which store of valuable geographical
acquisitions must now be added my exploration of the Nile sources,
which pour into the Niyanza and the new countries I have visited
between the Niyanza and the Unyanyembe road. In Colonel Belle-
fonds I also perceived great good fortune, for I now had the means
to despatch my reports of geographical discoveries and my long
delayed letters.

34. Ernest Linant de Bellefonds; he was killed fighting the Bari in 1875
after his return to Gordon’s headquarters. Thomas, “Ernest Linant de Bellefonds
and Stanley’s Letter to the ‘Daily Telegraph’ Gray, “Ernest Linant de Belle-
fonds.” Bellefonds’ own account of the visit is given in his “Itineraire et Notes.
Voyage de Service fait entre le poste militaire de Fatiko et la Capitale de
M’tesa, roi d’Uganda. Fevrier-Juin 1875.”

224

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

The day after to-morrow I intend to return to Usukuma, prose-
cuting my geographical researches along the western shores of the
Victoria Niyanza. After which I propose to march the expedition to
the Katonga Valley,35 and thence, after another visit to Mtesa,
march directly west for Lake Albert Niyanza, where I hope to meet
with some more of the gallant subordinates of Colonel Gordon, by
whom I shall be able, through their courtesy, to send several more
letters descriptive of discoveries and adventures.

I might protract this letter indefinitely by dwelling upon the value
of the service rendered to science and the world by Ismael Pacha,36
but time will not allow me, nor, indeed, is it necessary, as I dare
say by this time you have had ample proofs of what has been done
by Gordon. Baker, unfortunately, appears to be in bad odor with all
I meet. His severity and other acts receive universal condemnation;
but far be it from me to add to the ill report, and so I leave what
I have heard untold.37

Then, briefly, thus much remains to be said. Livingstone, in his
report of the Niyanza consisting of five lakes, was wrong. Speke, in
his statement that the Niyanza was but one lake, was quite cor-
rect. But I believe that east of the Niyanza, or rather northeast of
the Niyanza, there are other lakes, though they have no connection
whatever with the Niyanza; nor do I suppose they are of any great
magnitude or extend south of the Equator. If you ask me why, I can
only answer that in my opinion the rivers entering the Niyanza on
the northeastern shore do not sufficiently drain the vast area of
country lying between the Niyanza and the western versant of the
Eastern African mountain range. From the volume of the Niyanza
feeders on the northeastern side I cannot think that they extend
further than longitude 36 deg. east, which leaves a large tract of
country east to be drained by other means than the Niyanza. But
this means may very probably be the Jub, which empties its waters
into the Indian Ocean. The Sobat cannot possibly approach near
the Equator. This, however, will be decided definitively by Gordon’s
officers. Colonel Bellefonds informs me that the Assua, or Asha, is
a mere torrent.38

When you see my chart, which will trace the course of the Luam-

35. See Hurst, Nile , 155, 219.

36. Isma’il Pasha (1830-1895), Khedive of Egypt from 1863 to 1879. His
ventures in Central Africa entrusted to Baker and Gordon added to the debt
burden of Egypt which led to his deposition in 1879. Hill, Biographical Die -
tionary, 182-83.

37. Baker countered by asserting that the bad reputation was due to his
actions against the slave trade. PRGS 20 (1875-1876), 48-49. Hill, Egypt in
the Sudan 1820-1881, 135-36, puts this issue in perspective.

38. The Aswa. See Hurst, Nile, 120.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

225

berri and the Shimeeyu, the rivers which drain the whole of the
south and southeast countries of the Niyanza, you will be better
able to judge of their importance and magnitude as sources of the
Nile. I expect to discover a considerable river southwest; but all of
this will be best told in my next letter.39

P.S. I had almost forgotten to state that the greatest depth of the
Niyanza as yet ascertained by me is 275 feet. I have not yet sounded
the center of the lake; this I intend to do on my return to Usukuma
South.

Mtesa’s Capital, Uganda
April 14, 1875 1

I had almost neglected to inform you and your readers of one
very interesting subject connected with Mtesa which will gratify
many a philanthropic European and American.

I have already told you that Mtesa and the whole of his Court
profess Islamism. A long time ago, some four or five years, Khamis
Bin Abdullah (the only Arab who remained with me three years ago,
as a rearguard, when the Arabs disgracefully fled from Mirambo)
came to Uganda. He was wealthy, of noble descent, had a fine, mag-
nificent personal appearance, and brought with him many a rich
present, such as few Arabs could afford, for Mtesa. The King be-
came immediately fascinated with him, and really few white men
could be long with the son of Abdullah without being charmed by
his presence, his handsome, proud features, his rich olive com-
plexion and his liberality. I confess I never saw an Arab or Mussul-
man who attracted me so much as Khamis Bin Abdullah, and it is
no wonder that Mtesa, meeting a kindred spirit in the noble Arab of
Muscat, amazed at the magnificent figure, the splendor of his ap-
parel, the display of his wealth and the number of his slaves fell in
love with him. Khamis stayed with Mtesa a full year, during which
time the King became a convert to the creed of Khamis — namely,
Mohammedanism. The Arab clothed Mtesa in the best that his ward-
robe offered. He gave him gold embroidered jackets, fine white

39. See also Stanley’s letter to Arnold, Appendix L.

1. NYH, Nov. 29, 1875.

226

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

shirts, crimson slippers, swords, silk sashes, daggers and a revolving
rifle, so that Speke’s and Grant’s presents seemed quite insignificant.2

Until I arrived at Mtesa’s Court the King delighted in the idea that
he was a follower of Islam; but by one conversation I flatter myself
that I have tumbled the newly raised religious fabric to the ground,
and, if it were only followed by the arrival of a Christian mission
here, the conversion of Mtesa and his Court to Christianity would
be complete. I have undermined Islamism so much here that Mtesa
has determined henceforth, until he is better informed, to observe
the Christian Sabbath as well as the Moslem Sabbath, and the great
captains have unanimously consented to it. He has caused the ten
commandments of Moses to be written on a board for his daily
perusal, as Mtesa can read Arabic, as well as the Lord’s Prayer and
the golden commandment of our Saviour, “Thou shalt love thy neigh-
bor as thyself.” This is great progress for the few days that I have
remained with him, and, though I am no missionary, I shall begin
to think that I shall become one if such success is so feasible.

But, O that some pious, practical missionary would come here!
What a field and a harvest ripe for the sickle of the Gospel! Mtesa
would give him anything he desired — houses, lands, cattle, ivory,
&c. He might call a province his own in one day. It is not the mere
preacher that is wanted here. The bishops of all Great Britain col-
lected, with all the classic youth of Oxford and Cambridge, would
effect nothing here with the intelligent people of Uganda. It is the
practical Christian tutor, who can teach people how to become
Christians, cure their diseases, construct dwellings, understands
agriculture and can turn his hand to anything, like a sailor — this is
the man that is wanted here. Such a man, if he can be found, would
become the saviour of Africa. He must be tied to no Church or
sect, but profess God and His Son, and live a blameless Christian,
be inspired by liberal principles, charity to all men and devout faith
in God. He must belong to no nation in particular, but the entire
white race. Such a man or men Mtesa, King of Uganda, Usoga, Un-
yoro and Karagwe — a Kingdom 360 geographical miles in length
by fifty in breadth — invites to come to him. He has begged me to
tell the white men that if they will only come to him he will give
them all they want.3

2. There is a reference to Khamis bin Abdullah at the court in Welbourn,
“Speke and Stanley at the Court of Mutesa,” 223. Stanley does not mention
Khamis’ role in TDC. See document 3, note 50.

3. As Gray observed, Stanley had been “splendidly duped” by Mutesa, who

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

227

Now where is there in all the pagan world a more promising field
for a mission than Uganda? Colonel Linant de Bellefonds is my
witness that I speak the truth, and I know he will corroborate all I
say. The Colonel, though a Frenchman, is a Calvinist, and has be-
come as ardent a well-wisher for the Waganda as I am.

Then why further spend needlessly vast sums upon black pagans
of Africa who have no example of their own people becoming Chris-
tians before them? I speak to the Universities Mission at Zanzibar
and to the Free Methodists at Mombasa,* * * 4 to the leading philan-
thropists and the pious people of England. Here, gentlemen, is your
opportunity — embrace it! The people on the shores of the Niyanza
call upon you. Obey your own generous instincts, and listen to them,
and I assure you that in one year you will have more converts to
Christianity than all other missionaries united can number. The
population of Mtesa’s kingdom is most dense. I estimate the number
of his subjects at 2,000,000.5 You need not fear to spend money
upon such a mission, as Mtesa is sole ruler, and will repay its cost
tenfold with ivory, coffee, otter skins6 of a very fine quality, or in
cattle, for the wealth of this country in all these products is im-
mense. The road here is by the Nile, or via Zanzibar, Ugogo and
Unyanyembe. The former route, so long as Colonel Gordon governs
the countries of the Upper Nile, is the most feasible.

With permission I would suggest that the mission should bring
to Mtesa as present three or four suits of military clothes, decorated
freely with gold embroidery, with half a dozen French kepis , a sabre,
a brace of pistols and suitable ammunition; a good fowling piece
and rifle of good quality, as the King is not a barbarian; a cheap
dinner service of Britannia ware, an iron bedstead and counter-
panes, a few pieces of cotton print, boots, &c. For trade it should

was seeking outside support because of pressure in the north from Egypt.

Chaille-Long agreed in a contemporary judgment that Stanley had been the “dupe
of the artful savage.” Stanley reacted against such criticism when his book

appeared by stating “I cannot hide from myself the fact that the conversion
is only nominal,” but naturally without admitting he had been “Mtesa’s dupe.”
Gray, “Mutesa of Buganda”; Chaille Long, Central Africa, 310; TDC, I, 195,
405.

4. See New, Life, Wanderings, and Labours, and Wakefield, Thomas Wake-
field, for this mission.

5. TDC, I, 401, gives a figure of 2,750,000. The figure is for the whole area
Stanley asserted to be under Mutesa’s rule. He gave 750,000 for Buganda alone.
See document 36, note 3.

6. There are several varieties of the otter in the region. See Thomas and
Scott, Uganda, 184; Moffett, Handbook of Tanganyika, 417, 487.

228

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

bring the blue, black and gray woolen cloths, a quantity of military
buttons, gold braid and cord, silk cord of different colors, as well
as binding, linen and sheeting for shirts, fine red blankets and a
quantity of red cloth, a few chairs and tables. The profit arising
from the sale of these things would be enormous.

For the mission’s use it should bring with it a supply of hammers,
saws, augers, chisels, axes, hatchets, adzes, carpenters’ and black-
smiths’ tools, as the Waganda are apt pupils; iron drills and powder
for blasting purposes, trowels, a couple of good sized anvils, a forge
and bellows, an assortment of nails and tacks, a plough, spades,
shovels, pickaxes and a couple of light buggies as specimens, and
such other small things as their own common sense would suggest.
Most desirable would be an assortment of garden seed and grain;
also white lead, linseed oil, brushes, a few volumes of illustrated
journals, gaudy prints, a magic lantern, rockets and a photograph
apparatus. The total cost of the whole need not exceed £5,000.7

Village of Kagehyi, District of Uchambi, Usukuma, Central Africa
May 15, 1875 1

Mrs. Charlotte Barker: Dear Mrs. Barker — I grieve to have to
write you on such a sad topic as this letter must contain. I would
that some one else had undertaken the task or that Francis Pocock,
your son’s companion, had fulfilled before his departure from here
what I had expressly ordered him to do.

But that I wish to save you from a too sudden blow I would have
delayed writing until Pocock had written his report to me of the
manner how or when of your poor son’s last hours, for you must
know that your son, Frederick Barker, is gone to his eternal rest.

I was absent on an exploring expedition of Lake Victoria, having
left Francis Pocock and Frederick Barker in charge of my camp.
Altogether I was absent fifty-eight days. When I returned, hoping
that I would find that all had gone well, I was struck with the

7. The mission reaction to this letter is given in Oliver, Missionary Factor
in East Africa, 39ff.; Low, Religion and Society in Buganda 1875-1900. Stanley
commented on the later troubles of the missionaries: “Africans, however,
would be less than men if they did not struggle, as the ancient Romans did,
against the advances of Christianity.” Stanley, My African Travels, 17.

1. NYH, Oct. 11, 1875.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

229

grievous news that your son had died twelve days before of an in-
termittent fever.

What little I have been able to learn of your son’s death amounts
to this: On April 22 he went out to the lake with Pocock to shoot
hippopotami, and all day enjoyed himself. On the morning of the
23d he went out for a little walk, had his tea and some pancakes,
washed himself, and then suddenly said he felt ill and lay down in
bed. He called for a hot stone to be applied to his feet; brandy was
given him, blankets were heaped on him; but he felt such cold in
his extremities that nothing availed to restore the heat in his body.
His blood seems to have become congealed. At eight a.m., an hour
after he lay down, he was dead. Such is what I have been able to
glean from Pocock of the manner of his death, but by our next
letter-carrier Pocock shall send you a complete account.

His clothes and effects shall be sold at auction in this camp, and
whatever they produce, with such money as may be due to him
for wages, shall be rendered to you. His papers, photos and Testa-
ment I shall keep until I have an opportunity to send them to you.

Dear Mrs. Barker, you may believe me as you may, but in Fred
Barker I have lost one of as much value to me as he was dear to
you. He was such a clever, quick, intelligent servant that had he
lived to reach home, and I had lived to see him there, his future
need never have been a source of anxiety to him. Indeed, there is no
doubt he before long would have ranked high in the estimation of
worthy men, and become a most useful member of intelligent
society. Gentlemanliness, honesty and politeness were his special
characteristics. I had such confidence in him that I had placed
him in charge of all my stores, and, during my absence on the lake,
appointed him half share in the command of 166 soldiers.

From the coast to this lake, a distance of 720 miles, he trudged
it afoot like a hero. When sick, of course he rode one of our animals.
Whatever I told him became so impressed on his memory that I
need never repeat the order or complain of its neglect. Whatever I
advised him to do became with him a law, whatever I suggested to
him immediately was obeyed, as though it were a command. He
was a rare young man, mettlesome, manly, and thoroughly English
in his good qualities. It is then to be grieved that you have lost such
a hopeful son, I such a true servant, and his country such a promis-
ing character. I sympathize with you deeply — not I alone, we all of
us in this camp, for we have lost one such that his place cannot be
filled.

God’s comfort be with you in this distress . . .

230

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Village of Kagehyi, District of Uchambi, Country of Usukuma
May 15, 1875 1

By the aid of the enclosed map you will be able to understand
the positions and places of the countries mentioned in my last 2 and
of some I shall be obliged to describe in this letter. It is needless
to go over the same ground I described in my letter from Uganda;
but, since I send you a map,3 it will be but charity to again briefly
sketch the characteristics of the countries lying east between Usu-
kuma and Uganda.

Between the district of Uchambi, which is in Usukuma, and the
Shimeeyu River, the principal affluent of the Niyanza, lie the pretty
districts of Sima and Magu, governed by independent chiefs. On
the eastern side of the Shimeeyu is Masanza, a rugged and hilly
country, thinly populated and the resort of the elephant hunters.
Beyond Masanza the coast is formed by Manasa and the country
is similar in feature to Masanza, abounding in elephants. This ex-
tends to the eastern extremity of Speke Gulf, when we behold a
complete change in the landscape. The land suddenly sinks down
into a flat, marshy country, as if Speke Gulf formerly had extended
many miles inland, as I have no doubt, but rather feel convinced,
it did.

This country is called Wirigedi,4 peopled by savages, who have
little or no intercourse with Usukuma, but are mostly exclusive and
disposed to take advantage of their strength to rob strangers who
visit them. Urrigedi is drained by the Ruana, which discharges itself
into Speke Gulf by two mouths. It is a powerful stream, conveying
a vast quantity of water to Speke Gulf, but in importance not to
be mentioned in the same category as the Shimeeyu and the Kagera,
the two principal affluents of Lake Victoria.

Speke Gulf at its eastern extremity is about twelve miles in width.
Opposed to the hilly ranges of Manasa and Masanza are the sterile
naked mountains and plains of Shashi, Uramba and Urirwi.5 The
plains which separate each country from the other are as devoid of
vegetation as the Isthmus of Suez. A thin line only, bordering the
lake, is green with bush and cane. The gulf, as we proceed west

1. NYH, Oct. 12, 1875.

2. Letter of April 12, 1875, document 20.

3. See Map II.

4. See document 20, note 3.

5. See TDC, I, 141.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

231

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Map II. Stanley’s early sketch map of Lake Victoria (from NYH, Oct. 12, 1875)

232

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

from Urirwi, is shored by the great island of Ukerewe, a country
blessed with verdure and plenty, and rich in herds of cattle and
ivory. A narrow strait, called the Rugeshi, separates Ukerewe from
Urirwi. The Wakereweh are an enterprising and commercial people,
and the King, Lukongeh,6 is a most amiable man. The Wakereweh
possess numerous islands — Nifuah, Wezi, Iraugara, Kamassi, &c.,
are all inhabited by them. Their canoes are seen in Ugeyeya, Uson-
gora and Uzinza;7 and to the tribes in the far interior they have
given, by their activity and commercial fellowship, their name to
the Victoria Niyanza.

Rounding Ukerewe, we pass on our left the Island of Ukara, and,
sailing past Shizu and Kiveru,8 come to the northern end of Ru-
geshi Strait, from where we see the towering table mountain of
Majita a little to the northeast of us, the mountains of Urimi and
Uramba in our front. I mentioned to you in one of my letters9 that
Speke described Majita as an island, and that I, standing on the
same spot, would do so likewise if I had no other proof than my
own eyes. As we approach Majita we see the reason of this delusion.
The table mountain of Majita is about 3,000 feet in altitude above
the lake, while on all sides of it, except the lake side at its base,
are low brown plains, which rise but a few feet above the lake. It
is the same case with Urirwi, Uramba and Shashi. At a distance I
thought them islands, until I arrived close to them.

On the northern side of Majita the brown plain extends far inland,

6. Rukonge (Lukongeh), after involvement in the deaths of two British
missionaries in 1877, managed to live in peace with European intruders for
many years. In 1892 he agreed by treaty to the building of a German Anti-
Slavery Society station on his island, but he attacked the station in 1895, after
it had been turned over to the White Fathers, and destroyed it. Rukonge was
then defeated and deposed by the Germans. When visited in 1877 by British
missionaries, Rukonge spoke against Stanley; they claimed he was very unfavor-
ably impressed by what he had been told of Americans — “the fact of their
having no King or Queen.” Wilson to Wigram, Feb. 22, 1877, C.A6/025, CMS;
Mackey of Uganda, 77-78; Kollmann, Auf Deutschen Boden in Afrika, 240-41,
273-74; Schweinitz, Deutsch-Ost-Afrika, 162ff.; Brard’s letters of Aug. 17, 1895,
and March 6, 1896, in Bulletin des Missions d’Afrique (d’ Alger) (1895-1897),
279-80, 351-53.

7. Usongora, or the Haya chiefdom of Kiziba, located on the plateau south
of the Kagera River. Stanley, “A Geographical Sketch of the Nile and Living-
stone (Congo) Basins,” 393; Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu, 132-44. The
Zinza chiefdoms were situated on the southwestern shore of Lake Victoria and
on the nearby islands. Ibid., 144—48.

8. The islands of Nafuba (Nifuah), Vesi (Wezi), Irugwa (Iraugara), and
Kamassi are located off the shore of Ukerewe. Sizu (Shizu) and Kweru
(Kiveru) islands He between Ukerewe and Ukara.

9. Letter of April 12, 1875, document 20.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

233

and I do believe a great plain or a series of plains bounds the lake
countries east, for we have views distant or near everywhere. In
endeavoring to measure the extent of this plain I am compelled to
think of Ugogo, for, as we traversed its northern frontier we saw
each day stretching north the barren, thorn-covered plain of Uhumba.
On leaving Iramba we came again in view of a portion of it, more
recently covered with water, under the name of the Luwamberri
Plain. As we journey through Usmaow we saw from many a ridge
the plain extending north. That part of the plain lying between
Urimi and the lake is, of course, drained by the Luwamberri, the
Mwaru and the Duma rivers, and discharged into the Niyanza under
the name of the Shimeeyu. But northeast of the Shimeeyu’s mouth
imagine the land heaved into a low, broad and lengthy ridge, form-
ing another basin drained by the Ruana, and still another drained
by the Mara, and again another by the Mori, 8tc. If we ask the
natives what lies beyond the immediate lake lands we are assured
briefly, “Mbuiga tu,” “Only a plain.”

From Majita north we sail along the coast of Ururi, a country
remarkable for its wealth of cattle and fine pastoral lands. It is
divided into several districts whose names you will find marked
on the map. Mohuru and Shirati, low, flat and wooded districts of
Ururi separate this country from Ugeyeya, the land of so many
fables and wonders, the El Dorado of ivory seekers and the source
of wealth for slave hunters.

Our first view of it while we cross the Bay of Kavirondo10 is
of a series of tall mountains, and of a mountainous projection, which
latter from a distance we take to be a promontory, but which on a
nearer view turns out to be an island, bearing a tall mountain on
its back. At the northeastern extremity of this bay is Gori River,
which rises northeast near Kavi — no important stream, but one that
grows duruing the rainy season to large breadth and depth. Far
east beyond the Niyanza for twenty-five days’ march the country
is one continuous plain, low hills rising here and there dotting the
surface, a scrubby land, though well adapted for pasture and cattle,
of which the natives have vast herds. About fifteen days’ march
east the people report a land wherein low hills spout smoke, and
sometimes fire. This wonderful district is called Susa, and is situ-
ated in the Masai Land. All combine in saying that no stream runs
north, but that all waters come into the Niyanza — for at least twenty

10. Stanley was mistaken about Kavirondo Bay; see document 20, note 11.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

days’ march. Beyond this distance the natives report a small lake, from
which issues a stream flowing toward the Pangani.11

Continuing on our way north we pass between the Island Ugingo
and the gigantic mountains of Ugeyeya, at whose base the Lady
Alice seems to crawl like a mite in a huge cheese, while we on
board admire the stupendous height and wonder at the deathly
silence which prevails in this solitude, where the boisterous winds
are hushed and the turbulent waves are as tranquil as a summer’s
dream. The natives as they pass regard this spot with superstition,
as well they might, for the silent majesty of these dumb tall mounts
awe the very storms to peace. Let the tempests bluster as they may
on the spacious main beyond this cape, in this nook, sheltered by
tall Ugingo isle and lofty Goshi on the mainland, they inspire no
fear. It is this refuge which Goshi promises the distressed canoe
men that causes them to sing praises of Goshi, and to cheer one
another when wearied and benighted that Goshi is near to protect
them.12

Sailing between and out from among the clustering islands, we
leave Wategi behind, and sail towards two low isolated islands not
far from the mainland, for a quiet night’s rest, and under the over-
spreading branches of a mangrove tree we dream of unquiet waters
and angry surfs and threatening rocks, to find ourselves next morn-
ing tied to an island which, from its peculiarity, I have named
Bridge Island, though its native name is Kihwa. While seeking a
road to ascend the island to take bearings, I discovered a natural
bridge of basalt, about twenty feet in length by twelve in breadth,
under which one might repose comfortably, and from one side see
the waves lashed to fury and spend their strength on the stubborn
rocks which form the foundation of the arch, while from the other
he could see his boat, secure under the lee of the island, resting on
a serene and placid surface, and shaded by mangrove branches from
the hot sun of the Equator. Its neighborhood is remarkable only
for a small cave, the haunt of fishermen.13

11. There were tales on the coast in the 1860’s of a volcano on the route
to Lake Victoria. Perhaps the travelers referred to the extinct volcano of
Suswa, near Lake Naivasha. See Christie, Cholera Epidemics, ix, 22-23, 225;
Pringle, “With the Railway Survey to Victoria Nyanza,” 125; Sadler, “Notes on
the Geography of British East Africa,” 175-76.

12. Stanley was passing territory then described as Gaya. See Meyer, “Be-
richte,” 519; “Von der wissenschaftlichen Expedition Oskar Neumanns,” 423.
See also Naval Intelligence, Handbook of Kenya, 69, for a mountain, Gwashi,
south of the Kavirondo Gulf.

13. See Whitehouse, “To the Victoria Nyanza,” 234; he visited, in 1899,
Bridge Island and confirmed Stanley’s description.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

235

From the summit of Bridge Island the view eastward takes in all
Masari as far as Nakidimo, and discovers only a flat and slightly
wooded district, varied at intervals by isolated cones, and northward,
at the distance of twenty miles or so, finds the land makes a bold
and long stretch eastward. Knowing, however, by experience that
the appearance of the land is deceptive, we hoist our sail and scud
merrily before a freshening breeze, hugging the coast, lest it should
rob us of some rarity or wonder.

At noon I found myself under the Equator, and four miles north
I came to discolored water and a slight current flowing to the south-
west. Seeing a small bay of sufficient breadth to make a good river,
and no land at its eastern extremity, I made sure I had discovered
a river, which would rival the Shimeeyu; but within an hour land
all round revealed the limit and extent of the Bay of Nakidimo.
We anchored close to a village and began to court the attention of
some wild looking fishermen, but the nude barbarians merely stared
at us from under penthouses of hair, and hastily stole away to tell
their wives and relatives of how an apparition in the shape of a
boat with white wings to it had suddenly come before them, bearing
strange men with red caps on their heads, except one — a red man,
clad in white, whose face was as red as blood, who, jabbering some-
thing unintelligible, so frightened them that they ran away. This
will become a pleasant tradition, one added to the many wonders
now told in Ugeyeya, which, with the art of embellishment inherent
in the tongue of the wondering, awe-struck savage, may become
in time the most wonderful of all wonders.

Perceiving that our proffered courtesies were thus rudely rejected,
we also stole out of the snug bay and passed round to another much
larger and more important. At its extremity a river issued into the
bay, which, by long and patient talk with the timid natives, we ascer-
tained to be the Ugoweh.14 In this the hippos were as bold as the
human savages were timid, and to a couple of the amphibious mon-
sters we had to induce the Lady Alice to show a swifter pace in
retreat than the savages of Nakidimo had shown to us. These hippo-
potami would afford rare sport in a boat specially built for killing
them; then they might splinter her sides with their tusks, and bellow
and kick to their utmost; but the Lady Alice, if I can help it, with
her delicate skin of cedar and ribs of slender hickory, shall never
come in close contact with the iron-hard ivory of the hippopotamus,
for she would be splintered into matches and crushed like an egg

14. Later search proved Ugoweh to be the name of a village in Kadimu;
Stanley placed Ugoweh Bay in the location of Kavirondo Gulf. Ibid., 229-41.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

before one could say “Jack Robinson,” and then the hungry croco-
diles would leisurely digest us. The explorer’s task, to my mind, is
a far nobler one than hunting hippos, and our gallant cedar boat
has many a thousand miles to travel yet before she has performed
her task.

The yet unknown expanse of the Victoria Niyanza, northward and
westward and southwestward, invites us to view it delights and
wonders of nature. The stormy Lake Albert and the stormier Tan-
ganyika, though yet distant, woo us to ride on their waves; and
far Bangweolo, Moero and Kamolondo and the Lincoln Lakes prom-
ise us fair prospects and as rich rewards if we can only bide the
buffets of the tempests, and the brunt of savage hostility and
ignorance till then. Shall we forego the vantage of all this ripe
harvest and acquisition of knowledge for an hour’s fierce pleasure
with the simple but full-muscled hippopotamus? Not by my election
or consent. Let the admirers of the Field, Bell’s Life and the Spirit
of the Times 15 call it faintheartedness, or even a harsher name, if
they will. I call it prudence. But I have an adventure with a hippo
— a cowardly, dull-witted, fat-brained hippo — (I can abuse him sav-
agely in your columns, for his brothers in Europe, thank fortune,
do not read the Telegraph or the HERALD without fear of a civil
or criminal suit for libel) — to tell some day, when I have no higher
things to write of, which will warm all your young bloods; and I
have had another with a lion, or I should say a herd of lions, just
as exciting. But these must remain until I camp under the palms
of Ujiji again, with half my work done, and my other half still un-
done. Let us pass on, however, to our subject, and the place where
I left off — namely, cowardlike, running away from a pair of bull
hippos. I am not sure they were bulls either, though they were hip-
popotami, sure enough.

We flew away with a bellying sail along the coast of Maheta,
where we saw such a dense population and clusters of large villages
as we had not seen elsewhere. We thought we would make one
more effort to learn of the natives the names of some of these
villages, and for that purpose steered for a cove on the western
shore of Maheta. We anchored within fifty yards of the shore, and
so lengthened our cable that but a few feet of deep water separated
us from the shore. Some half-a-dozen men wearing small land
shells above their elbows and a circle round their heads, came to

15. Possibly the London periodicals The Field and BelVs Weekly Messenger,
and the New York Spirit of the Times.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

237

the beach. With these we opened a friendly conversation, during
which they disclosed the name of the country as Maheta in Uge-
yeya; more they would not communicate until we should land. We
prepared to do this, but the numbers on the shore increased so fast
that we were compelled to pull off again until they should moderate
their excitement and talk. They seemed to think that we were about
to pull off altogether, for suddenly appeared out of the bush on
each side of the spot we had intended to land such a host of spears
that we hoisted our sail and left them to whet their treachery on
some other boat or canoe more imprudent than ours. The discom-
fited people were seen to consult together on a small ridge behind
the bush lining the lake, and, no doubt, they thought we were about
to pass close to a small point at the north end of the cone, shout-
ing gleefully at the prospect of a prize; but, lowering the sail, we
pulled to windward, far out of the reach of bow or sling, and at
dusk made for a small island, to which we tied our boat, and where
we camped in security.

Next day we continued on our course, and coasted along Nduru
and Wangano, and sailed into the bay which forms the northeastern
extremity of Lake Victoria Niyanza. Manyara, on the eastern side
of the bay, is a land of bold hills and ridges, while the very north-
eastern end, through which issues the Yagama River into the Ni-
yanza, is flat. The opposite coast to Manyara is that of Muwanda
and the promontory of Chaga, while the great slug-like island of
Usuguru, standing from west to east across the mouth of the bay,
shuts the bay almost entirely in.16

At Muwanda we again trusted our fortunes with the natives,
and were this time not deceived, so that we were enabled to lay in
quite a stock of vegetables and provisions at a cheap rate. They
gave us all the information we desired. Baringo, they said, is the
name applied by the people of Ugana to Nduru, a district of Uge-
yeya, and the bay on which our boat rode the extreme end of the
lake, nor did they know or had they heard of any lake, large or
small, other than the Niyanza.17

I described the coast from Muwanda to Uganda, and my visit to
Mtesa, with my happy encounter with Colonel Linant de Bellefonds,
of Gordon’s staff, at some length, so I need not go over the same
ground. The day after my last letter was written I made arrange-
ments with the King of Uganda, by which he agreed to lend me

16. See TDC, I, 365.

17. See document 20, note 12.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

thirty canoes and some 500 men, to convey the expedition from
Usukuma to the Katonga River. With this promise, and ten large
canoes as an earnest of it, I started from Murchison Bay on April 17.
We kept company as far as the Katonga River, but here the chief
captain of the Waganda said that he should have to cross over to
Sesse, distant twelve miles from the mainland, and the largest island
in the Lake Niyanza, to procure the remaining twenty canoes prom-
ised by Mtesa.18 The chief gave me two canoes to accompany me,
promising that I should be overtaken by the entire fleet before many
days. I was impatient to continue my survey of the lake and to
reach Usukuma, having been so long absent from the expedition,
during which time many things contrary to my success and peace
of mind might have occurred.

I took my observations twice a day with a sea horizon — one at
noon for latitude, and one in the afternoon for longitude — and I am
sorry to say that, if I am right, Speke is about fourteen miles wrong
in his latitude along the whole coast of Uganda. The mouth of the
Katonga River, for instance, according to his map, is a little south
of the Equator. I have made it by meridian altitude, observed April
20, to be in latitude 0 deg. 16 min. 0 secs, north. Thus it is nearly
with all his latitudes. His longitudes and mine vary but little; but
this is easily accounted for. The longitude of any position can
be taken with a chronometer, sextant, and artificial horizon with
the same accuracy on land as on sea. If there is any difference it
is very likely to exist in the error of the chronometers. What instru-
ments Speke possessed to obtain his latitudes I know not, but if he
found the altitude of the sun ascending about 65 deg. he could never
obtain it with an ordinary sextant except by double altitude, and
that method is not so exact as taking a simple meridian on a quiet
lake, with an ample horizon of water. But there are various methods
of determining one’s latitude, and Speke was familiar with many.
My positions all round the lake have been determined with a sea
horizon. When near noon my plan was, if the lake was rough to
seek the nearest island or a quiet cape at the extremity of a bay,
and there take my observations as deliberately as though my life
depended on their accuracy.

But this task was, indeed, a work of pleasure for me, and I have
found a rich reward for most of my pains and stormy life on this

18. For the Sesse and their role as builders and users of canoes, Roscoe,
The Baganda, 383-91. Stanley described them as “the most skillful canoe-
builders in the world.” Stanley, “Geographical Sketch of the Nile,” 392.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

239

lake in looking at the fair extent of white on my map, with all its
bends, curves, inlets, creeks, bays, capes, debouchures of rivers, &c.,
known by the name of Victoria Niyanza. Any errors which may
have crept into my calculations will be determined by competent
authorities on my return from Africa, or on the arrival of my papers
in Europe. Meantime I send my map as I have made it.

The Katonga is not a large river, and has but one mouth. The
Amionzi River empties itself into the Niaynza about eight miles
W.S.W. of the Katonga. Uganda stretches to the Kagerah,19 situated
in S. lat. 0 deg. 40 min. On the south side of the river begins
Usongora, extending to S. lat. 1 deg. South of 1 deg. is Kamiru,20 ex-
tending to S. lat. 1 deg. 15 min.

Thence is Uwya,21 a country similar in enterprise to Ukerewe’s
people. Beyond Uwya is Uzinja or Uzinza, called by the Wanyamwezi
Mweri. Uzinja continues as far south as Jordan’s Nullah, and east
of it is Usukuma again, and one day’s sail from Jordan’s Nullah22
we pass Muanza, which Speke reached in 1858, and brings us home
to Kagehyi, and to our camp, where we are greeted joyfully by
such as live to mourn the poor fellows who, in my absence, have
been hurried by disease to untimely graves.

I must be brief in what I have to say now. I did think to make
this a long letter, but Sungoro’s slave, who carries this, is in a hurry
to go, as his caravan has already started. My next letter must con-
tinue this from the Kagera River, called in Karagwe the Kitangule,
and it shall describe some foul adventures that we went through,
which caused us to appear in a wretched condition to our expedition.
Though our condition was so wretched, it was not half so bad as it
would have been had we returned two days later, for I doubt much
whether I should have had an expedition at all. I had been absent
too long, and our fight with the Wavuma had been magnified and
enlarged by native rumor to such a pitch that Wolseley’s23 victory
at Ardahsu was as nothing to ours, for it had been said that we

19. See document 30, note 14.

20. Probably a reference to Bwogi IV Kamiro of the Haya Bukara chiefdom.
Cory, History of the Bukoba District, 63-67; Mors, “Geschichte der Bahinda
des alten Kyamtwara-Reiches am Victoria-Nyanza-See,” 711.

21. In TDC, I, 250, Stanley gives this as a former name for the Haya chief-
dom of Ihangiro.

22. Named by Speke after his family home in Somerset. Speke described a
“nullah” as “a watercourse that only runs in wet weather.” It is an Indian
word. Speke, What Led to the Discovery, 299; Johnston, Nile Quest, 120.

23. Garnet Wolseley (1833-1913) led the British forces in the 1873-1874
campaign against the Ashanti. DNB. Twentieth Century 1912-1921, 587-91.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

had destroyed a whole fleet of canoes, not one of which had escaped,
and that some other tribe or tribes had collected a force, overtaken
us, and destroyed us in like manner — an incredible story, which
had so won upon a faction of the soldiers that they had determined
to return to Unyanyembe, and thence to Zanzibar. But God has
been with us here, and on the lake, and, though we have suffered
some misfortune, He has protected us from greater ones. We had
been absent from camp fifty-eight days, during which we had sur-
veyed in our brave little boat over 1,000 miles of lake shores; but
a part of the south-west coast has yet to be explored. We shall not
leave the Niyanza, however, until we have thoroughly done our work.

I returned to find also that one of the white men, Frederick Barker,
of the Langham Hotel, London, had died on the 23d of April, twelve
days before I reappeared at Kagehyi. His disease was, as near as I
can make it out from Frank Pocock’s description, a congestive chill
— that is the term applied to it in the States. Pocock calls it “cold
fits,” a term every whit, I believe, as appropriate. I have known
several die of these “cold fits,” or aguish attacks — the preliminary
symptoms of severe attacks of the intermittent fever. These aguish
attacks, however, sometimes end the patient before the fever ar-
rives which generally follows the ague. The lips become blue, the
face bears the appearance of one who is frozen, the blood becomes,
as it were, congealed, the pulse stops and death ensues. There are
various methods of quickening the blood and reviving the patient.
However, a common one is to plunge him into a vapor or hot water
and mustard bath and apply restoratives — brandy, hot tea, &c., but
Pocock was not experienced in this case, though he gave Barker
some brandy after he lay down, from feeling a slight nausea and
chill. It appears by his companion’s report that he did not live an
hour. Frederick Barker suffered from one of these severe aguish
attacks in Urimi, but brandy and hot tea quickly given to him
soon brought him to that state which promises recovery.

Thus two out of four white men are dead. I wonder who next?
Death cries, Who next? and perhaps our several friends ask Who
next? No matter who it is. We could not better ourselves by at-
tempting to fly from the fatal land; for between us and the sea
are seven hundred miles of as sickly a country as any in Africa.
The prospect is fairer in front, though there are some three thou-
sand miles more to march. We have new and wonderful lands before
us, whose wonders and mysteries shall be a medicine which shall
make us laugh at fever and death.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

241

Mahyiga Island, Three Miles from Bumbireh Island, Lake Victoria

Niyanza

July 29, 1875 1

This expedition which you have intrusted to me seems destined
to meet with adventures more than enough. When a boy I loved to
read books of adventure and travel, especially of the Mayne Reid 2
type, and followed their several heroes with breathless interest
through all their varied fortunes; but since I have been compelled
lately to act the hero of the adventure oftener than is consistent
with peace of mind and a comfortable night’s rest, however glori-
ous a thing it may appear on paper, you may take my word for it
I would much rather read of the adventure than be an actor in it.
As I compare my former trip to Ujiji with this journey I am forced
to admit that the former was mere child’s play. The adventures we
have gone through already, if faithfully related, would fill a good
sized volume, while, I may say, we have but begun our journey
as yet.

Continuing my narrative of our journey from Uganda to Usukuma
by the western shore of Lake Niyanza, I resume it from the point I
left off in my last letter — viz., the Kagera River or the Kitangule.

We had two canoes belonging to Mtesa accompanying our boat as
an escort, until the dilatory Grand Admiral Magassa3 should over-
take us with his fleet of thirty canoes, and the day we left the
Kagera River we rested at night on a smooth, sandy beach at the
foot of the Usongoro plateau, at a point called Kagya. The natives
were friendly and disposed to be hospitable, so that we argued well
for our reception during our travels along the coast of Usongora.

The next afternoon we camped at Makongo, and received an ap-
parently friendly welcome by the natives, each of whom was en-
gaged as we landed in the grave occupation of imbibing pombe or
beer by means of long straw pipes, exactly as we take a “sherry
cobbler” or a “mint julep” in the United States. The chief slightly
reeled as he came forward to salute me, and his eyes had that un-

1. NYH, Aug. 9, 1876.

2. Thomas Mayne Reid (1818-1883), a prolific writer of adventure stories
that took place in all parts of the globe. DNB, XVI, 875-76.

3. The Gabunga, or admiral, of the Ganda fleet; for his functions, Roscoe,
The Baganda, 254. He died in 1884. O’Flaherty to Wigram, April 1, 1884,
G3.A6/01, CMS. Stanley correctly refers to the admiral as the Gabunga in Diary,
98, and TDC, I, 212.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

certain gaze which seemed to hint that he saw double, or two white
men when there was only one. However, he and his people were
good natured — and contented with our arrival.

About ten p.m. we were all awakened from sleep by a furious
drumming, accompanied now and then by shrill yells. The Waganda
said that this drumming and yelling was in welcome to the white
stranger. I did not believe them, and therefore put my people on
their guard, ordered them to load their guns and place them under
their sleeping mats and arranged all my own in a handy and safe
position. Except the continued drumming and yelling, nothing oc-
curred during the night, but at daybreak we found ourselves in pres-
ence of about 500 warriors, armed with bow, shield and spear, who
had crept quietly near the camp, and then had stood up in a semi-
circle, preventing all escape save by water. I was so astonished by
this sudden apparition of such a large body of armed men that I
could barely believe that we were still in Mtesa’s territory.

There was also something very curious in their demeanor. For
there was no shouting, yelling or frantic behavior, as we had sev-
eral times witnessed on the part of savages when about to commit
themselves by a desperate deed. They all wore a composed though a
stern and determined aspect. It was a terrible moment to us.
We knew not what to make of these hundreds of armed savages,
who persisted in being silent and gave no hint as to their intentions,
unless the forest of spears might be taken as a clear, unmistakable
and explicit hint that their object was a bloody one. We feared to
make a movement lest it might precipitate a catastrophe which
might possibly be averted; so we remained a few minutes silently
surveying each other.

The silence was soon broken, however, by the appearance of the
chief who had welcomed us (though he was then inebriated) the
evening before. He had a long stick in his hand, which he flourished
before the faces of the savages, and by this means drove them
several paces backward. He then came forward, and, striking the
boat, ordered us to get off, and he himself lent a hand to shove
the boat into the lake.

As the boat glided into the water another chief came forward and
asked us what we meant by drawing our boat up so far on their
beach. We replied that we had done it to protect the boat from the
surf, and were about to add more reasons when the first chief cut
the matter short by ordering us to shove off and go and camp on
Musira Island, distant four miles, whither he would follow us with
food.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

243

We were nothing loath to obey such good counsel, and soon put
a distance of 100 yards between ourselves and the hostile beach.
As the Waganda were not yet out of danger, we prepared our guns
to sweep the beach. So dense was the crowd of armed men near
the water line that we might have taken a fearful revenge had we
been so vengefully disposed, or had the necessity of saving the
Waganda compelled us to fire. Happily though, our friends, not
without loud remonstrance and much wordy altercation, embarked
in safety and followed us to Musira Island. Here the chief came,
and, learning our wants and our objects, sent off three bunches of
bananas which he presented to us, and then left us to our fate.4

In the afternoon we sighted our Grand Admiral Magassa, with a
large fleet of canoes, paddling slowly to a neighboring island, where
he camped for the night. Desirous of quickening his movements I
sailed from Musira Island for Alice Island, distant thirty-five miles.
The two chiefs of our escorting canoes accompanied us a mile or
two, and then, alarmed by the aspect of the weather, turned back,
shouting to us at the same time that as soon as the wind moder-
ated they would follow us. It was near midnight when we arrived
at Alice Island, and by steering for a light on shore we fortunately
found a snug, well-sheltered cove. The light we discovered was that
of a fire made by some Bumbireh fishermen curing fish. My men
were so hungry that they resolved to seize this food to the great
alarm and terror of its owners. I restrained my people and quieted
the fears of the fishermen by paying a double price for a quantity of
fish sufficient for a day’s provisions for the boat’s crew.5

When daylight came we found ourselves at the foot of a huge
beetling cliff, and discovered that we had taken shelter near a kind
of penthouse formed by overhanging rocks, which were now black-
ened with the smoke of many fires. The natives of the island came
down to visit us, holding out wisps of green grass as a sign of peace
and friendliness. But though they were friendly enough they were
so extortionate in their demands that we gained nothing by their
friendship, and were compelled to depart at noon, with every pros-

4. TDC, I, 216-19, has a few minor variations of detail for this episode.
Busira Island was used for the interment of the corpses of chiefs and important
men. Stanley, in the account given in ibid., 218-24, did not realize this. Werner,
“The Native Races of German East Africa,” 60.

5. Alice Island is probably Kerebe Island. Fitzner, Der Kagera-Nil, 17. The
island and the Lady Alice were probably named after Alice Pike of New York.
Luwel, “Considerations sur quelques livres recents ayant trait a Henry Morton
Stanley,” 537. See also the suggestions in Shann, “Tanganyika Place Names
of European Origin,” 84; Matson, “A Note on Non-Native Vessels on Lake Vic-
toria,” 225.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

pect of starvation before us, unless Bumbireh Island (a large and
populous island lying southwest of Alice Island about twenty-five
miles), to which I determined to sail, furnished us with food.

Amid rain, thunder, lightning and a sounding surf on all sides,
we dropped anchor under the lee of Pocock’s Island 6 about mid-
night. It rained and thundered throughout the night, and we had
much trouble to keep our boat afloat by constant bailing. At day-
break we hurried away from our dangerous anchorage before a
steady strong breeze from the northeast, and within three hours
drew near the comfortable little cove near the village of Kajuri,
at the southeastern extremity of Bumbireh Island. As we looked on
the plenty which green slopes, garnished with large groves of ba-
nanas and dotted with herds of fat cattle, promised, we anticipated
an abundance of good food, ripe bananas, a fat goat, a large supply
of milk and other things good for famishing men. But we were
disappointed to hear the large number of people on the plateau
above the village shouting their war cry.

Still we pressed nearer the beach; hunger gave us much confidence,
and a rich tribute, we were sure, would pacify the most belligerent
chief. Perceiving that we persisted in approaching their shore the
people rushed down the slope of the plateau toward us. Prudence
whispered to me to at least get ready our guns, which I accordingly
did, and then rowed slowly toward the beach, certain that, if hos-
tilities began, indications of such would appear in time to enable
us to withdraw from the shore.

We halted at the distance of twenty yards from the shore, and I
observed that the wild behavior of the natives changed, as they ap-
proached nearer, to affability and friendliness. We exchanged the
usual friendly greetings, and were invited to come ashore in such
tones as dissipated the least suspicion from our minds. No sooner,
however, had the keel of the boat grounded than the apparently
friendly natives rushed in a body and seized the boat and dragged
her high and dry on land, with all on board. The reader may imagine
the number of natives required to perform this feat when I state
the boat, baggage and crew weighed nearly 4,000 pounds.

Twice I raised my revolvers to kill and be killed, but the crew
restrained me, saying it was premature to fight, as these people
were friends, and all would be right. Accordingly I sat down in the
stern sheets and waited patiently for the decisive moment. The
savages fast increased in numbers, and the hubbub grew greater.
Violent language and more violent action we received without com-

6. TDC, I, 226, and Diary , 75, call it Barker’s Island.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

245

ment or word on our part. Spears were held in their hands as if on
the launch, arrows were drawn to the head and pointed at each of
us with frenzied looks and eyes almost bursting out of their sockets.

The apparently friendly savages seemed to be now personified
furies. Throughout all the scenes of civilized and savage life which
I have witnessed I never saw mad rage or wild fury painted so truly
before on human features. It led them to the verge of absurdity
even. They struck the ground and the boat, stamped, foamed at the
mouth, gnashed their teeth, slashed the air with their spears, but
they shed no blood. The chief Shekka prevented this, reserving that
pleasure, I presume, for a more opportune time, when a new excite-
ment would be required.

Our interpreters, in the meantime, were by no means idle; they
employed to the utmost whatever gifts of persuasion nature had
endowed them with and fear created in them, without, however,
exhibiting any servility or meanness. Indeed, I was struck to ad-
miration by the manly way in which they stated our objects and
purposes in travelling on the Niyanza, and by the composure of their
bearing. The savages themselves observed this, and commented on
it with surprise. This calm behavior of the crew and interpreters
acted as a sedative on the turbulence and ranting violence of the
savages, though it broke out now and then, sputtering fitfully with
the wildest of gestures and most murderous demonstrations.

For three hours I sat in the stem sheets of the boat observing all
these preliminaries of a tragedy which I felt sure was about to be
enacted, silent, except now and then communicating a suggestion
to the interpreters, and seemingly an unconcerned spectator. But
I was not idle. I wished to impose on the savages by my behavior.
I was busily planning a resistance and an escape. As we were in
their power it only remained for us to be quiet until they proceeded
to acts of violence, and in the meantime endeavor to purchase peace,
or at least postpone the strife.

Comformably with these ideas the interpreters were instructed to
offer cloths and beads to the chief Shekka, who appeared to have
despotic authority over all, judging from the reverential and ready
obedience paid to his commands. Shekka demanded four cloths and
ten necklaces of large beads as his price for permitting us to depart
in peace. They were paid to him. Having secured them, he ordered
his people to seize our oars, which was done before we understood
what they were about. This was the second time that Shekka had
acted cunningly and treacherously, and a loud jeering laugh from
his people showed him how much they appreciated his wit.

246

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

After seizing the oars Shekka and his people slowly went to their
village to eat their noon meal, and to discuss what other measures
should be adopted toward the strangers. A woman came near us,
and told us to eat honey with Shekka, as it was the only way to
save our lives, for Shekka and his people had determined to kill us
and take everything we had. The coxswain of the boat was sent to
proffer terms of brotherhood to Shekka. The coxswain was told to
be at ease, no harm was intended us, and on the next day Shekka
promised he and his people should eat honey and make lasting and
sure brotherhood with us.

The coxswain returned to us with triumphant looks, and he speed-
ily communicated his own assurances to the crew. But I checked
this over-confidence and trustfulness in such cunning and treacher-
ous people, and told them to trust in nothing save our own wit,
and by no means to leave the neighborhood of the boat, for their
next act would be to seize the guns in the same manner as they
seized the oars. Immediately the crew saw the truth of this sugges-
tion, and I had no reason to complain that they paid no heed to
my words.

At three p.m. the natives began to assemble on the ridge of a low
hill about a hundred yards from the boat, and presently drums
were heard beating the call to war until within half an hour about
500 warriors had gathered around Shekka, who was sitting down
addressing his people. When he had done about fifty rushed down
and took our drum, and kindly told us to get our guns ready for
fight, as they were coming presently to cut our throats.

As soon as I saw the savages had arrived in the presence of
Shekka with our drum, I shouted to my men to push the boat into
the water. With one desperate effort my crew of eleven men seized
the boat as if she had been a mere toy and shot her into the water.
The impetus they had given her caused her to drag them all into
deep water. In the meantime the savages, uttering a furious howl
of disappointment and baffled rage, came rushing like a whirlwind
toward the water’s edge.

I discharged my elephant rifle, with its two large conical balls,
into their midst; and then, assisting one of the crew into the boat,
told him to help his fellows in while I continued to fight. My double-
barrelled shotgun, loaded with buckshot, was next discharged with
terrible effect; for, without drawing a single bow or launching a
single spear, they retreated up the slope of the hill, leaving us to
exert our wits to get the boat out of the cove before the enemy
should decide to man their canoes.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

247

The crew was composed of picked men, and in this dire emer-
gency they did ample justice to my choice. Though we were without
oars the men were at no loss for a substitute. As soon as they found
themselves in the boat they tore up the seats and footboards and
began to paddle the boat out as though she were a canoe, while I
was left to single out with my rifles the most prominent and boldest
of the enemy.

Twice in succession I succeeded in dropping men determined on
launching the canoes, and seeing the sub-chief who had commanded
the party that took the drum I took deliberate aim with my elephant
rifle at him. That bullet, as I have since been told, killed the chief
and his wife and infant, who happened to be standing a few paces
behind him, and the extraordinary result had more effect on the
superstitious minds of the natives than all previous or subsequent
shots.

On getting out of the cove we saw two canoes loaded with men
coming out in pursuit from another small cove. I permitted them
to come within 100 yards of us, and this time I used the elephant
rifle with explosive balls. Four shots killed five men and sank the
canoes. This decisive affair disheartened the enemy, and we were
left to pursue our way unmolested, not, however, without hearing
a ringing voice shouting out to us, “Go and die in the Niyanza!”

When the savages counted their losses they found fourteen dead
and eight wounded with buckshot, which I consider to be very dear
payment for the robbery of eight ash oars and a drum, though barely
equivalent, in our estimation, to the intended massacre of our-
selves.7

Favored by a slight breeze from the land we hoisted our sail, and
by night were eight miles southeast of Bumbireh. A little after dusk
the breeze died, and we continued on our course paddling. All
night I kept the men hard at work, making, however, but little
progress through the water. At sunrise we were about twenty miles
southeast of Bumbireh, and by noon were about twenty-five miles off.
At this time we had a strong breeze from the northwest, and we
sped before it at the rate of five knots an hour. At sunset we were
about twelve miles northeast of Sosua or Gosua Island,8 and if the
breeze continued favorable we hoped to be able to make a haven

7. For the implications of this encounter with the Haya of Bumbire, and of
hostilities there, see the Introduction. Stanley gives a more elaborate account
in TDC, I, 227-37, of this first episode, but there are no significant differences
from the despatch to the Herald and Telegraph. Diary, 75-76, offers a very
brief description that again is in agreement.

8. The Sosswa islands are located to the southeast of Bumbire.

248

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

some time before midnight. But the breeze, about eight p.m., rose to
a fierce gale, and, owing to the loss of our oars, we could not keep
the boat before the wind.

As we were swept by the island we made frantic efforts to get
to leeward, but it was to no purpose; we therefore resigned our-
selves to the wind and waves, the furious rain and the horror of
the tempest. Most of your readers, no doubt, have experienced a
gale of wind at sea; few, however, can have witnessed it in a small
boat. But our situation was more dangerous even than the latter. We
had rocks and unknown islands in our neighborhood, and a few
miles further a mainland peopled by savages, who would have no
scruple in putting us all to death or making slaves of us. If our
boat capsized the crocodiles of the lake would make short work of
us; if we were driven on an uninhabited island death by starvation
awaited us. Yet with all these terrors we were so worn out with
hunger, fatigue and anxiety that, excepting the watchman, we all
fell asleep, though awakened now and then by his voice calling the
men to bale the boat out.

At daybreak the tempest and high waves subsided, and we per-
ceived we had drifted eight miles westward of Sosua and to within
six miles of the large island of Mysomeh. We had not a morsel of
food in the boat; I had but a little ground coffee, and we had tasted
nothing else for forty-eight hours; yet the crew, when called to
resume their rough paddles, cheerfully responded and did their duty
manfully. A gentle breeze set in from the westward, which bore us
quickly east of Sosua, and carried us by two p.m. to an island which
I have distinguished by the name of Refuge Island.

On exploring this island we found it to be about two miles in
circumference, to have been formerly inhabited and cultivated,
and, to our great joy, we found an abundance of green bananas,
and of a small ripe fruit resembling cherries in appearance and
size, but having the taste of dates. To add to this bounty I suc-
ceeded in shooting two brace of large fat ducks, and when night
closed in on us, in our snug and secure camp close by a strip of
sandy beach, few people that night blessed God more fervently than
we did.

We rested a day on Refuge Island, during which time we made
amends for the scarcity we had suffered, then, feeling on the second
day somewhat recovered, we set sail for Singo Island. We imagined
we were near enough to Usukuma to venture to visit Ito Island,
situated a mile south of Singo, whose slopes were verdant with the
frondage of banana and plantain, but, on attempting to land, were

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

249

met by a force of natives who rudely repulsed us with stones shot
from slings. Our cartridges being all spoiled by the late rainy weather
we were unable to do more than hoist sail and speed away to
more kindly shores.

Two days afterward our boat rounded the southwestern extremity
of Wiro, a peninsula of Ukerewe, and rode on the gray waters of
Speke Gulf, the distant shore line of Usukuma bounding the view
south about twenty-two miles off. A strong head wind rising we
turned into a small bay in Wiro Peninsula, where we purchased
meat, potatoes, milk, honey, ripe and green bananas, eggs and poul-
try; and, while our boat was at anchor, cooked these delicacies on
board and ate with such relish and appetite as only starving men
can properly appreciate, grateful to Providence and kindly disposed
to all men.

At midnight, taking advantage of a favorable wind, we set sail
for Usukuma. About three a.m. we were nearly in mid-gulf, and
here the fickle wind failed us; and then, as if resolved we should
taste to the utmost all its power, it met us with a tempest of hail-
stones as large as filberts from the north-north-east. The sky was
robed in inky blackness, not a star was visible, vivid lightnings, ac-
companied by loud thunder crashes, and waves which tossed us up
and down as though we were imprisoned in a gourd, lent their terrors
to this fearful night. Again we let the boat drift whither it might, as
all our efforts to keep on our course were useless and vain. Indeed,
we began to think that the curse of the people of Bumbireh, “Go and
die in the Niyanza,” might be realized after all, though I had much
faith in the staunch boat which Messenger, of Teddington, so con-
scientiously built.

A gray, cheerless raw morning dawned at last, and we discovered
ourselves to be ten miles north of Ruwoma,9 and twenty miles north-
west of Kagehyi, at which latter place my camp was situated. We
put forth our best efforts, hoisted sail, and though the wind was but
little in our favor at first it soon rewarded our perseverance, and
merrily rushing tall waves came booming astern of us, so that we
sailed in triumph along the well known shores of Usukuma straight
to camp. Shouts of welcome greeted us from shore, when even
many miles away; but as we drew near the shouts changed to volleys
of musketry and waving of flags, and the land seemed alive with

9. Rwoma ruled the Zinza state of Bukara from 1864 to 1895, when he was
killed fighting the Germans. For his turbulent career, van Thiel, “Businza unter
der Dynastie der Bahinda,” 512; Schweinitz, Deutsch-Ost-Afrika, 154-61; Lang-
held, Zwanzig Jahre in deutschen Kolonien, lOlff.

250

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

leaping forms of glad-hearted men, for we had been fifty-seven days
absent from our people, and many a false rumor of our death,
strengthened each day as our absence grew longer, was now dissi-
pated by the appearance of the Lady Alice, sailing joyously to the
port of Kagehyi.

As the keel grounded over fifty men bounded to the water, dragged
me from the boat and danced me round camp on their shoulders,
amid much laughter, clapping of hands, grotesque wriggling of hu-
man forms and Saxon Hurrahing. Having vented their joy they set
me down and all formed a circle, many men deep, to hear the news,
which was given with less detail than I have the honor to write to
you. So ended our exploration of Lake Victoria Niyanza.

Port of Dumo, Southwestern Uganda
August 15, 1875 1

The Anglo-American Expedition has arrived at last in Uganda,
but it remains to inform you how we came here, which will make a
letter second in interest to none I have yet despatched from Africa.
I closed my last letter with a description of our reception at camp
by the soldiers and porters of the expedition. When I had given
briefly the news of our adventurous exploration I demanded the
report of Frank Pocock of what had occurred in camp during my
long absence.

The principal items of this report were a rumor that had obtained
considerable credence in camp of the boat having been forcibly
seized by the natives of Magu two days after we had left camp,
upon which day soldiers had been despatched to effect our release,
peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. This rumor was, of
course, false, nothing of the kind having transpired anywhere near
any part of the coast washed by the waters of Speke Gulf. The sec-
ond item was a report of our fight with the Wavuma, considerably
exaggerated, and in the main false, because it described the manner
of our deaths and the force that attacked us. The third item was
the discovery of a conspiracy to attack our camp and capture the
goods of the expedition. The conspirators were Kipingiri, Prince of
Lutari; Kurrereh, Prince of Kayenzi, and the chief of Igusa. The
plot, however, was discovered to the captains of the camp by Ka-

1. NYH, Aug. 10, 1876.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

251

duma, the prince in whose village of Kagehyi the expedition was
encamped. The captains took immediate measures to meet the con-
spirators, distributed ammunition to the soldiers and sent out spies.
The conspiracy, however, was nipped by the death of the chief of
Igusa and the continuancy of Kurrereh.2

The fourth item was a meeting held by the soldiers and porters
of the expedition, at which it was determined that if the “Bana
Mkuba” (the Great Master) did not return within fifteen days from
that date or the beginning of the new moon they would strike camp
and march for Unyanyembe. I arrived at camp the last day of the
old moon, within one day of the intended departure. The fifth item
was the death of Frederick Barker, ten days before my arrival. Be-
sides Barker, six stout fellows had died of dysentery and fever.
Young Barker’s death saddened me very much, as he was a promising
young man, with sufficient intelligence to appreciate the work of
exploration and likely to continue in it out of mere love for it. I
left him enjoying excellent health and to all appearance happy. On
my return I found a mound of stones, which his companion, Pocock,
pointed out as Barker’s grave.

I could not help contrasting the color of my features with those
of my European attendant, Pocock. The latter’s complexion, from
living much indoors, was of the color of milk, while mine might be
compared to a red Indian’s; the equatorial sun of Africa had painted
my face of an intense fiery hue, while my nose was four times
peeled, and my eyes were as bloodshot as those of the most savage
Andalusian toro ever matador killed.

Sweet is the Sabbath day to the toil worn laborer, happy is the
long sea-tossed mariner after his arrival in port, and sweet were
the days of calm rest we enjoyed after our troublous exploration of
the Niyanza. The brusque storms, the continued rain, the cheerless
gray clouds, the wild waves, the loneliness of the islands, the inhos-
pitality of the natives, were like mere phases of a dream, were now
but reminiscences of the memory — so little did we heed what was
past while enjoying the luxury of a rest from our toils. Still it added
to our pleasure to be able to conjure up in the mind the varied
incidents of the long lake journey; they served to enliven and
employ the mind while the body enjoyed repose, like condiments
quickening digestion.

2. Kaduma ruled Kageyi until his death in 1882. Copplestone to Lang, April
24, 1882, G3.A6/01, CMS. For a missionary impression of him, Wilson and
Felkin, Uganda, I, 81-85. Lutare is about two miles east southeast of Kageyi;
Igusa is to the south of Lutare.

252

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

It was a pleasure to be able to map at will in the mind so many
countries newly discovered — such a noble extent of fresh water ex-
plored for the first time. As the memory flew over the lengthy track
of exploration how fondly it gazed upon the many picturesque bays
margined by water lilies and lotus plants, or by green walls of the
slender, reed-like papyrus! Enclosing an area of water whose face
was as calm as a mirror, because lofty mountain ridges surround
it, with what kindly recognition it roved over the little green islands
in whose snug havens our boat had lain securely at anchor when
the rude tempest without churned the face of Niyanza into a foamy
sheet! With what curious delight it loved to survey the massive gneiss
rocks as they towered one upon another in huge fragments, perpendic-
ular and horizontal, as they were disintegrated from the parent mass
by the elements!

At one place they remind us of the neighborhood of Avila and the
Escurial, at another of Stonehenge; in another place they appear as
if a race of Titans had collected these masses together and piled them
up in their present irregular state with a view to building a regular
structure which should defy time and the elements. The memory
also cherishes a kindly recollection of the rich grain bearing plains
of Ugeyeya, the soft outlined hills of Manyara, the tall dark woods
and low shores opposite Namunji Island, as well as of the pastoral
plateau and slopes of Uvuma and Bugeyeya. But most of all it
clings to Uganda, the beautiful land, its intelligent and remarkable
King, and no less remarkable people. Here memory received the
deepest impressions; it therefore retains the fondest recollections.
For in Uganda imagination, that had hitherto been hushed to som-
nolence by the irredeemable state of wildness and savagery witnessed
between Zanzibar and Usukuma, glowed into warm life, and from
the present Uganda painted a future dressed in the robe of civiliza-
tion; it saw each gentle hill crowned by a happy village and spired
church, from which the bells sounded the call to a Gospel feast;
it saw the hill slopes prolific with the fruits of horticulture, and the
valleys waving fields of grain; it saw the land smiling in affluence
and plenty; its bays crowded with the dark hulls of trading vessels;
it heard the sounds of craftsmen at their work, the roar of manu-
factories and foundries and the ever buzzing noise of enterprising
industry. What wonder, then, if intercourse with the King of Uganda
and his people induced imagination to paint this possible, nay prob-
able picture — that memory should have engraven deep on it the
features of the land and the friendliness and hospitality of its
people?

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

253

As we follow the flights of memory she reminds us also almost
too vividly of the scenes of terror and misfortune we have lately
gone through — of our adventure with a flotilla of canoes manned by
drunken natives who persisted in following us and entertaining us
at sea with their beer and intrusive hospitality; of our escape from
an ambuscade of Wageyeya; of our fight with the Wavuma and
battle of Kajuri;3 of the miserable churlishness of many a tribe; of
days of starvation, tempestuous nights and stormy days. These and
a hundred others, now happily past, treasured only in the memory
and our journal, serve but to heighten the enjoyment of our rest
and to inspire in my heart and in the hearts of my semi-barbarous
comates in peril a feeling of devout thankfulness to Divine Provi-
dence for our protection.

I deemed it not only necessary, but politic, to remain inactive for
some days, for I hoped that the dilatory Grand Admiral Magassa
would appear with his canoes. Indeed, I could suggest no reason,
despite our experience at Bumbireh, why he should not arrive. He
had been to Usukuma on a visit some months previous to my advent
in the country, and he was accompanied by two of my best men,
who, of course^ would do their utmost to stimulate him to make
renewed efforts to reach our camp. But when nine days had passed
and Magassa had not made it his appearance it became obvious to
us all he would not come. Preparations were therefore made to
march overland to Uganda along the lake shore.

As we were almost ready to start there came an embassy to camp
from Ruwoma, King of Southern Uzinza or Mweri, bearing a mes-
sage from him to me. The message ran, according to the inter-
preter, as follows: “Ruwoma sends salaams to the white man. He
does not want the white man’s cloth, beads or wire, but the white
man must not pass through his country. Ruwoma does not want to
see him, or any other man with long red hair down to his shoulders,
white face, and big red eyes.4 Ruwoma is not afraid of him, but if
the white man will come near his country Ruwoma and Mirambo
will fight him.”

Here, indeed, was a dilemma. The lake journey to Uganda was
impossible, because Magassa proved a recreant to the trust reposed
in him by Mtesa; the land journey now became impossible because
Ruwoma forbade it. We knew enough of Ruwoma to know that he
was able to repulse two such expeditions as ours. He possessed 150

3. Kajuri was the battle at Bumbire Island.

4. Stanley commented: “it was probably Frank [Pocock], though a libellous
caricature of him certainly.” TDC, I, 246.

254

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

muskets of his own, and had several thousand spearmen and bow-
men. Besides, Mirambo was but a day’s march from Urima, and
but three days from our camp. To force a passage through Ru-
woma’s country was therefore out of the question. Even if the feat
were possible it would be bad policy, because the expedition would
lose too many valuable lives, without whom the expedition would
become a wreck. What was to be done, then? Turn away from the
Albert Niyanza, and direct our course for the Tanganyika, leaving
the former lake to be explored by Gordon’s officers? Who, then,
would explore the debatable land lying between the Albert Niyanza
and the Tanganyika? Again the question came — What is to be done?

If canoes could be obtained anywhere else than Uganda the lake
route to Uganda would at once resolve the question. But what coun-
try or king could supply me with thirty or forty large canoes on
demand other than Uganda? I instituted inquiries respecting the
maritime power of each tribe and nation bordering on Speke Gulf,
by which I obtained some curious statistics; but the most valuable
result of my inquiries was the information that Lukongeh, King of
Ukerewe, would be the most likely person to do me the necessary
service. Falling seriously ill, the result of exposure on the lake,
added to the present anxiety, I was obliged to send Frank Pocock
and Prince Kaduma to the King of Ukerewe with a suitable gift to
request the loan of forty canoes to convey the expedition to Uganda
along the Uzinza coast.5 After an absence of twelve days Frank
and Kaduma returned with fifty canoes and some 300 Wakerewe,
but they came according to the King’s instructions to convey the
expedition to Ukerewe. The King’s brother, who had charge of the
canoes, was told by me that if Lukongeh gave me all his land and
slaves and cattle the expedition should never go to Ukerewe; that
Lukongeh must lend me canoes to go by my road, and no other, and
that I was going myself to see Lukongeh, and he (the King’s brother)
might return to Ukerewe as soon as he pleased.

Being sufficiently restored to health I set sail for Ukerewe, and
on the second day from Kagehyi landed near Lukongeh’s capital.
Not ignorant of the importance of first impressions I was furnished
this time with proper gifts and the best apparel my wardrobe af-
forded, and, equipped with the best arms, the expedition possessed.
The second day after our arrival was fixed for audience day. When
the hour had come the crew of the Lady Alice were mustered,
dressed in their smartest, and the bugle sounded the order to march.

5. See Pocock’s account of his trip, Appendix R.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

255

Ten minutes brought us to a plain, on a knoll in which Lukongeh
was seated in state, surrounded by hundreds of bowmen and spear-
men. The King, an amiable, light-colored young man, was conspicu-
ous from his robe of red and yellow silk damask cloth, and, though
he did nothing at first but good-naturedly stare at me, I perceived
that he was a man disposed to assist me.

A private message beforehand had informed him of the object of
my visit, but my interpreter requested that I should be permitted to
state it in person to himself and a few select chiefs. Assenting to
this request, he stepped forward to a pole of stones a short distance
off, whither he invited his most select chiefs and my party. Here
the object was stated clearly, with everything that concerned it,
the number of canoes required, the distance we had to travel and
the gifts that were to be given by me to the King should he assist me.
The King listened attentively, was very affable and kind, depreciated
the value of his canoes, said that they were rotten, unfit for a long
voyage, and he feared that if he gave them to me I should lose a
great many things, and then I would certainly blame him and say,
“Ah! Lukongeh is bad; he gave me rotten canoes that I might lose
my people and property.” I replied that if I lost people and property
I might blame the canoes, but I should certainly not think of blam-
ing him. At the end of the conference he said that he should give
me as many canoes as I wanted, but in the meantime the white
man’s party must rest a few days and taste of Lukongeh’s cheer.

It were well, perhaps, to enter here into a description of Ukerewe,
its king and people, and into its history, which is very curious and
instructive, and well explains the history of all the black races of
Africa from Kaffraria to Nubia; but I have no time nor space to do
them justice. At a future time, if nothing between happens, I promise
to attempt the subject.

Lukongeh, the very amiable King of Ukerewe, was no niggard in
his hospitality. Beeves and goats, chickens and milk and eggs, ba-
nanas and plantains, ripe and green, came in abundance to our
camp; neither were large supplies of native beer wanting to cheer
the crew during our stay in the land.

Finally, on the fifteenth day, Lukongeh came to my tent with his
chief councillor and imparted to me his secret instructions and ad-
vice. He said he had ordered fifty canoes to depart with me to
Usukuma, but he doubted much whether that number would leave
his country, as his people had heard it reported that I was going to
Uganda, to which country no one was willing to go. As he desired
to assist me to the utmost of his power he had been obliged to

256

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

have recourse to a little strategy. He had caused it to be reported
that he had prevailed on me to come and live in his land; it was
therefore necessary for me to second his strategy. On reaching
Usukuma, as soon as all the canoes had been drawn on shore, I
was to seize them and secure the paddles, and having rendered the
Wakerewe unable to return, I was to explain to them what I wanted.
Having promised that I would implicitly obey all his instructions
he sent his Prime Minister and two favorites to assist me in the
project, and after an earnest of what I promised was given we
were permitted to depart.

On arriving at our camp in Usukuma I found only twenty-three
canoes come ashore, and though these were quite inadequate to
convey the expedition at one time, I resolved to make the best I
could of even this small number, and accordingly whispered orders
to the captains of the expedition to muster up their men and seize
the canoes and paddles. This was done, and the canoes drawn far
on land; but the Wakerewe, on being told why we had so acted, de-
clared war against us, and being as strong in numbers as we were,
and armed with bows and sheaves of arrows, were very likely to do
some damage if I did not take energetic measures to prevent them.
Accordingly every soldier of the expedition was summoned by bugle
sound to prepare for battle, and having seen each one properly
equipped, I drew the men in line, charged on the Wakerewe with the
muzzles of our guns, and forcibly ejected them out of camp and the
vicinity of the port.

A few harmless shots were fired, and the people of Lukongeh
suffered no other injuries than a few sore ribs from our gun muzzles.
On the third day after the bloodless affair I embarked two- thirds of
the expedition and property in the canoes, and five days afterward
arrived safely at Refuge Island, two days’ sail from Bumbireh and
half way to Uganda. The mainland was about six miles off; and
as, on my solitary journey in the boat the natives of the mainland
were not very friendly disposed, I built a strong camp on the rocks,
taking advantage of each high rock as positions for sharpshooters,
so that the camp, during my absence, would be impregnable. I then
returned to Usukuma after leaving fifty soldiers to defend that island,
and after an absence of fifteen days saw Kagehyi once more. I now
prepared myself to defeat the projects of Kaduma, Prince of Kagehyi,
who was more than half inclined to second his brother Kipingiri to
seize on me and hold me as his prisoner until I should pay a heavy
ransom, probably half of our entire property. I spoke Kaduma fair
each day, made small presents to his favorite wife until the day
came for departing, as I sincerely hoped forever, from Kagehyi and

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

257

Usukuma. On that day Kaduma and Kipingiri came to the water’s edge
with a strong force, but, pretending to see nothing of their evil in-
tentions, we made merry and laughed while we loaded the canoe
and embarked the men.

When the work of embarkation was nearly concluded I proceeded
leisurely to the boat, and shoved off from the shore with my guns
and those of the boat’s crew ready. Kaduma, seeing that I had got
away, left the port, leaving Kipingiri to act as he pleased; but this
treacherous man, perceiving himself covered with our guns, per-
mitted the last canoe to depart without molesting it; and, having
seen all safely off, I waved the treacherous people a last farewell,
and followed our miniature fleet.6 The rotten canoes, buffeted by
storms and waves, fast gave out, so that, on arriving again at
Refuge Island, we only had fifteen left. Nothing had occurred on
the island to mar my joy at seeing my people all safe, but much
had happened to improve it. The King of Itawagumba and Kijaju,
his father, Sultan of all the islands from Ukereweh to Ihangiro,7
perceiving our island too well garrisoned and too strong for inva-
sion, made friends with us and provided the soldiers with abundance
of food at little cost. At my request also they furnished us with a
guide to Ihangiro, who was to accompany us to Uganda; they also
sold us three canoes. After a few days’ rest on Refuge Island we
proceeded once again on our voyage, and halted at Mahyiga Island,
five miles south of Bumbireh, and one mile south of Iroba, which
lay between Mahyiga and Bumbireh. Remembering the bitter injuries
I had received from the natives of Bumbireh, the death by violence
and starvation we had so narrowly escaped, I resolved, unless the
natives made amends of their cruelty and treachery, to make war
on them, and for this purpose I camped on Mahyiga Island and sent
the canoes back for the remainder of the expedition, which in a
few days safely arrived.8

6. There is no reference to this episode in TDC, I, 267, or Diary, 87.

7. Kyigaju, or Kijaju, was the ruler of Kome Island off the Zinza coast.
Gray, “Mackay’s Canoe Voyage along the Western Shore of Lake Victoria in
1883,” 19; Peters, Deutsch-Ostafrikanische Schutzgebiet, 186; Cory and Ma-
sulu, “Place Names in the Lake Province,” 68.

8. Stanley has several differing accounts of the following attack on Bum-
hire. Diary, 88-96, has important differences of detail, but agrees in the main
with the newspaper recounting. In Yule and Hyndman, Stanley and the R.G.S.,
36-38, there is an account taken from a speech of Stanley’s where he quotes
from his “private journal” to defend his actions; the sections are brief and
do not agree with the events listed for the same dates in Diary. But in TDC,
I, 271-94, Stanley clearly restates the affair to put his African opponents in
the wrong, making his proceedings purely a consequence of their determination
to block him on the way to Buganda. In the process Stanley even adds a quo-
tation from Livingstone to uphold his conduct.

258

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I sent a message to the natives of Bumbireh to the effect that, if
they delivered their King and the two principals under him to my
hands, I would make peace with them. At the same time, not trust-
ing quite the success of this, I sent a party to invite the King of
Iroba, who very willingly came, with three of his chiefs, to save
his people from the horrors of war. Upon their arrival I put them
in chains, and told the canoemen that the price of their freedom
was the capture of the King of Bumbireh and his two principal chiefs.
The natives of Bumbireh treated my message with contempt, but
the next morning the people of Iroba brought the King of Bumbireh
to me, who was at once chained heavily, while the King of Iroba
and his people were released, with a promise that neither his island
nor people would be touched by us. A message was also sent to
Antari,9 King of Ihangiro, on the mainland, to whom Bumbireh
was tributary, requesting him to redeem his island from war. Antari
sent his son and two chiefs to us, who told us so many falsehoods
and had treachery written on their faces, to treat with us.

They brought a few bunches of bananas as an earnest of what the
King intended to give; but I thought that such a bird in my hand
as his son would be worth a thousand tedious promises, and ac-
cordingly his son and his two chiefs were seized as hostages for
the appearance of the two chiefs of Bumbireh. In the meantime
seven large canoes from Mtesa, King of Uganda, en route to Usu-
kuma, to convey an Arab and his goods to Uganda, appeared at Iroba.
The chief was requested not to proceed to Usukuma until we had
taken our expedition to Uganda.

This chief, Sabadu,10 informed me that Magassa, the dilatory
Grand Admiral, had returned with the boat’s oars to Mtesa and the
news that I and my crew were dead, for which he had been chained,
but subsequently released and sent by land, with a large party, to
hunt up certain news of me. Sabadu was induced, after a little per-
suasion, to accede to my request.

Two days after his arrival Sabadu sent his Waganda to Bumbireh
to procure food. The savages would not give them any, but attacked

9. Ntari II, ruler of the Haya state of Ihangiro. See Cory, Historia ya Bukoba,
35-51, 111-113.

10. The ssabaddu, Kapalaga, gave Stanley much of the information con-
cerning Buganda in TDC, I, 344ff. He became mujasi, the commander-in-chief
of the kabaka’s permanent military force, and he played a prominent role as
one of the Muslim leaders against the Ganda Christians. He was killed in the
Ganda troubles of 1888. Faupel, African Holocaust, 69; Ashe, Chronicles of
Uganda, 80, 112; Ashe, Two Kings of Uganda, 136ff. For the positions of
ssabaddu and mujasi, Fallers, Eastern Lacustrine Bantu, 64.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

259

them, wounding eight and killing a chief of Kattawa’s,11 a neighbor
of Antari, which gave me another strong reason why Bumbireh
should be punished. Accordingly next morning I prepared a force
of 280 men, 50 muskets, 230 spearmen, and placed them in eighteen
canoes. About noon we set off, and, as Bumbireh was eight miles
off, we did not reach the island until two p.m. The natives of Bum-
bireh seemed to know by instinct that this was to be a day of
trouble, for every height had its lookout ready, and when they saw
the force I had brought with me no doubt many of them regretted
that they had been so prone to attack peaceable strangers. Through
my field glass I observed messengers running fast to a plantain
grove that stood in a low hill commanding a clear open view of a
little port at the southern end of the island, from which I concluded
that the main force of the savages was hidden behind the grove.
Calling the canoes together I told the chiefs to follow my boat and
steer exactly as I steered, and by no means to attempt to land, as
I did not intend that a single soul with me should be hurt. I wished
to punish Bumbireh, not to punish myself; and if a subject of Mtesa
was lost how should I present myself to him? And I could not afford
to lose a single soldier of my own.

Accordingly I rowed straight to the port, the canoes following
closely, and we became hid from view of those in the plantain grove
and of all lookouts; then, turning west, we skirted close to the land
for a mile, until we came to a cape, after rounding which we came
in view of a noble bay, into which we steered. By this manoeuvre
I managed to come behind the enemy, who was revealed in all his
strength. Perceiving that the savages of Bumbireh were too strong
for me to attack them in the plantain grove I steered for the opposite
shore of the bay, where there were bare slopes of hills covered with
short green grass. The savages, perceiving my intention to disem-
bark on the opposite shore, rose from their coverts and ran along
the hill slopes to meet us, which was precisely what I wished they
would do, and accordingly I ordered my force to paddle slowly so
as to give them time. In half an hour the savages were all assem-
bled on the bare slope of a hill in knots and groups, and after ap-
proaching within 100 yards of the shore I formed my line of battle,
the American and English flags waving as our ensigns. Having an-
chored each canoe so as to turn its broadside to the shore I ordered

11. Stanley names him Kytawa instead of Kattawa, and refers to him as ruler
of Usongora, in TDC, I, 285, 376. Stanley probably refers to Kaitaba, one
of the Kiamtwara chiefs. See Cory, Historia ya Bukoba , 63-65; Mors, “Ge-
schichte der Bahinda des alten Kyamtwara,” 711.

260

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

a volley to be fired at one group which numbered about fifty, and
the result was ten killed and thirty wounded. The savages, perceiving
our aim and the danger of standing in groups, separated themselves
along the lake shore, and advanced to the water’s edge slinging stones
and shooting arrows. I then ordered the canoes to advance within
fifty yards of the shore, and to fire as if they were shooting birds.
After an hour the savages saw that they could not defend them-
selves at the water’s edge, and retreated up the hill slope, where
they continued still exposed to our bullets.

Another hour was passed in this manner. I then caused the canoes
to come together, and told them to advance in a body to the shore
as if they were about to disembark. This caused the enemy to
make an effort to repulse our landing, and, accordingly, hundreds
came down with their spears ready on the launch. When they were
close to the water’s edge the bugle sounded a halt and another volley
was fired into the dense crowd, which had such a disastrous effect
on them that they retired far up the hill, and our work of punish-
ment was consummated.

About 700 cartridges were fired, but as the savages were so ex-
posed, on a slope covered with only short grass, and as the sun in
the afternoon was directly behind us and in their faces, their loss
was very great. Forty-two were counted on the field, lying dead, and
over 100 were seen to retire wounded, while on our side only two
men suffered contusions from stones slung at us. Thus I had not
only the King and one chief of the Bumbireh in my power, but I
had the son of Antari and an important chief of his also, besides
punishing the natives so severely.

When our force saw that the savages were defeated the chiefs
begged earnestly that I would permit them to land and destroy the
people altogether; but I refused, saying that I had not come to destroy
the island, but to punish them for their treachery and attempted
murder of myself and the boat’s crew, when we had put faith in
their professed friendship. It was dark when we arrived at our camp,
but at the sound of our bugle lights flew all over the island camp,
where we presently arrived, and where we were received with shouts
and songs of triumph.

The next morning, more canoes having arrived from Uganda, I
embarked the entire expedition, and sailed from Mahyiga Island.
Our fleet of canoes now numbered thirty-two, and as we steered
close to Bumbireh I had an opportunity of observing the effect of
the punishment on the natives, and I was gratified to see that their
boldness and audacity were completely crushed, for one bullet put

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

261

to flight over 100 of them, whereas the day before they had bravely
stood before a volley. Others who came down to the shore begged
us to go away, and not to hunt them any more, which gave me an
opportunity to preach to them that they brought the punishment on
their own heads for attempting the murder of peaceful strangers. In
the evening we camped on the mainland, in the territory of King
Kattawa, who treated us most royally for avenging the murder of
his chief by the people of Bumbireh.

After stopping with him a day we camped on Msira Island, where
the Waganda, under the Grand Admiral Magassa, so shamefully
deserted me. This island is nearly opposite Makongo, where the na-
tives had thought to attack us on our first journey.12 But the fame
of what I had done at Bumbireh compelled them on this occasion
to bring me five cattle, four goats and 100 bunches of bananas,
besides honey, milk and eggs, as a propitiatory offering. Kayozza,13
the King of Usongora, also sent word to me that he had given his
people orders to give me whatever I desired, even to 100 cattle. I
told him I needed none of his cattle, but if he would lend me ten
canoes to carry my people to Uganda I would consider him as a
friend. Ten canoes were accordingly brought the next day to me,
with their crews. Sabadu, the Waganda chief, earnestly requested
that I would attack him, as Kayozza had committed several mur-
derous acts on the Waganda; but I refused, saying that attacking
black people when they desired peace was not the custom with white
people, and that I would not have attacked Bumbireh had they
shown that they were sorry for what they had done to me, with
which Sabadu was satisfied.

Five days after leaving Bumbireh, the expedition landed and
camped at Dumo, Uganda, which is two days' march north of the
Kagera River and two days south of the Katonga River. This camp
I selected for the expedition because it was intermediate, whence
I could start on a northwest, west or southwest course for the Albert
Niyanza, after ascertaining from Mtesa which was best. For be-
tween the Victoria Niyanza and the Albert Niyanza are very powerful
tribes, the Wasagara,14 Wa Ruanda, and Wasangora15 especially,
who are continually at war with Mtesa.

Our loss on the lake during our travel by water from Usukuma

12. See document 24, note 4.

13. Kahyoza was the ruler of the Haya state of Bugabo. Cory, Historia ya
Bukoba, 131-33; Junker, Travels in Africa during the Years 1882-1886, 533-57.

14. The Nyankore of Western Uganda; see document 26, note 6.

15. Inhabitants of the region between lakes George and Edward; Busongora
became one of the divisions of Toro. Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu, 41-71.

262

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

to Dumo, Uganda, a distance of nearly 220 miles, was six men
drowned, five guns and one case of ammunition. Three of the riding
asses also died from being bound in the canoes, which leaves me
now but one. Ten of our canoes became wrecks also. The time occu-
pied by the lake journey was fifty-six days; but as 200 miles of the
journey were traversed three times it will be seen that we travelled
in fifty-six days over 720 miles of water. During fifty-one days the
corn I had brought from Usukuma in the canoes was almost entirely
the means of sustaining the expedition; for though we received food
from Itawagumba and Kijuju of Komeh, we received it because it
was their good will that gave it us. Excepting twenty doti of cloth
given to these two kings no other cloth was used, so that we lived
nearly two months on the bale of cloth which purchased the corn
in Usukuma. I have, therefore, every reason to feel gratified at the
result of this long journey by water, though the loss of my men and
guns gives me serious regret, and the loss of all the riding asses is
a calamity. On the other hand, had I forced my way overland
through Mirambo and Ruwoma, I should have been either dead or
a ruined fugitive.

After arranging the camp I intend to visit Mtesa once more, who
may be able to give me guides to the Albert Niyanza, for doubtless
he has several men who have traded with the natives bordering
that lake. My European servant, Frank Pocock, enjoys his health
amazingly, and seems to have become acclimated to Africa.

Kawanga, Frontier Village, between Unyoro and Uganda, Central
Africa

January 18, 1876 1

Six days ago the Anglo-American expedition, under my command,
and 2,000 choice spearmen of Uganda under the command of “Gen-
eral” Samboozi,2 were encamped at Unyampaka,3 Unyoro, on the

1. NYH, Aug. 11, 1876.

2. A later visitor would call Sembuzi “one of the most intelligent of Mtesa’s
chiefs.” Wilson and Felkin, Uganda, I, 103, 258. For some of his other ac-
tivities, Faupel, African Holocaust, 106; Taylor, The Growth of the Church in
Buganda, 34, 36, 50.

3. The Banyampaka, a Hororo group, lived in Bunyaruguru, to the east of
Lake Edward. Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu, 98; Meldon, “Notes on the
Bahima of Ankole,” 138, 140, 245; Morris, “The Making of Ankole,” 9-10.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

263

shore of the Albert Niyanza.4 Mtesa, Emperor of Uganda, faith-
fully fulfilled his promise to me so far as to furnish me with force
sufficient to pierce the hostile country of Kabba Rega5 and to pene-
trate to the Albert Niyanza, near which we were encamped three
days. But though we were successful so far as to reach the lake,
drink of its waters, take a couple of astronomical observations and
procure much information respecting the contiguous countries, I
soon perceived that exploration of the lake was out of the question,
unless I then and there resolved to terminate my journey with the
exploration of the Albert. For having penetrated by force through
Kabba Rega’s country, it would have been folly to expect that 2,200
men could long occupy Unyampaka in the face of the thousands
which Kabba Rega, King of Unyoro, and Mtambuko, King of Ankori,6
would array against them.

Ever since Sir Samuel Baker and his Egyptian force provoked the
hostility of the successor to Kamrasi,7 Unyoro is a closed country to
any man of a pale complexion, be he Arab, Turk8 or European. Be-
sides, Gordon’s officers in the north frequently engage the Wanyoro
wherever they are met, and thus the hate which Kabba Rega bears
to Europeans is not diminishing. South of Unyoro extends the
country of Ankori inhabited by a powerful tribe, whose numbers
have generally been found sufficient to give Mtesa measure for meas-
ure and blow for blow, and whose ferocity and singular aversion to
strangers have compelled all trading caravans to keep clear of them.

Upon considering the chances of success along the various routes
to Lake Albert it became too evident to me that, unaided by a force
of Waganda, I could not so much as reach the lake, and that even
with the Waganda, unless the Emperor assisted me with 50,000 or
60,000, it would be almost hopeless to expect that we could hold
our ground long enough to enable me to set out on a two months’
voyage of exploration, and find on my return the expedition still

4. Stanley was on the escarpment above Lake George, the small lake con-
nected to Lake Edward by the Kazinga Channel. He was not then aware he
had reached a lake unknown to Europeans. His route there is mentioned in
Langlands, “Early Travellers in Uganda: 1860-1914,” 58.

5. Cwa II Kabarega, ruler of Bunyoro from about 1870 to 1899, when he
was deposed and exiled by the British; he died in 1923. Dunbar, A History of
Bunyoro-Kitara, 58ff.

6. Mutambukwa, ruler of Nkore (Ankole); he died in 1878. See Low,
“Northern Interior,” 336; Morris, “Making of Ankole,” 4-5. For Ankole, Taylor,
Western Lacustrine Bantu, 95-114.

7. Kyebambe IV Kamurasi, ruler of Bunyoro from the early 1850's until his
death about 1869. For his career, Dunbar, History of Bunyoro, 51-58.

8. The usual designation for officials of the Egyptian forces to the north of
Bunyoro.

Map III. Uganda and the Victoria region

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

265

intact and safe. On representing these ideas to the Emperor he
and his chiefs assured me that 2,000 men were amply sufficient, as
Kabba Rega would not dare lift a spear against the Waganda, be-
cause it was he (Mtesa) who had seated Kabba Rega on the throne
of Kamrasi.9 Though not quite convinced with the assurances Mtesa
gave me that there would be no trouble I entreated him no further,
but accepted thankfully General Samboozi and 2,000 men as escort.

Our march across Uganda, west and northwest, was uninterrupted
by any event to mar the secret joy I felt in being once more on the
move to new fields of exploration. We made a brave show of spears
and guns while marching across the easy swells of pastoral Western
Uganda. Game was also abundant, and twenty-seven harte beests
fell victims to my love of hunting and our necessities of life.

Having arrived at the frontier of Unyoro we made all warlike
preparations, and on January 5 entered Kabba Rega’s territory. The
people fled before us, leaving their provisions in their haste behind
them, of which we made free use. On the 9th we camped at the
base of the tremendous mountain called Kabuga,10 at an altitude
of 5,500 feet above the sea. East of the low ridge on which we
camped the Katonga River was rounding from the north to the east
on its course toward Lake Victoria, and west of the camp the Ru-
sango River boomed hoarse thunder from its many cataracts and
falls as it rushed westward to Lake Albert. From one of the many
spurs of Kabuga we obtained a passing glimpse of the king of moun-
tains, Gambaragara,11 which attains an altitude of between 13,000
and 15,000 feet above the ocean. Snow is frequently seen, though
not perpetual. On its summit dwell the chief medicine men of Kabba
Rega, a people of European complexion.

Some half dozen of these people12 I have seen, and at sight of

9. There was no foundation to this story. Dunbar, History of Bunyoro, 58.

10. Kabuga Hill in Toro. Stanley gave it the name Mt. Edwin Arnold after
the editor of the Daily Telegraph, but the name did not last. TDC, I, 432
(where Stanley gives the height as 9,000 feet); Thomas and Dale, “Uganda Place
Names,” 109.

11. A Baganda name for the Ruwenzori mountains; the highest peak, Mt.
Stanley, reaches 16,794 feet. Stanley named the peak he saw Mt. Gordon Ben-
nett, but the location he gives does not fit any of the Ruwenzori group.
Ibid., Ill; TDC, I, 431; Bere, “Exploration of the Ruwenzori.” See Appendix
T, note 3. Another report concerning the summit of Gambaragara held that a
deity resided there; offerings were made to it during smallpox epidemics. Felkin,
“Notes on the Waganda Tribe of Central Africa,” 704; Wilson, “Uganda et
Lac Victoria,” 22.

12. Bahuma, or Bahima, pastoralists. Their position in the various entities
of this area is discussed in Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu, passim. John-
ston said of the Ankole Bahima, “I have seen some men and women so light
in complexion that I actually thought they were some of Emin Pasha’s refugee
Egyptians.” Johnston, “The Uganda Protectorate, Ruwenzori, and the Semliki

266 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

them I was reminded of what Mukamba, King of Uzige, told Liv-
ingstone and myself respecting white people who live far north of
his country. They are a handsome race, and some of the women are
singularly beautiful. Their hair is kinky, but inclined to brown in
color. Their features are regular, lips thin, but their noses, though
well shaped, are somewhat thick at the point. Several of their de-
scendants are scattered throughout Unyoro, Ankori and Ruanda, and
the royal family of the latter powerful country are distinguished, I
am told, by their pale complexions. The Queen of Sasua Islands,
in the Victoria Niyanza, is a descendant of this tribe.

Whence came this singular people I have had no means of ascer-
taining except from the Waganda, who say the first King of Unyoro
gave them the land around the base of Gambaragara Mountain,
wherein through many vicissitudes they have continued to reside
for centuries. On the approach of an invading host they retreat to
the summit of the mountain, the intense cold of which defies the
most determined of their enemies. Two years ago Emperor Mtesa
despatched his Prime Minister with about 100,000 men to Gam-
baragara and Usongora; but though the great General of Uganda
occupied the slopes and ascended a great height in pursuit, he was
compelled by inclement climate to descend without having captured
more than few black slaves, the pale-faced tribe having retreated
to their impregnable fortress at the summit.

The mountain, it appears, is an extinct volcano, for on the summit
is a crystal clear lake, about 500 yards in length, from the centre of
which rises a column-like rock to a great height. A rim of firm
rock, like a wall, surrounds the summit, within which are several
villages, where the principal medicine man and his people reside.

Two men of this tribe, who might be taken at first glance for
Greeks in white shirts, accompanied Sekajugu, a sub chief under
Samboozi, and our expedition to Lake Albert and back to Uganda,
but they were extremely uncommunicative, and nothing of the his-
tory of their tribe could I obtain from them. Their diet consists of
milk and bananas, and they were the only men of rank in the entire
force under Samboozi who possessed more than two milch cows to
supply them with milk while on the march. Sekajugu, to whom they
were friendly and under whom they had enrolled themselves, states
that they rebelled against Kabba Rega, and, to avoid his vengeance,
sought refuge with him.

Forest,” 25. Stories of these "whites” were of course common throughout East
Africa. See for example M. W. Shepard’s account in Bennett and Brooks, New
England Merchants, 263.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

267

Another specimen of this tribe of white complexioned people I
saw at the Court of Mtesa in the person of Prince Namionju, the
brother of the reigning King Nyika of Gambaragara.13 When I first
saw him I took him for a young Arab of Cairo, who had taken
up his residence in Uganda for some unknown reason, and it was
not until I had seen several specimens of the same pale color that
I could believe that there existed a large and numerous tribe of
people of such a singular color in the heart of Africa, remote from
the track of all travellers and trading caravans.

Africa is certainly the “haunt of light-headed fable,” romance and
superstition, but I shall believe hereafter that there exists some
slight modicum of truth in all the statements and revelations of
these simple people. On the shores of the Victoria, in Usukuma, I
heard of a people far north possessing very large dogs, of such fierce
nature that they were often taken to war against the enemies of
their masters. These people I subsequently ascertained to be the
Wakedi,14 a tribe living north of Usoga. The same people also, in
their various wars with Uganda, have been found wearing iron armor.
About four years ago, when exploring the Tanganyika with Living-
stone, I heard there existed a race of white people north of Uzige.
At that time Livingstone and myself smiled at the absurdity of a
white people living in the heart of Africa, and ascribed the report
to the brown color of the Warundi. Now I have not only seen the
country of these white people, but several specimens of themselves
at different periods and in different places. Were it not for the
negroid hair I should say they were Europeans or some light-colored
Asiatics, such as Syrians or Armenians. Apropos of these singular
people, I have heard that the first King of Kishakka,15 a country
southwest of Karagwe, was an Arab, whose scimitar is still pre-

13. Stanley apparently meant Nyaika of Toro; he died in 1878. There was
then a war over the succession, with Namuyonjo, a Toro prince, winning out
through Ganda aid. Low, “The Northern Interior,” 344-45.

14. A popular term generally held to mean the “Naked People,” or the ‘Teo-
ple of the East.” It referred to the Lango and other groups to the east of
Buganda and Bunyoro. Driberg, “The Lango District, Uganda Protectorate,” 119;
Driberg, The Lango, 36; LaFontaine, The Gisu of Uganda, 9; Hobley, “Kavirondo,”
366. The tales Stanley heard about the Kedi were also reported, with some other
variations, in Speke, Journal of the Discovery, 89-90, and Grant, “Summary of
Observations on the Geography, Climate, and Natural History of the Lake Region
of Equatorial Africa . . . ,” 261-63.

15. Gissaka, a once independent state on the western side of the Kagera
River. It was incorporated into Rwanda in the 1840’s or 1850’s by Mutara II
Lwogera. Bourgeois, Banyarwanda et Barundi, I, 144, 174-75; Pages, Un Roy-
aume Hamite au Centre de VAfrique, 149-51; Elliot, A Naturalist in Mid-Africa ,
241, 256.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

served with great reverence by the present reigning family of Kis-
hakka.

Our further passage to Lake Albert was along the southern bank
of the Rusango River, which winds in and out among deep moun-
tain folds, and rushes headlong on its course in roaring cataracts
and brawling rapids. Ten hours’ swift marching enabled us to cross
an uninhabited tract of Ankori and emerge again in Unyoro, in the
district of Kitagwenda,16 which is well populated and cultivated.
Our sudden appearance on the scene, with drums beating, colors
flying and bugles blowing, drove the natives in a panic from their
fields and their houses in such hot haste that many of our people
found the family porridge still cooking and great pots full of milk
standing ready for the evening meal.

It had previously been agreed upon between “General” Samboozi
and myself that if the natives chose to permit our peaceful passage
through Unyoro that no violence was to be done to any person. But
at Kitagwenda we found ourselves in possession of a populous and
thriving district, with not a single native near us to give us infor-
mation. Lake Albert, on the evening of January 9, was about three
miles due west from us, and it behooved us that we might not be
surprised to obtain information as to the feelings of the natives
toward us. Samboozi was clever enough to perceive our position,
and he consented to send out 200 men next morning as scouts, and
to capture a few men through whom we could communicate with
the chief of Kitagwenda, and satisfy him that if unmolested we
had no hostile intention, and, if permitted to reside two months,
would pay him cloth, beads or wire for whatever we consumed.

The next day was a halt, and the scouts brought in five natives,
who were sent with a peaceful message to the chief. The chief did
not deign to answer us, though we knew he resided on the summit of
a mountain close by. On the 11th we moved our camp to within
one mile of the edge of the plateau, a thousand feet below which
was the Albert Niyanza. Here we constructed our camp on the morn-
ing of the 11th, and, receiving no word from the chief of the Kitag-
wenda or of Unyampaka, sent 500 Waganda and fifty of the Anglo-
American Expedition to seek out a locality for a fenced camp, and
to seize upon all canoes along the coast at the base of the plateau
on which we were camped. In about three hours the reconnoitering
party returned, bringing information that they had only succeeded
in securing five small canoes, too small to be of any service to us,

16. A Lacustrine state located to the east of Lake George. It became part of
Toro during the period of British rule in Uganda. Lugard, The Rise of Our
East African Empire, II, 262; Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu, 20, 97.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

269

and that the alarm had already spread far along the coast that a
large force of strangers had arrived at the lake for war purposes.

The 12th was spent by me in endeavoring to induce Samboozi to
move to the lake, that we might build a fortified camp and put the
boat Lady Alice together, but it was in vain. The natives had by
this time recovered their wits, and, strongly reinforced from the
neighboring districts, they were preparing themselves for an effort
to punish us for our temerity, and, by the impunity they enjoyed
from attack, they occupied all the heights and villages east of our
camp. Once we sallied out of our camp for a battle; but the natives,
while withdrawing, told us to keep our strength for the next day.
Unable to persuade Samboozi to move his camp or stay longer than
the next day, there remained for us only to return with them to
Uganda, for among such people it was useless to think for a mo-
ment that a peaceable residence would be permitted. Besides the
country was Unyoro and Kabba Rega, the enemy of the Europeans
at Gondokoro was the King. Therefore a peaceful solution of our
difficulty was out of the question. Accordingly, on the night of the
12th it was resolved to return and try to discover some other country
where the expedition could camp in safety while I explored the lake
in the Lady Alice.

On the morning of the 13th we set out on our return from the
lake in order of battle, 500 spearmen in front, 500 spearmen for
rear guard, 1,000 spearmen and the expedition in the centre. Whether
it was our compact column that prevented an attack or not I cannot
say. We were, however, permitted to leave the country of Kita-
gwenda unmolested, the natives merely closing in on our rear to
snatch stragglers. On the 14th our expedition comprised the rear
guard, and as we entered Benga, in Unyoro, the natives rushed from
some woods to attack us, but a few rounds of ball cartridge dis-
persed them. On the 18th we re-entered Uganda.17

However slightingly your readers may think of our trip to the Al-
bert, honestly I do not suppose I have been guilty of such a hare-
brained attempt as this before. Looking calmly at it now, I regard
it as great folly, but the success of having penetrated through Unyoro
and reached the Albert redeemed it somewhat from absurdity. I
sometimes think, though it would have been entirely contrary to
orders, that, having reached the Albert, it would have been better
to have launched the boat and explore the lake, leaving the expedi-

17. A historian of Bunyoro indicates that Kabarega opposed the progress of
the expedition since the Ganda with Stanley had ruined the country passed
through, but that since the expedition left quickly they were not opposed.
Dunbar, History of Bunyoro, 63.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

tion to take care of itself, to perish or survive my absence. But I
thought it too great a pity that a first class expedition, in first class
order should terminate on the shore of the Albert, and if one road
was closed there might probably be others open; and after much
deliberation with myself I resolved to return and endeavor to dis-
cover countries more amenable to reason and open to friendly gifts
than hostile Unyoro or incorrigible Ankori.

Though we made strict inquiries we could discover no news of
Gordon or his steamers. The natives of Unyampaka had never heard
of a ship or any vessel larger than a canoe; and it is impossible
that a vessel so singular as a steamer could approach near Uson-
gora without the news of so singular an apparition becoming notori-
ous.

The geographical knowledge we have been able to acquire by our
forcible push to the Albert Niyanza is considerable. The lay of the
plateau separating the great reservoirs of the Nile, the Victoria and
Albert Niyanzas, the structure of the mountains and ridges, and
the course of the watersheds, and the course of the rivers Katonga
and Rusango have been revealed. The great mountain Gambaragara
and its singular people have been discovered, besides a portion of
a gulf of the Albert, which I have taken the liberty to call, in honor
of Her Royal Highness Princess Beatrice, Beatrice Gulf.18

This gulf, almost a lake of itself, is formed by the promontory
of Usongora, which runs southwest some thirty miles from a point
ten geographical miles north of Unyampaka. The eastern coast of
the Gulf is formed by the countries of Irangara, Unyampaka, Bu-
huju and Mpororo, which coast line runs a nearly south-southwest
course.19 Between Mpororo and Usongora extend the islands of the
maritime State of Utumbi.20 West of Usongora is Ukonju, on the
western coast of Lake Albert, reputed to be peopled by cannibals.21
North of Ukonju is the great country of Ulegga.22

18. Beatrice (1857-1944), a daughter of Queen Victoria. She had been pres-
ent at Stanley’s meeting with Victoria in 1872. The name, given of course to
a part of Lake George, did not last. Thomas and Dale, “Uganda Place Names,”
107-08; Autobiography, 290.

19. Igara (or Irangara) and Buhweju (or Buhuju) were independent states
until absorbed into Ankole. Mpororo, also formerly an independent state, once
comprised territory now in Ankole, Rwanda, and Kigezi. Morris, A History of
Ankole; Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu, 14, 96-99.

20. The area to the south of Lake Edward; probably the state of Rujumbura.
Ibid., 114-32; Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha, 250ff.

21. The Konjo live on and around the Ruwenzori Mountains. Taylor, West-
ern Lacustrine Bantu, 89-95. See Roscoe, The Bagesu, 140, on their cannibalism.

22. The Lendu are often termed the Lega. Murdock, Africa, 226. See Baxter
and Butt, The Azande and Related Peoples of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

271

Coming to the eastern coast of Lake Albert we have Ruanda run-
ning from Mpororo on the east to Ukonju on the west, occupying
the whole of the south and southeast coast of Lake Albert. North
of Unyampaka, on the east side, is Irangara and north of Irangara
the district of Toro.23 Unyoro occupies the whole of the east side
from the Murchison Falls of the Victoria Nile to Mpororo, for Un-
yampaka, Toro, Buhuju and Irangara are merely districts of Unyoro.
The great promontory of Usongora, which half shuts in Beatrice
Gulf, is tributary to Kabba Rega, though governed by Nyika, King
of Gambaragara.

Usongora is the great salt field whence all the surrounding coun-
tries obtain their salt.24 It is, from all accounts, a very land of won-
ders, but the traveller desirous of exploring it should have a thou-
sand Sniders to protect him, for the natives, like those of Ankori,
care for nothing but milk and goatskins. Among the wonders credited
to it are a mountain emitting “fire and stones,” a salt lake of con-
siderable extent, several hills of rock salt, a large plain encrusted
thickly with salt and alkali, a breed of very large dogs of extra-
ordinary ferocity, and a race of such long-legged natives that ordi-
nary mortals regard them with surprise and awe. The Waganda,
who have invaded their country for the sake of booty, ascribe a cool
courage to them, against which all their numbers and well known
expertness with shield and spear were of little avail. They are, be-
sides, extremely clannish, and allow none of their tribe to inter-
marry with strangers, and their diet consists solely of milk. Their
sole occupation consists in watching their cows, of which they have
an immense number; and it was to capture some of those herds
that the Emperor of Uganda sent 100,000 men under his Prime
Minister to Usongora. The expedition was successful, for by all ac-
counts the Waganda returned to their country with about 20,000;
but so dearly were they purchased with the loss of human life that
it is doubtful whether such a raid will again be attempted to Uson-
gora.

Belgian Congo, 125-27; Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 95-98;
Struck, “On the Ethnographic Nomenclature of the Uganda-Congo Border,”
283-84.

23. The Lacustrine state of Toro located on the plateau to the east of the
Ruwenzori Mountains. Toro had broken away from Bunyoro in the 1830’s, but
at about this time was to suffer heavily from the efforts of Kabarega to recon-
quer it. Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu, 41-71; Low, “Northern Interior,”
344-45.

24. See the descriptions in Roscoe, The Bagesu, 156-58; Lugard, “Travels
from the East Coast to Uganda, Lake Albert Edward, and Lake Albert,” 835.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I propose to rest here a couple of days and then proceed to Ka-
ragwe to discover another road to Lake Albert.

P.S. Our camp on Lake Albert in Unyampaka was situated in
longitude 31 deg. 24 min. 30 sec. by observation and latitude 25
min. by account. The promontory of Usongora, due west, was about
fifteen miles.

Kafurro, Arab Depot, near Rumanika’s Capital, Karagwe, Central
Africa

March 26, 1876 1

Before parting with “General” Samboozi I received some more
unkindness from him, which made another cause of complaint to
add to his refusal to assist building a fenced camp on Lake Albert.
The “General,” no doubt perceiving that his hopes of reward from
me were very slim, undertook to reward himself and accordingly
refused to return three porters’ loads of beads given him for car-
riage, and appropriated them for his own benefit. By such a pro-
ceeding he became guilty of theft, and, what is worse in Uganda,
of disrespect and misbehavior to the Emperor’s guest, and laid
himself open to the severest penalties. My letter of complaint was
no sooner received by the Emperor than a force of musketeers were
despatched under Saruti,2 their chief, who despoiled “General” Sam-
boozi of cattle, wives, children, slaves and every article he possessed,
and the “General” himself was seized, bound and carried in chains
to the Emperor, whose influence must be used to save even his head.

Mtesa also sent a series of messages after me, imploring me to
return, and promising me Sekibobo3 with 50,000 men and Mqu-
enda4 with 40,000 men to escort me back again to Lake Albert, and
giving me the solemn assurance that these chiefs should defend
the camp until I returned from my voyage of exploration. But,
though I almost wept from sheer vexation, and was extremely sorry

1. NYH, Aug. 11, 1876. The Arab trading center of Kafuro went into decline
after the death of Rumanika. See Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pascha, 224-25.

2. The title of a court official, the brewer. Speke, Journal of Discovery, 255.
See also Wilson and Felkin, Uganda, I, 104.

3. The Sekibobo was the ssaza chief of Kyagwe; he was in charge of rela-
tions with Busoga. Roscoe, The Baganda, 233, 250-51.

4. The Mukwenda was the ssaza chief of Singo; he acted as the official
shield bearer. Ibid., 233, 249-50.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

273

to refuse such a generous offer, I respectfully declined relying upon
Waganda any more; and wrote him to that effect as fast as each
message came from him. Besides, I was too far south, being en-
camped on the north banks of the Kagera River when I first learned
Mtesa’s intentions, and to return from the Kagera to the Katonga
and march back again to Lake Albert would have occupied three
months, and should Sekibobo and Mquenda prove as faithless as
Samboozi I should find, on my return to Unyampaka from the lake,
that the Waganda and the expedition were flown. I had many other
strong reasons for persisting in my refusal to return; and, though
I prosecuted my march to Karagwe, it was with a sad heart I bade
farewell to my hopes of exploring Lake Albert from the East side.

Until I arrived at Karagwe I was daily encouraged with the re-
ports of simple natives that a country lay behind Mpororo where
we would be received as friends; but on inquiry of the gentle, sweet
tempered Pagan Rumanika, I was informed that the friendly country
was Utumbi, but was inaccessible, owing to the people of Mpororo,
who would not even let his own people enter their territory. On
asking if Ruanda was accessible to travellers I was informed that at
five different times Arabs had endeavored to open intercourse with
them, but each time had been repulsed, and some had been mur-
dered by the treacherous people.5 I then inquired if there was no
road between Ruanda and Urundi by which I could reach Uzige.
The old King smiled at the question, and said the Warundi were
worse than the natives of Ruanda. Not quite satisfied with his replies,
I questioned Hamed Ibrahim,6 an Arab gentleman, who has done
business in Karagwe twelve years. As to the possibility of pene-
trating anywhere westward from any point near Karagwe, his replies,
though more definite and explicit, swept away almost all hope of
ever again reaching Lake Albert from the east side.

To test Rumanika’s friendship I requested he would permit me to
explore the frontier of Karagwe as far north as Mpororo, and south
to Ugufu,7 a distance of eighty geographical miles, and that he

5. For the attitude of Rwanda and Burundi to foreign traders and raiders,
Meyer, Die Barundi, 71ff.; Pages, Un Royaume Hamite, 161-64.

6. Ahmed bin Ibrahim (c. 1820/25-c. 1885). His story is told in Gray,
“Ahmed bin Ibrahim — the First Arab to Reach Buganda”; see also Gray, “Trad-
ing Expeditions from the Coast to Lakes Tanganyika and Victoria Before 1857,”
237.

7. The Gufi are Rundi living now in the northwest region of Tanzania; they
are known at present as the Hangaza. They broke away from Burundi during
the second half of the nineteenth century. Hall and Cory, “A Study of Land
Tenure in Bugufi”; Cory, “The People of the Lake Victoria Region,” 24; Wester-
mann, Geschichte Afrikas, 343.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

would lend me guides and a native escort. To my surprise the
gentle old King not only gave me guides and escort, but canoes and
the freedom of Karagwe, or, in other words, he promised that so
long as I explored I and my people should have subsistence gratis!
Thus I was assisted a second time by African monarchs in the cause
of geography.

I lost no time, you may rest assured, in getting ready. The boat
Lady Alice was conveyed to Speke’s Lake Windermere8 and the
sections screwed together, and the next day, convoyed by six of
Rumanika’s canoes, manned by Wanyambu (natives of Karagwe),9
we set out for another exploring trip. After circumnavigating Lake
Windermere we entered the Kagera River, and almost immediately
it flashed on my mind that I had made another grand discovery,
that I had discovered, in fact, the true parent of the Victoria Nile.

If you glance at Speke’s map, you will perceive that he calls this
river the Kitangule River, and that he has two tributaries running
to it, called respectively the Luchuro and the Ingezi. Speke, so won-
derfully correct, with a mind which grasped geographical knowledge
with great acuteness, and arranged the details with clever precision
and accuracy, is seriously in error in calling this noble river Kitan-
gule. Neither Waganda nor Wanyamba know it by that name, but
they all know the Kagera River, which flows near Kitangule. From
its mouth to Urundi it is known by the natives on both banks as
the Kagera River. The Luchuro, or rather Lukaro, means “higher
up,” but is no name of any river. Of the Ingezi I shall have occa-
sion to speak further on.10

While exploring the Victoria Lake I ascended a few miles up the
Kagera, and was then struck with its great volume and depth — so
much so as to rank it as the principal affluent of the Victoria Lake.
But in coming south, and crossing it at Kitangule, I sounded it and
found fourteen fathoms of water, or eighty-four feet deep, and 120
yards wide. This fact, added to the determined opinion of the natives
that the Kagera was an arm of the Albert Niyanza, caused me to
think the river worth exploring. I knew, as all know who know
anything of African geography, that the Kagera could not be an

8. Lake Ruanyara; Speke named it Windermere because it reminded his com-
panion, Grant, of the English lake. Speke, Journal of Discovery, 220; Stuhlmann,
Mit Emin Pascha, 228. There is some confusion about Windermere because
the African lake has several names.

9. The non-Hima population was referred to as Nyambo. Grant, “Stanley’s
Exploration of Victoria,” 25; Burton, “Lake Regions,” 286.

10. Rukaro, or lukaro, does mean “higher up.” Ngezi means river, or cur-
rent. My thanks to Israel Katoke for this information.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

275

effluent of Lake Albert, but their repeated statements to that effect
caused me to suspect that such a great body of water could not
be created by the drainage of Ruanda and Karagwe — that it ought
to have its source much further, or from some lake situate between
Lakes Albert and Tanganyika.

When I explored Lake Windermere I discovered, by sounding, that
it had an average depth of forty feet, and that it was fed and drained
by the Kagera. On entering the Kagera I stated that it flashed on
my mind that the Kagera was the real parent of the Victoria Nile;
by sounding I found fifty-two feet of water in a river fifty yards
wide. I proceeded on my voyage three days up the river, and came
to another lake about nine miles long and a mile in width, situate
on the right hand of the stream. At the southern end of the lake,
and after working our way through two miles of papyrus, we came
to the island of Unyamubi, a mile and a half in length. Ascending
the highest point on the island the secret of the Ingezi or Kagera
was revealed. Standing in the middle of the island I perceived it
was about three miles from the coast of Karagwe and three miles
from the coast of Kishakka west, so that the width of the Ingezi
at this point was about six miles, and north it stretched away broader,
and beyond the horizon green papyri mixed with broad gray gleams
of water. I discovered, after further exploration, that the expanses
of papyri floated over a depth of from nine to fourteen feet of
water; that the papyri, in fact, covered a large portion of a long,
shallow lake; that the river, though apparently a mere swift, flow-
ing body of water, confined apparently within proper banks by dense,
tall fields of papyri, was a mere current, and that underneath the
papyri it supplied a lake, varying from five to fourteen miles in
width and about eighty geographical miles in length.

Descending the Kagera again, some five miles from Unyamubi,
the boat entered a large lake on the left side, which, when explored,
proved to be thirteen geographical miles in length by eight in breadth.
From its extreme western side to the mainland of Karagwe east
was fourteen miles, eight of which was clear, open water; the other
six were covered by floating fields of papyri, large masses or islands
of which drift to and fro daily. By following this lake to its south-
ern extremity I penetrated between Ruanda and Kishakka. I at-
tempted to land in Ruanda, but was driven back to the boat by war
cries, which the natives sounded shrill and loud.11

11. Stanley was on Lake Ihema; he had tried to land without success on
the Mubari coast. Bourgeois, Banyarwanda et Barundi, 167. Stanley below
writes “Muvari” for “Mubari.”

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Throughout the entire length (eighty miles) the Kagera maintains
almost the same volume and almost the same width, discharging
its surplus waters to the right and to the left as it flows on, feeding,
by means of the underground channels, what might be called by
an observer on land seventeen separate lakes, but which are in
reality one lake, connected together underneath the fields of papyri,
and by lagoon-like channels meandering tortuously enough between
detached fields of the most prolific reed. The open expanses of water
are called by the natives so many “rwerus” or lakes; the lagoons
connecting them and the reed-covered water are known by the name
of “Ingezi.” What Speke has styled Lake Windermere is one of these
rwerus, and is nine miles in extreme length and from one to three
miles in width. By boiling point I ascertained it to be at an altitude
of 3,760 feet above the ocean and about 320 feet above Lake Vic-
toria. The extreme north point of this singular lake is north by
east from Uhimba south; 12 its extreme southern point, Karagwe,
occupies the whole of its eastern side. Southwest it is bounded by
Kishakka, west by Muvari, in Ruanda, northwest by Mpororo and
northeast by Ankori. At the point where Ankori faces Karagwe the
lake contracts, becomes a tumultuous noisy river, creates whirl-
pools and dashes itself madly into foam and spray against opposing
rocks, and finally rolls over a wall of rock ten or twelve feet deep
with a tremendous uproar — for which the natives call it Morongo,
or the Noisy Falls.

On returning from my voyage of exploration — during which time
I was most hospitably entertained, so powerful was the name of
the gentle pagan Rumanika — I requested guides to take me overland
to the hot springs of Mtagata,13 which have obtained such renown
throughout all the neighboring countries for their healing properties.
Two days’ severe marching toward the north brought us to a deep
wooded gorge wherein the hot springs are situated. I discovered a
most astonishing variety of plants, herbs, trees and bushes; for here
Nature was in her most prolific mood. She shot forth her products
with such vigor that each plant seemed to strangle the others for
lack of room. They so clambered over one another that small hills
of brush were formed, the lowest in the heap stifled by the upper-
most, and through the heaps thus formed tall mvules shot forth

12. Uhimba was “debateable land” between Karagwe and the Zinza. It was
held by Karagwe at this time. Ford and Hall, “The History of Karagwe (Bukoba
District),” 8; TDC, I, 478.

13. For other visits and information, Grant, “The Hot Springs of Mtagata
(‘Boiling Water’) North Western Tanganyika Territory”; Kollmann, Victoria
Nyanza, 62-63; Langheld, Z wanzig Jahre in deutschen Kolonien, 160.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

277

an arrow’s flight into the upper air, with globes of radiant, green
foliage upon their stem-like crowns.

The springs were visited at this time by numbers of diseased
persons. Male and female were seen lying promiscuously in the hot
pools half asleep, while their itchy and ulcerous bodies were being
half cooked. The hottest issued in streams from the base of a
rocky hill, and when Fahrenheit’s thermometer was placed in the
water the mercury rose to 129 degrees. Four springs bubbled up-
ward from the ground through a depth of dark, muddy sediment,
and had a temperature of 110 degrees. These were the most favored
by the natives, and the curative reputation of the springs was based
on the properties of this water.

I camped at the springs three days, and made free use of a re-
served spring; but, excepting unusual cleanliness, I cannot say I
enjoyed any benefit from the water. I drank about a gallon of the
potent liquid, and can say this much, that it has no laxative effect on
the system. A bottleful of the purest water I took away with me,
in the hope that some day it may be analyzed by professionals in
Europe.14

I but yesterday returned from the hot springs, and, having seen
all worth seeing in Karagwe, and having as yet discovered no road
westward, I propose the day after to-morrow to march along the
eastern shore of the lake, south or south-west, as far as practicable,
with the view to follow up the interesting discoveries I have made.

Ubagwe, Western Unyamwezi, Central Africa
April 24, 1876 1

We departed from the capital of Karagwe with very brave inten-
tions and high aspirations. We had discovered that the Kagera River
formed a great lake about eighty miles in length and from five to
fourteen miles in breadth, and that at Kishakka the Kagera was
still a powerful, deep-flowing river, and curious reports from natives
and Arabs had created curious ideas within our minds as to the
source of this noble river. Imbued with the thought that by journey-
ing a sufficient distance along its right bank we might discover this

14. For the analysis, TDC, I, 467.

1. NYH, Aug. 12, 1876.

278

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Map IV. Stanley’s later sketch map of Lake Victoria (from NYH, Aug. 12, 1876)

source, we made ample preparations for the crossing of a wide wilder-
ness, packed ten days’ provisions of grain on the shoulders of each
man of the expedition, and on the 27th of March set out for the
uninhabited land.

On the second day of our departure from the Karagwe capital we

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

279

came to the east side of a lake, a long, narrow, winding body of
water. We marched along its eastern shore for three days, a distance
of thirty-six miles; on the fourth day and fifth day an obstructing
ridge shut it from our view while marching, but by occasionally
surmounting the ridge I managed to obtain views of its stream-like
water, still extending south and southwest. On the sixth day we
came to Uhimba, the frontier of Karagwe, where, behind a ridge,
which extends between Uhimba and the lake, we saw the extreme
south end of the lake we had so long followed.

From a point of observation near Uhimba we saw also a decided
change in the formation of the broad valley of the Kagera. The
mountainous ridges bounding the western shore of the Kagera, which,
extending from Mpororo south, continue on a south by west course,
became broken and confused in Southern Kishakka, and were pene-
trated from the northwest by a wide valley, through which issued
into the Kagera a lake-like river called Akanyaru.2 Southwest was
seen the course of the Kagera, which, above the confluence of
the Akanyaru with it, was only a swift flowing river of no very
great depth or breadth. Such a river I thought might well be created
by the drainage of Eastern Urundi and Western Uhha. My attention
was drawn from the Kagera to the lake-like stream of Akanyaru,
and several natives stated to me while looking toward it that it was
an effluent of the Kagera, and that it emptied into the Albert Ni-
yanza. Such an extraordinary statement as this could not be re-
ceived and transmitted from me to you as a fact without being
able to corroborate it on my own authority. Exploration of the mouth
of the Akanyaru proves that the Akanyaru is not an effluent, but
is an affluent of the Kagera.

Beyond the mouth of the Akanyaru I dared not go, as the natives
of Kishakka on the left bank, and Ugufu on the right bank, are
too wild altogether. I find the long-legged race inhabiting the coun-
tries west of Uganda, Karagwe and Usui3 have a deadly aversion
to strangers. The sight of a strange dog seems sufficient to send
them to mad rage and paroxysms of spear shaking and bow bending.
They are all kin to the long-legged mortals of Bumbireh, who sounded
the war cry at the mere sight of our inoffensive exploring boat float-
ing on the Victoria Lake. They are so dreadfully afraid of losing

2. The unnamed lake Stanley had marched alongside of was Lake Burigi.
For Akanyaru, see below, note 7.

3. The Zinza state of Rusubi; see Thiel, “Businza unter der Dynastie der
Bahinda,” 507-09. Stanley avoided visiting Rusubi due to the heavy demands
for hongo. TDC, I, 478-80.

280

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

their cattle that if one cow dies from sickness the whole country
is searched to discover the stranger who has bewitched the cow to
death, for whose loss, if one is found, his life is forfeit to the pur-
blind, small brained natives.

Human beings frequently astonish one another in all countries
by their hobbies, and by showing excessive fondness for gold, horses,
dogs, cats, clothes, birds, &c., but the love which the Wasongora,
Wanyankori, Wa-Ruanda, Wa-Kishakka, Wagufu, Wanyamba and
Watusi exhibit for their cattle is an extreme, selfish and miser-like
affection. A stranger might die in any of those countries for lack of
one drop of milk. Generous and sweet-tempered as Rumanika proved
himself, he never offered to give me even one teaspoonful of milk
during the time I was with him, and had he given me a milk
can his people would have torn him limb from limb. From this exces-
sive love for their cattle springs their hostility to strangers, and this
hostility arises from a dread of evil or fear of danger. By main-
taining a strict quarantine and a system of exclusiveness they hope
to ward off all evil and sudden disaster to their cattle, which are
their sole means of subsistence.4

By comparing the information derived from natives of Uhimba,
Ugufu, Kishakka, Urundi and Ruanda I am able to give you addi-
tional details of the source and course of the Kagera River, and
I hold out to myself some small hope that in a few months from the
present date I may be able to explore from another quarter a tract
of country which, hypothetically, I believe contains the extreme
sources of this river. Until that period let the following stand for
the utmost of our knowledge of it.

From a ridge near Mtagata Hot Springs, having an altitude of
6,500 feet above the ocean I obtained a view of Ufumbiro Moun-
tains, which have a height of about 12,000 feet.5 This group consists
of two sugar loaf cones and a lumpy mass, and is situate about
forty geographical miles west-northwest from Mtagata, and form a
barrier at that spot between Mpororo and Ruanda.

The course of all the main ridges and valleys from Ruanda to
the Victoria Niyanza appear to be south by west. Nay, you may say
that from Alexandria to the Nyassa Lake, the central portion of

4. For a recent statement on this “cattle complex,” Herskovits, The Human
Factor in Changing Africa, 63-68.

5. The Birunga, or Virunga, mountains, a volcanic chain on the Congo-Uganda
border. See Moore, To the Mountains of the Moon, 189ff.; Philipps, “ ‘Muf um-
biro’: The Birunga Volcanoes of Kigezi-Ruanda-Kivu.” Their highest peak is
about 14,780 feet.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

281

Africa appears to be formed into ridges, deep troughs or basins, or
valleys, whose length is from north by east to south by west, or
from northeast to southwest. Regard the course of the Nile from
Lake Albert to Alexandria, the position of Lakes Albert, Tanganyika
and Nyassa, as well as the Victoria Lake. Follow the course of the
Mokattem range of mountains through Nubia, Abyssinia, Galla,
Masai and Usagara; trace the plateau of Masai, Unyamwezi, Urori,
Ubisa, south to the Bechuana country, and you will perceive that
the general lay of almost all rivers, lakes, mountains, basins and
plateaus is from northeasterly to southwesterly. On a reduced scale
it is even so with all the mountain ridges and valleys between the
Lakes Victoria and Albert. It seems as if the throes which Africa
suffered during that grand convulsion which tore her asunder heaved
up these stupendous ridges and sunk those capacious basins now
filled with lengthy and broad expanses of crystal-clear water were
keenest and severest about these lake regions; for here the moun-
tains are higher, the valleys deeper and narrower. We have no longer
the wide, billowy plateau, whose successive swells make travel and
exploration tedious, but lengthy lines of mountains of enormous
frame, separated from each other by deep, narrow valleys, with a
hundred and many wonders presented to the view at a glance.6

From Mtagata Mountain, while looking toward the Ufumbiro
cones, there were visible three lofty ridges, separated by as many
broad valleys. First was the Ishango and Muvari ridge, west of the
Kagera Lake and valley, and west of this were two ridges, with the
valley of Muvari between the two easternmost and a valley of Ru-
anda between the two westernmost. The two latter ridges appear
to run parallel with each other from east and west of Ufumbiro
Mountains, and shut in the valley of the Ni-Nawarango or Nawa-
rongo River, which, rising in Ufumbiro Mountains, flows south by
west between Muvari and Ruanda, and enters Akanyaru Lake, thirty
by twenty miles in extent. From Akanyaru Lake issues Akanyaru
River, between Ugufu and Kishakka, into the Kagera. The Kagera
proper, coming from the southwest, also enters Akanyaru Lake, but
leaves the lake south of Ugufu and takes a curve northeasterly be-
tween Ugufu and Western Usui.

West of Akanyaru I could get no certain intelligence. I have heard
of another large lake lying west, but what connection it has with the
Kagera, or whether it has any, I cannot learn definitely. One says

6. For the Rift Valley, East African Rift System; for historical notes on
explorers and the Rift, Bridges, “British Exploration of East Africa,” 424.

282

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

that is is an arm of Luta Nzige or Lake Albert, another declares it
to be a separate lake. Whatever it be I believe I will be able to dis-
cover at a later period.7

With the best intentions to prosecute my explorations along the
Kagera I was paralyzed by famine in Usui and the hostility of the
Warundi, and was obliged to abandon exploration from this side of
the Tanganyika. Summing up all the chances remaining for me to
do good work without expending vainly my goods and the health
and energy left in me, I saw it was useless to sit down and launch
invectives against the intractable natives, and that it was far better
and more manly to hurry on to other regions and try Lake Albert
by another route from the opposite quarter.

You will perceive by this letter that I am now in Western Un-
yamwezi, about fifteen days journey from Ujiji. What I propose
doing now is to proceed quickly to Ujiji, then explore the Tangan-
yika in my boat, and from Uzige strike north to the Albert, and if
that road be not open to cross the Tanganyika and travel north by a
circuitous course to effect the exploration of the Albert. It may
not be actually necessary to explore that lake, for Gordon or some
of his officers may have accomplished that work, but I have no
means of knowing whether they have done so or not; it therefore
remains for me, if the feat is possible, to circumnavigate it. If it
is not I shall strike out for other regions and continue exploration
elsewhere, until my poverty of goods warns me to return.

By the same bearer which conveys this letter to the coast I send
four others, which have been kept by me until I had an opportunity
to send them. Three at least I expected to put in person into the
hands of one of Gordon’s officers; but it was not fated to be so.
From Ujiji I shall send the duplicates of these letters to the coast,
and before I quite leave that port I expect to possess other geo-
graphical items to transmit to you.

Gordon PACHA was kind enough to send me a Daily Telegraph of
December 24, 1874, and a Pall Mall Gazette of the same month,
which I received in Uganda just before starting for the Albert Ni-
yanza. In the Telegraph I saw a short letter from Cameron, dated

7. The Niavarongo rises in the high area southeast of Lake Kivu; it is joined
by the Mukungwa which rises near the eastern end of the Mufumbiro Moun-
tains. The joint river, the Naiavarongo, is joined by the Akanyaru, which
comes from the south. The Akanyaru is a swampy river. Hurst, Nile, 160-61.
The lake to the west was Kivu. It had been represented on maps from the time
of Speke, but it was not visited by a European until von Gotzen’s arrival in 1894.
GJ 5 (1895), 78; Gotzen, Durch Afrika von Ost nach West, 218 ff.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

283

May 3, 1873, wherein he says he has discovered the outlet of the
Tanganyika to be the Lukuga. Cameron has been fortunate and
energetic, and deserves credit for the discovery. But he says he has
not quite circumnavigated the Tanganyika because he did not think
it worth while after discovering the Lukuga.8 It may be Cameron,
by this omission, has left me something to discover in the Tangan-
yika, but whether or not, the Lady Alice shall not quit the waters
of that lake until I have finished the two-thirds left unvisited by
me on my first expedition.

In the Pall Mall Gazette I read a more startling statement which
deserves from me a flat contradiction, as no doubt it received from
Colonel Grant. The article stated that Colonel Long, of the Egyptian
service, declared that he had just returned from a visit to the King
of Uganda, and he had discovered, to his surprise, that Lake Victoria
was a body of water about twelve miles in width! 9 Now, I do know
it as a fact that Colonel Long, or Long Bey, was in Uganda in July,
1873; but if he states that the Victoria Niyanza is only twelve miles
in width he states what every snub-nosed urchin in Uganda would
declare to be most astounding nonsense. The width of twelve miles
is what I would give Murchison Bay, a portion of which bay is
visible from Kibuga, one of the Emperor’s capitals. If M. Linant de
Belief onds, of the Egyptian service, who discovered me in Uganda,
is now in Europe, he is requested to publish his opinion of Lake
Victoria, even from what he saw of it from Usavara.

The Pall Mall Gazette adds that it was always the opinion of Cap-
tain Burton that Speke had exaggerated the extent of Lake Victoria.
Last year I sent you a map of the southern, eastern, northern and
northwest coasts of Lake Victoria. Enclosed in this package you
will find a sketch map of the southwest coast, with which you may
compare Speke’s hypothetical outline of the Victoria Lake and judge
for yourselves whether Speke has been guilty of much exaggeration.10

8. See Cameron’s letter of May 9, 1874, in PRGS 19 (1874-1875), 75-77,
and “Lieutenant Cameron’s Diary,” 223-25.

9. Charles Chaille-Long (1842-1917), a former officer of the American army
then in Egyptian service. DAB, III, 591-92. He visited Buganda in June and
July 1874. For his visit, Chaille-Long, Central Africa, especially 140. His some-
what untruthful character is analyzed in Alpers, “Chaille-Long’s Mission to
Mutesa,” 1-11. See also the harsh comments in Pritchard, “Zande Cannibalism,”
243.

10. See Map IV. The able German explorer, Stuhlmann, later praised Stan-
ley for his accuracy in mapping the places which he had actually visited.
Stuhlmann, Mit Emin Pacha, 727. But see the criticisms in Mackay, “Boat Voy-
age along the western shores of Lake Victoria . . . ,” 283; Blohm, Die Nyam-
wezi. Land und Wirtschaft, 2.

284

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Ujiji

August 7, 1876 1

Lake Tanganyika, despite its extreme length, is to be subject no
more to doubts and fanciful hypotheses, for it has been circum-
navigated and measured and its enormous coast line laid down
and fixed as accurately as a pretty good chronometer and solar ob-
servations will admit. Captain Burton’s discovery is now a completed
whole, with no corner indefinite, no indentation unknown. We must
banish from our charts Mr. Cooley’s grand United Tanganyika
and Nyassa,2 and Sir Samuel Baker’s no less grander idea of Upper
and Lower Tanganyika, as also Livingstone’s United Lake Liemba
and Lake Tanganyika. Its total circumnavigation dispels all erratic
ideas and illusions respecting its length and breadth, and furnishes
us with a complete knowledge, as far as our present necessities
require, of its affluents and effluents.

I write this letter, however, to explain the problem of the Tan-
ganyika, which has puzzled Livingstone and so many explorers, and
induced so many able cartographers to publish wild conjectures
instead of solid facts and truths, and I take for my texts once
more certain items from Lieutenant Verney Cameron’s letter to the
Geographical Society, dated May 9, 1874:

I have been fortunate enough to discover the outlet of the Tan-
ganyika. The current is small (1.2 knots), as might be expected
from the levels. It is believed to flow into the Lualaba, between
the Lakes Moero and Kamarondo. I went four or five miles down
it, when my further progress was stopped by the floating grass
and enormous rushes. The river, the Lukuga, is about twenty-five
miles south of the group of islands Captain Speke explored.3

It is not fair to criticise such a brief letter as this, evidently writ-
ten hastily after the discoverer’s arrival in Ujiji, nor have I any

1. NYH, March 26, 1877.

2. William D. Cooley (?-1883), the classic “armchair geographer” of his era,
who would arouse many explorers and geographers because of the tenacity of
his opinions — even when the facts proved them wrong. Despite all the adverse
criticism directed against Cooley he did, however, do much to stimulate the
progress of African exploration. See the sympathetic obituary notice in The
Athenaeum 1 (1883), 315, and the remarks in Bridges, “Speke and the R.G.S.,”
25-26. For his theory on the central African lakes, Cooley, Inner Africa Laid
Open, 72ff.

3. The letter is in PRGS 19 (1874-1875), 75-77.

HERALD, MONDAY, MARCH 26, 1877.-TR1PLK

CENTEAL AEEICA.

Stanley’s Survey of the Lukuga Creek-
Lake Tanganyika.

REFERENCE S.

The lines drawn across Lukuga separate and serve to distinguish the several dotted
tracts as follows: —

No. 1.— Dense papyrus, with nine and twelve feet of water beneath.

No. 2.— Papyrus mud banks enclosing open pools of still water.

No. 3.— Was, before last rainy season (November, 1875, to April, 1876), dry land— {. t.,
a dry tract of alluvial deposit, thickly overgrown with water canes and dotted with a few
f tamarinds.

No. 4.— Souroe of the Luindi or Luimbi Biver, flowing northwesterly.

Map V. Stanley’s sketch map of the Lukuga region
(from NYH, March 26, 1877)

286

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

such intention; but it serves as a preface to what I am about to
say, and it serves in a measure to mark the boundaries of difference
between Lieutenant Cameron and myself. I send you a chart of
the Lukuga Creek,4 to enable your readers to understand clearly
one of Nature’s secrets in Central Africa. I shall briefly remark
upon the above statements.

Lieutenant Cameron says he has been “fortunate enough to dis-
cover the outlet of the Tanganyika.” He certainly has discovered
Lukuga Creek, and, as I entertain friendship toward the gallant
gentleman, I will admit that he has discovered what has never been
the outlet, what is not the outlet, but what will be within a few
years the outlet of the Tanganyika, for as yet there is no outlet,
as we understand the term, for an outflowing river or effluent.

“The current is small (1.2 knots), as might be expected from the
levels.” Having differed with the first I must differ with the second
statement, though reluctantly; but I impute the cause to his over-
hurry and imperfect levels. The chief who accompanied Cameron
says that he stayed but a short time, and such a current as he men-
tioned might well be caused by the monsoon wind blowing up the
creek, but for more details and experiments testing this current I
must refer you below.

“It is believed to flow into the Lualaba, between the Lakes Moero
and Kamarondo.” More about the flow below, but Moero is pro-
nounced “Meveru” by all men, natives or Arabs, and of Kamarondo
“Lake” I can hear nothing except a distinct and emphatic denial of
there being such a lake; but all who know anything of it say there is
a river called the Kamalondo, or Kamarondo, a large tributary of
the Lualaba, or Ugarowa.

“I went four or five miles down it, when my further progress was
stopped by the floating grass and enormous rushes.” Lieutenant
Cameron proceeded about three miles, and made his experiments
at Lumba. His progress was stopped by the papyrus, which perhaps
belongs to the species of grass, but all the specimens of pure grass
seen in the Lukuga Creek at present may be eaten by a healthy ass
in fifteen minutes.

“The river, the Lukuga, is about twenty-five miles south of the
groups of islands Captain Speke explored.” The entrance to the Lu-
kuga Creek is situated in latitude 5 deg. 49 min. 30 sec. south, while
Kasenge Island 5 is in latitude 5 deg. 35 min. 30 sec. south, making

4. See Map V.

5. Kasenge Island, off the Guha coast. See LLJ, II, 19-20.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

287

the Lukuga just fourteen geographical miles south of Kasenge, dis-
covered by Speke.

Beyond these few points I have no cause to differ with Lieutenant
Cameron. To him alone belongs the credit and honor of the discov-
ery of the Lukuga Creek, the future outlet of Lake Tanganyika. I
followed his course inch by inch, marked each of his camps and
employed the same guides. Where he cut across deep bays, and fi-
nally cut across Tanganyika Lake without reaching the south end by
nineteen geographical miles, I diverged from his track and completed
what he had left undone, in the hope, since I was on the lake and
captain of my own boat, to find him in error, but after all my
trouble I only came to the Lukuga Creek to discover that he is en-
titled to the honor of the discovery of the future outlet of the Tan-
ganyika.6 Imagining that because there was not at present what can
be called an outflowing river visible at Lukuga Creek, I explored
after Cameron as far as Kasenge, whence Cameron returned to Ujiji,
leaving the northern half unexplored, and then continued the ex-
ploration along the coasts of Uguhha, Goma, Kavunvweh, Karamba,
Ubwari, Masansi7 — all new ground, unvisited by any white man
— and came to the point where Livingstone and myself left off in
1871; thence to Ujiji, after having explored every corner and river
mouth, bay, and creek in search of the present outlet, or, if the
Lukuga must needs be called an outlet, in search of another outlet.
A distance of over 800 geographical miles has been traversed by
me; but though I have made several interesting discoveries during
the long voyage none of them deserves our attention like the Lukuga
Creek.

I hope none of Lieutenant Cameron's friends will take offence
because I have found errors in his statements. Differences do not
always imply errors. In this case his errors have arisen from haste
and an imperfect examination of the Lukuga Creek. He is not de-

6. Stanley’s conviction was confirmed in 1878 when Lake Tanganyika rose to
a level that swept the Lukuga outlet clear. For a discussion of the factors in-
volved in the fluctuations of the level of the lake, and of its eventual outflow,
Devroey: Le Probleme de la Lukuga, and A Propos de la Stabilisation du Niveau
du Lac Tanganyika.

7. The Goma lived on the western coast of Lake Tanganyika along latitude
5° South. They were reputed to be the best canoe builders on the lake — Hore
called their vessels “triumphs of African art.” Kavunvweh was located by
Stanley to the north of Ugoma. The Bwire occupied the Ubwari peninsula and
the territory behind it. Karamba was located at the base of the Ubwari penin-
sula. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 326-27, 331-32; Hore,
“Twelve Tribes of Tanganyika,” 13-14; Jacques and Storms, “Notes sur l’Eth-
nographie de la Partie Orientale de l’Afrique Equatoriale,” 190; “Lettre du R.
P. Guilleme”; TDC, II, 56; Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie Congo, chap. 7.

288

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

prived of the credit of the discovery of the Lukuga, nor of the credit
of having gone through much trouble and hardship in his Tangan-
yika voyage. It is difficult for one man to be perfectly exact. One
explorer loses a date, and having no means to right his error or take
lunars is corrected by the next; one explorer regards an object one
way, another regards it in quite an opposite way; one traveller hears
one statement and obtains one version of a thing directly the reverse
of his successor; one traveller contents himself with merely hearing
of a fact, another is not content until he has explored it for himself,
which makes a vast difference. There are more errors in the English
Admiralty chart of the East African coast than there are in all the
maps of the Central African travellers’ routes. I have found no such
absurd error in Burton’s, Speke’s, or Grant’s or Livingstone’s maps,
as I found in the Admiralty chart, where Kissomang Point stands
for Kisima Mafia (or Mafia’s well). Let Cameron’s friends, then, rest
content, for in this letter I shall have to correct myself, Livingstone
and Burton.

I begin, after this lengthy preamble, with tradition, the mother of
history. The Wajiji, a tribe now occupying a small country near the
centre of the eastern coast of the Tanganyika, immigrants long since
from Urundi,8 have two interesting traditions respecting the origin
of Lake Tanganyika.

The first relates that the portion of this continent now occupied
by the Great Lake was a plain “years and years and years ago;”
that on this plain was a large town, near where is not known. In this
town lived a man and his wife, with an inclosure round their dwell-
ing, which contained a remarkably deep well or fountain, whence
an abundant supply of fresh fish was obtained for their wants. The
existence of the fountain and its treasure was kept a profound secret
from all their neighbors, as the revelation of its existence had been
strictly prohibited by father to son for many generations within this
particular family, lest some heavy calamity dimly foretold would
happen if the prohibition was not strictly respected; and, remem-
bering the injunction, the owners of the fountain lived long and
happily, and fresh fish formed their main food each day. The wife,
however, was not very virtuous, for she permitted another man in
secret to share the love which should have been solely bestowed on
her proper husband, and, among other favors, she frequently gave to
her lover some of the fresh fish, a kind of delicious meat he had

8. There had been a migration of Tusi from Rwanda-Burundi into the Ha
area; they became the ruling class. Scherer, “Ha of Tanganyika,” 84 Iff.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

289

never before tasted, and which aroused his utmost curiosity to ascer-
tain whence she obtained it. For a long time he ceased not to ask,
which the woman steadily refused to tell.

One day the husband was compelled to begin a journey to Uvinza,
but before departure he strictly enjoined his wife to look after his
house closely, to admit no gossips within his doors, and, above all,
not to show the fountain. This African Eve solemnly promised to
l comply with his instructions, though secretly she rejoiced at the
prospect of his absence. A few hours after her husband’s departure
she left her house to seek her lover, and when she found him she
j said to him, “You have for a long time demanded to know whence
I obtained that delicious meat you have so often praised. Come with
me, and I will show you.” African Eve then took him to her house,
in opposition to her husband’s commands; but as with a view to
enhance the glories of the fountain and the pleasure of viewing the
fish sportfully displaying their silver sides in the water she first
entertained her lover with the fish cooked in various ways, nor was
she neglectful to satisfy his thirst with wine of her own manufac-
ture. Then, when her lover began to be impatient at the delay, and
having no other cause to postpone the exhibition, she invited him to
follow her. A fence of water cane plastered over with mud enclosed
the wondrous fountain, within whose crystal depths he saw the fish.
For some time he gazed on the brilliant creatures with admiration;
then, seized with a desire to handle one of them and regard them
more closely, he put his hand within the water to catch one of them,
when suddenly the well burst forth, the earth opened her womb and
soon an enormous lake replaced the plain.

Within a few days the husband, returning from Uvinza, approached
Ujiji, and saw to his astonishment a large lake where once a plain
and many towns stood, and he knew then that his wife had revealed
the secret of the mysterious fountain and that punishment had
fallen upon her and her neighbors because of her sin.

The other tradition imparted to me by the ancients of Ujiji re-
lates that a long time ago — how long no one can tell — the Luwegeri,
a river near Urimba,9 flowing westward into a valley, was met by
the Lukuga, flowing eastward, and its waters, driven backward by

9. The Luegeri River flows into the eastern side of Lake Tanganyika; it is
roughly opposite present-day Albertville. For Urimba, TDC, II, 21. The legend
recounted by Stanley, along with other of his accounts, was incorporated into
a volume of poetry. Solon Doggett said that his Tanganyika and other Idyls
(n.p., 1881) had been inspired by Stanley’s ventures on the lake. It contains
such lines as: “In Uganda’s darkened solitudes, the Lu-a-laba flows” (p. 6).

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the easterly flowing river, spread over the valley and formed the
Tanganyika. Hence the Luwegeri is termed the mother of the Lu-
kuga.

The Waguhha have also their tradition, which is that a long time
ago, near Urungu, there was a small hill, hollow within and very
deep, full of water. This hill one day burst, and the water spread
over the land and became a lake.

The chief at the mouth of the Lukuga says that formerly the Lu-
kuga was a small river flowing into the Tanganyika, receiving many
others as it descended toward the lake, but the Tanganyika, filling
up, “swallowed” the Lukuga and made a small lake or an arm of
the Tanganyika, which until two years ago during the rainy season
discharged its surplus water into the Tanganyika. The last two years,
however, the Tanganyika has risen so high that the neutral ground
last rainy season, between the Tanganyika’s Lukuga and the Lukuga
flowing to Rua, has been inundated, and the two Lukugas have be-
come one. So much for traditions and native information.

From traditions we proceed to hypotheses, which, as will be seen,
have been as wild as the above traditions. Mr. Cooley, a member of
the Geographical Society, on the strength of an acquaintance with
a half caste Arab, who had traded to certain parts in Central Africa,
wrote the results of what he had gathered in Inner Africa Laid Open,
wherein those who run may read and find much unwisdom, as has
since been conclusively proved.10 The Tanganyika, according to Mr.
Cooley, is connected with Nyassa. Livingstone, also, the first of
African explorers, was greatly misled and greatly in error about the
Tanganyika. He said he tested a current three months by means of
water plants, which kept continually drifting northward. Misled by
these drifting water plants he constantly wrote and spoke about Up-
per and Lower Tanganyika. The Upper was supposed to be the Albert
Niyanza; the Lower, Burton’s Tanganyika. So certain was he of

10. The Arab was Khamis bin Uthman. His varied career included a period
as British agent at Zanzibar, 1827-1831, and a visit to Britain in the 1830’s
when he passed himself off fraudulently as an agent of the Sultan of Zanzibar.
One British official described him as “a rogue in every way,” but Cooley de-
fended him, and indirectly himself, against the strictures brought by Burton
and others. The French naval explorer Guillain also praised Khamis’ abilities.
Burton, “Lake Regions,” 232; Hamerton to the Private Secretary Gov. Mauri-
tius, in Hamerton to Willoughby, Oct. 5, 1841, Enclosures, SLRB, 44; Colonial
Secretary Mauritius to Hamerton, Feb. 19, 1842, E-3, ZA; Norsworthy to New-
man Hunt and Co., June 27, 1834, and enclosures, F-ll, ibid.; Burton, Zanzibar,
I, 301, II, 286-87; Guillain, Documents sur VHistoire, la Geographie et le Com-
merce de VAfrique Orientale, II, 34-36; Cooley, “Capt. Burton and the Land
of the Moon, or the Lake Regions,” 510.

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291

this that when he and I proceeded to explore North Tanganyika he
spoke to me about continuing down the river as far as the Albert
Niyanza. Since this circumnavigating voyage of mine I do not won-
der at all that Livingstone was so firm in his belief, for at the extreme
south end and far up the west coast I find he had made diligent
search for the outlet. On foot he trudged from Cazembe’s country
to the frontier of Uguhha, and only took boat then to proceed by
water to Ujiji. On his last march I also find that he made direct way
to the Tanganyika. I have not seen his journals, though no doubt
they have been published by this. From Ponda’s village, as far as
Ukituta, I find he has coasted along the lake.11 Camp after camp
was shown to me, and it appears to me that he only desisted from
the search when he had united his last route to his former one.
From which it is apparent that he made strenuous efforts to discover
the lake’s outlet, though, unfortunately the more the pity after such
courageous striving — unsuccessfully. I never looked at the grim
heights of Fipa, as I sat in my boat, without wondering how the
aged traveller was able to hold out so long after such tall climbing.
My men also assisted my admiration by pointing out some tremen-
dous mountain which had occupied them an entire day to climb.

I recollect also attending the Geographical Soiree of 1874, which
was held at Willis’ Rooms, and seeing pendant from top to bottom
of the wall an enormous map, illustrating broadly enough the “Hy-
pothesis of Sir Samuel Baker,” which was an hypothetic marriage
of the Albert Niyanza with the Tanganyika.12 Heedless of the ob-
stacles that hinder the explorer in Africa, with one dab of a paint
brush he had annihilated Ruanda, Mkinyaga, Unyambenya, Chamali,
Nashi and Uzige,13 and a broad, winding, river-like lake nearly eight
hundred geographical miles in length, astonished the scientific and
unscientific world.

On reading over the duplicates of my letters, sent some months
ago to the coast, I proudly perceive that I have cause to congratulate
myself for having approached pretty near the truth; but it must
be admitted that my conjectures were not broached until I had paid
a second visit to Lake Tanganyika, and had viewed with surprise
the great rise of the lake which had taken place during an interval

11. Ponda, or Chata, was a Bende chief. See Cameron, Across Africa, I, 262-
63; Avon “Vie Sociale des Wabende,” 110-12. Ukituta is at the southern end
of Lake T anganyika.

12. See the map in Baker, Ismailia.

13. Mukinyaga and Bunyabungu (probably Stanley’s Unyambenya) were
provinces of Rwanda. Czekanowski, Forschungen im Nil-Kongo-Zwischengebiet,
102-07.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

of five years. In my letters I ask, “Can it be possible that Lake Tan-
ganyika is filling up, and that the Lukuga is but a partial affluence?”
Now that traditions, hypotheses and conjectures must give way be-
fore the light thrown upon the subject by careful and exact explora-
tion, it will be seen that my conjectures were not unfounded.

I forget who it was who said that the word Tanganyika was de-
rived from the Kiswahili words Kuchanganya or Kuchanganika,
which means in English to mix. Whether it was Mr. Cooley or Cap-
tain Burton, it must be admitted to have been a most ingenious
explanation; but the word has the fatal objection of having been
borrowed from a foreign language, because it has an accidental
similarity with a Kijiji term. Whether Kiswahili or some other
more northern language must be taken, for the mother language
cannot be settled for some centuries yet; and, until it is definitely
known by a comparison of languages and dialects and a knowledge
of the course of ancient immigration, it is greatly to be doubted
whether the interpretation should be admitted as the correct one.14

Among the inquiries made by me around this lake has been the
signification of the word Tanganyika, which I discover to be only
adopted by the Wajiji, Warundi, Wazige, Wavira and Wagoma,
which united inhabit about a third of the shores of the lake. The
Wawendi, Wafipa, Warungu and Wawemba,15 who inhabit the south-
ern third, call it Jemba, or Riemba, or Liemba — The Lake. It will
be remembered that among some of the discoveries Livingstone
said he had made was that of Lake Liemba, or Lake Lake. No doubt
Livingstone asked often enough of the natives of Urmya, probably
in Kibisa or Kibisa-Kiswahili, the name of the lake and was as
often told it was Jemba or Liemba. Hence Livingstone wrote that
he had “discovered another lake, not very large, with two islands
in it. Four rivers discharged into the lake. Lake shores very pretty,
romantic,” &c. And in a subsequent letter said, “I find that this Lake
Liemba is joined to Lake Tanganyika.” Imperfect investigation also,
it seems, does not exempt Livingstone from committing mistakes.
Exploration of this part of Lake Tanganyika (the south end) dis-
covers the south end tallying with the above description of Liemba.
Sakarabwe village, where he was brought to by one of the chiefs of
Kitumkuru as he came from Kabwire, and where he halted some
time, was shown to me. The “two islands” are Ntondwe and Muri-

14. Burton, “Lake Regions,” 234, suggested this; Cameron, Across Africa ,
II, 304, agreed. Schmitz, Baholoholo, 565, supports them.

15. The Bemba.

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293

kwa; the four rivers are the Wizi, the Kitoke, Kapata and Mtom-
bwa.16

The natives of Marungu and Uguhha occupy the western third,
called Tanganyika-Kimana, from which it is evident that had Burton
and Speke, the discoverers of this lake, happened to have first
marched to Fipa and had not been informed about the Tanganyika,
we should probably have heard of this lake as Lake Liemba or Ri-
emba. Or had they journeyed from westward to Lake Tanganyika it
is to be doubted much whether we should have heard of Lake Tan-
ganyika at all. Undoubtedly they would have enlarged upon the vast
length, sea-like expanse and romantic shores of Lake Kimana. In
the same manner as all large lakes are spoken of by the Waganda
as Niyanzas, so the Wajiji speak of them as Tanganyikas.

In my endeavors to ascertain the signification of the term Tan-
ganyika, and in the attempts of the Wajiji to explain, I learned
that they did not know themselves, unless it might be because it
was large, and its surf always made a noise, and a canoe could make
a long journey on it. From which I came almost to suppose that its
signification was Large, Great, or Long Lake, Stormy Lake, Sounding
Waters, or Great Wave Lake, &c. I also learned that there was an
electric fish called Nika17 in the lake, but then Tanga stood in the
way of it being called after the fish; neither was the fish so remark-
able an object as to give its name to such a vast body of water.
Questioning in this manner only worried the natives, and I did not
obtain a satisfactory solution of it until happening, as is my custom,
to write down as many native names for objects as I can gather
from all dialects for the purpose of comparing them, I came to Ki-
tanga, a small lake, pool or pond, or a lake on which no canoes
travel, and Nika, a plain. It appeared to me that the meaning of the
word was satisfactorily obtained; that Tanganyika signifies the plain-
like lake, as much so as from the fact that a plain is universally
taken in inner Africa as a standard object for comparing or illustrat-
ing level bodies of earth or water of considerable extent, in the
same manner as the word “bahr,” or sea, is used by the seacoast
people.

During the lake voyage to the Lukuga, Para, the chief guide of

16. For Kabwire, Thomson, “Progress of the Society’s East African Expedi-
tion: Journey along the Western Side of Lake Tanganyika,” 308; Colle, Baluba,
I, 52. See also “Extracts from Letters and Despatches from Dr. Livingstone.”

17. Probably Malapterurus electricus, the African catfish. Cunnington, “The

Fauna of the African Lakes . . . 582; Schmitz, Les Baholoholo, 19.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Cameron, whom I also employed, pointed out several instances of
changes that had occurred since Cameron had been on the lake.
Sand beaches, which in many instances had served their canoes as
a shelter from the lake waves, had become flooded with three to four
feet water above; low points of land had become totally insulated,
islands had been formed and others had been submerged; in the
words of the guide, “The Tanganyika truly was swallowing the land
very fast.” But the best known change was at the mouth of the
Lukuga. Two years ago — if Para and the chief at the entrance are to
be believed — there stood a long beach of white sand extending from
Mkampemba on one side to Kara Point on the opposite side, cut by
a channel 400 or 500 yards wide, much nearer Mkampemba than
Kara Point. Several Arabs, surprised at the change, confirmed Para’s
statement. I found, instead of this beach, a line of breakers rolling
over with a depth of from two to five feet, from Mkampemba to Kara
Point; and as Cameron’s halting place was no longer a shelter for
canoes we were compelled to proceed further in, about three-quarters
of a mile.

The chief, Kawe-Nyange, who took Cameron in his canoe up the
creek, was very affable, remembered the white man very well, and
explained some of the wonderful things that had been shown him, and
finally expressed a doubt as to whether he should permit me to
ascend the Lukuga, as he feared that the other white man had thrown
some medicine into the water, which had caused the Tanganyika
to overflow much country. The beach between his village and Kara
was covered with angry white waves, and a fishing village on the
beach was destroyed, and the Mitwansi was covered with water. If
one white man could make so many changes in the country, what
might not two white men do? Kawe-Nyange was, after a little while,
laughed out of his fears, and was encouraged with ample gifts to
take his men with him to show me the land and water round about.

All I could hear about the Lukuga, whether at Ujiji or from the
chief at the mouth, only added to the difficulty of comprehending the
real state of things. Lieutenant Cameron stated that he had discov-
ered the outlet of the Tanganyika, with a current of about 1.2 knots
an hour! Arabs who had crossed the Lukuga scores of times said that
it was not an outflowing river, but an inflowing river. Waguhha,
from Monyis, said that there were two Lukugas, one flowing east
and one flowing west, and a bank or ridge of dry land separated
the two. Ruango,18 one of my guides, said that he had crossed it

18. Ruango had accompanied Stanley and Livingstone to the north of the
lake in 1871. TDC, II, 10.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

295

five times; that it was a small river flowing into the Tanganyika;
that if I found it flowed in any other direction than into the Tangan-
yika he would return his hire to me. Para, Camerons chief guide,
said that the white man could not have seen the water flow toward
Rua, simply because it did not flow there. A native at Tembwe19
said that last year there were two Lukugas, one flowing to Tangan-
yika, another to Rua; but this year’s rain had joined the two rivers
and made them one, flowing west. Kawe-Nyange, the chief at the
entrance to the Lukuga, said that he would show me a river flowing
to the Tanganyika, and above a little way a river flowing toward
Rua. A subchief of his said that formerly there were two Lukugas,
one flowing to the lake, another flowing toward Rua; but these last
two years’ rains had risen the Tanganyika so much that the lake had
“swallowed” the Lukuga, flowing into it, and had become joined to
the Lukuga, flowing to Rua; but that this union with the Rua Lukuga
was not continual, only during the hours of the southeast monsoon
(manda); that each afternoon, after the wind had calmed, the river
returned as usual to the lake. Lastly, I may mention that Mr. J. F.
de Bourgh, C.E. and F.R.G.S., a gentleman engaged by me to con-
struct me a blank chart of Central Africa, has drawn, near the posi-
tion occupied by the Lukuga in question, a small lake with a river
flowing out of it toward the Tanganyika. I must say that, wherever
the gentleman obtained his information, he has illustrated the sub-
ject exactly as it was a few years ago.

As the case stands to-day no one is exactly right or very wrong.
Exploration and close investigation of this geographical phenomenon
reconcile all these contrary statements; but, without the above chart
illustrating the survey, I would despair of making my meaning
very clear.

In company with Kawe-Nyange and some of his people we sailed
up a fine open stream-like body of water, ranging in width from 90
to 450 yards of open water. From bank to bank there was a uniform
width of from 400 to 600 yards, but the sheltered bends, undisturbed
by the monsoon winds, nourished dense growths of papyrus. After
sailing three miles before the southeast wind we halted at the place
which Kawe-Nyange pointed out as the utmost limit of the ascent
made by Cameron, a small bend among the papyrus plants, a few
hundred yards northwest from the Lumba’s mouth. As a first proof
of what Kawe-Nyange had said about a Lukuga flowing into the lake
and another flowing out of the lake, he pointed out the returning

19. A Holoholo village near Mpala. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo
Beige, 376. See also “Lieutenant Cameron’s Diary,” 219.

296

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

water bubbles, which “fought,” he said, against the small waves
caused by the southeast wind, for which he received an encouraging
word.

After landing at Lumba all who were not required by me in the
deliberate investigation I was about to make with the aid of the
boat, I had a proper camp made and a quiet cove cleared, where the
boat and canoe could lie close to the bank. I then proceeded further
up the Lukuga. When about 100 yards higher up we arrived at the
utmost limit of open water, and an apparently impenetrable mass of
papyrus grew from bank to bank. Here we stopped for a short time,
and with a portable level tried to detect a current. The level indi-
cated none. We then pushed our way through about twenty yards
of the papyrus plants, until we were stopped by mudbanks, black
as pitch, enclosing slime and puddles pregnant with seething animal
life. I caused four men to stand in the boat, and standing on their
shoulders with an oar for support I tried to obtain a general view of
what lay ahead and around us. I saw the bed of the creek or river
choked from bank to bank with the papyrus plants, except where
they enclosed small pools of still water, and about a mile or so higher
up I saw trees which seemed to me to stand exactly in the bed.
Descending from my uneasy perch, I caused two of my men to
proceed opposite ways on the mud toward the banks. Perceiving,
after watching them a short time, that the muddy ooze was not firm
enough to sustain a man’s weight, I recalled them, and returned to
open water again.

I now began another experiment to test the existence of a cur-
rent. I took a piece of board, with which I had provided myself be-
fore hand, and cut out a disk a foot in diameter. Into this disk I
bored four holes, through which I rove a stout cord and suspended
to it at the distance of five feet an earthenware pot, which, filled with
water, and held in suspension by the board, would unmistakably
mark the existence of a current. Into one side of the board I drove
a long spike with a small ball of cotton tied round the head. This
done I measured along a straight reach of water, 1,000 feet with a
tape line, both ends of the track distinctly marked by a ribbon of
sheeting tied to the papyrus. When these preparations had been com-
pleted I proceeded to the southeasternmost end, and in the centre
of the creek dropped the disk and attached the pot in the water, and
noted the time by chronometer, while we rowed far away from it.
The monsoon wind blew very strongly at the time. The distance
which the disk floated between 23h. 22m. 20s. and 24h. 22m. was
822 feet from southeast to northwest. Second attempt, afternoon,

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

297

wind, becalmed, disk floated from northwest to southeast — that is,
lakeward — 159 feet in 19 minutes 30 seconds.

This closes our experiments for the first day. The second day, with
fifteen of the expedition, accompanied by the chief and ten of his
people, we started afoot northwestward. Keeping as closely as the
nature of the bushes and the watercourses would permit to the Lu-
kuga, I observed that the trend of the watercourses and streams was
from northwest to south and south-southeasterly. After a march of
a couple of hours we came to Elwani village, where the road from
Monyis to Unguvwa and Luwelezi crossed the Lukuga.20 At Elwani
we augmented our party with two of the villagers, then descended
by a gentle slope to the Mitwansi. At the base of the slope we came
to the bed occupied by the Kibamba and Lukuga. The former was a
small sluggish stream with a trend southeasterly. Crossing this we
came to the dried bed of a periodical river; whether it should be
called the Lukuga or the Kibamba it would be difficult to say. Pros-
trate and withered water cane showed that the flow of the water in
the season was lakeward. A few yards further on we came to where
this bed first became moist, with a dense growth of water cane
flourishing and checking all progress, except by the well trodden
path, which now ran through tunnels caused by the water canes
embracing above our heads. Our way now was through what might
be called a swamp, now over a firm path of dark brown clayey mud,
then through shallow hollows, with water up to the ankles, which
now and then deepened to the knees. Finally we arrived in the mid-
dle of the Mitwansi, and Kawe-Nyange halted to point out trium-
phantly the water flowing indisputably westward. The water was up
to the knees and felt cold, but on putting a thermometer into it I
found it to be only 68 deg. Fahrenheit, about 7 deg. cooler than the
Lukuga Creek. By pressing the cane down with our feet to allow a
free passage for the water, the flow perceptibly quickened. Borne by
two men, I crossed over until I stood on the other bank, and ob-
served that the cane-choked bed was very uneven. Sometimes the
water was so deep that the men sank to the hips, but the average
depth was about eighteen inches. Trees, now dead, in the centre of
the bed, which proved the statement of the native true, that not long
ago the Mitwansi tract was dry enough to nourish tamarind trees.
This last rainy season has changed it now, for since its termination
the tract has become inundated, and a continual waterflow has been
observable. The name Lukuga clings to this bed until it passes the

20. See Stanley’s map, TDC, II, 47, or Map V.

298

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Kiganja Ridge, when it becomes known as the Luindi (some call it
the Luimbi), which, flowing by Miketo’s Land, passes through Ka-
lumbi’s in Rua, and empties into the Kamalondo, a tributary of the
Lualaba.21 This road or ford, as it must now be called, is daily
traversed by men, women and children, who require to cross from
one bank to the other, and is about three miles northwest from
Lumba, or six miles from Mkampemba.

The result of four days’ experiments and investigations and in-
quiries proves that as far as the southeast end of the Mitwansi tract,
which may be called a marsh or an ooze, receiving and absorbing
a large quantity of water pressed against it by the daily southeast
wind, there is no current, but that, on the contrary, the surplus
waters which cannot be absorbed by the already repleted ooze on
the wind subsiding return to the lake; that for the space of two miles
from the southeast end of the Mitwansi the entire bed from bank to
bank is choked by immovable mudbanks enclosing stagnant pools
and stream-like expanses of water, edged round with impenetrable
growths of papyrus plants; that at the third mile, where the ancient
lacustrine deposit is of a firmer quality, and water cane replaces
the papyrus, there first becomes discernible an ooze, a trickle and
a flow westward, which, proceeding westward at the base of the
Kiyanja ridge, is attracted to one proper channel and approaches
the dignity of a river, when it becomes known as the Luindi.

This Mitwansi is a tract of alluvial deposit, and is the result of
the united action of the lake winds (which from the end of April to
the middle of November prevail from the southeast) and the feeble
current of the former affluent Lukuga. The current, as may be ex-
pected from the very limited area it drained, was met daily during
nearly seven months annually by the waves of the lake, which en-
croached yearly nearer and nearer to its source, and the detrital
matter which would have been borne into the lake by a stream of
greater force was deposited amid the papyri. This plant flourishes
in still water and sweet water lagoons in quiet bends of rivers, and
once it has thoroughly obtained root it becomes almost as immovable
as a forest. As the waters of the lake advanced with its annual rise
they destroyed with each year some small portion of the force of the
Lukuga current, and the water plants and other organic debris
floating down the stream no sooner felt the influence of the lake wind

21. The Lukuga flows into the Lualaba. For its future exploration, Hore,
“Lake Tanganyika,” 12-13; Thomson, Central African Lakes, II, 55ff. ; Del-
commune, Vingt annees de Vie africaine, II, 504ff.; Hine, The Fall of the Congo
Arabs, 248-71; Mohun, “Sur le Congo de Kassongo au Confluent de la Lukuga.”

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

299

than they were heaped up amid these papyri; other debris borne di-
rect from the lake, such as floating canewood, earthy matter from
the banks and the bar, were pressed against them, sometimes thrown
among them. Soil, sand, decomposing vegetation sunk on them,
bore them down with their weight, and thus the process of entomb-
ing the earlier debris created finally a tract of clayey mud and ooze,
out of which a luxurant growth of papyrus shot their brush-like
heads as dense as a field of corn.

While the Lukuga was a river it will be seen that there was a
constant precipitation of detrital matter and as steady an accumula-
tion of it in one locality, until the river became annihilated, and only
its bed, now filled by the creek, and the small tributary streams
mark its former course.

Since the Tanganyika has risen to the level of the Mitwansi —
whether this year, last year or two years ago matters not much
which — a change must be looked for, and with the advance of years
this change will become more decided and positive. The mud and
ooze with the papyrus of the Mitwansi is too feeble an obstacle to
resist the rising floods received each year by the Tanganyika while
there is a steep slope at the western end ready to receive the sur-
plus water; the consequence will be that five years hence, perhaps a
little later, an effluent will be formed of magnitude and force, for
the fiat of Nature has gone forth to the Tanganyika, “Thus high
shalt thou rise, and no higher.”

In which results, so patiently attained, I see no opposition to Lieu-
tenant Cameron’s claiming the honor of the discovery, but a simple
reconciliation of all apparently opposing statements. The whole was
a perplexing riddle to me, which the more I thought of the more
complicated it grew, and only a personal examination of the scene
would ever have enabled me to understand, unless some traveller
had illustrated his explorations with a chart like the above.

In the absence of the scientific geologist I must take upon myself
to suggest a few thoughts to those of your readers who may become
interested in this subject of the Lukuga, and who are more able to
deal with it. I cannot satisfactorily account to myself for the ex-
istence of this interesting phenomenon otherwise than by supposing
the formation of the extraordinarily deep depression in the bosom
of the broad plateau richly filled by the waters of the Tanganyika to
be postdiluvian. If the ideas of one accustomed to read geological
history, and to analyze phases of the past ages from existing traces
in the hard rock or mountain contour, may be permitted to see the
light, I would say that subsequent to the universal deluge, or the

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

retreat of the ocean to its present bed, the Malagarazi and Luwegeri
Rivers have flowed over this present enormous gulf, and channelled
their way for their exit westward, first severing the Kiyanja from the
Kilunga ridge. This enormous gulf was in these days an apparently
firm plateau, with the same rolling surface as Unyamwezi and Uhha
now present; and the two rivers, joined by others of less magnitude,
flowed on undisturbedly to the Lualaba for centuries, perhaps ages.
For in what other manner could this deep break in what must evi-
dently have been long ago one firm unbroken, compact ridge, have
become so smoothly worn down, a thousand feet and more, so
low as to permit the gently flowing Luindi to sweep by its base from
the east? It required a mightier volume of water than the Luindi,
with no other source of supply than the ooze of the Mitwansi, three
miles east of Kiyanja, and until the present year such supply must
have been scanty in the extreme.

If it will be granted that such was, or might have been, the condi-
tion of this region at that time, the subsequent changes which took
place are easy enough to arrive at. We may imagine volcanic agency,
then, as heaving up this plateau, rending up the solid earth and
heaping along the edges of the deep chasms it created into lengthy
lines of mountain ranges and changing its former smooth rolling
surface into its present rugged and uneven aspect. The great stream
which formerly drained all this section and rolled between the Ki-
hinga and Kyanja ridges, with its ancient bed disrupted, falls
abruptly into the immense gulf in several and separate courses, and
a stream of short course and little volume is created, flowing from
the eastern slopes of the above-named ridges southeastward, to be in
due time known as the Lukuga, since which tremendous wrack of
nature half of the waters with inverted courses have assisted the
other half to fill up the chasm, and appear to be now on the eve of
fulfilling their task.

The visible effects of this great geological change are not the
same at the southern end as they are further north and about the
centre; for at the southern end the plateau, with its folds upon folds
and layers upon layers of firm rock, drops abruptly down to the
blue-green depths of the lake, and voyagers coasting along these
shores appear to be gazing at the zenith as they look up at the few
shrubs and trees growing upon the edge of the tawny plateau; while
at the centre, especially about Tongwe22 on the east side and Tembwe

22. In the Bende area. Avon, “Vie sociale des Wabende,” 109. The inhabi-
tants had the reputation of being very dangerous to visitors. Ramsay, “Uber
seine Expedition nach Ruanda und der Rikwa-See,” 318-19.

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301

on the west side, we appear to be in the vicinity of the origin of
this convulsion and the section whence the earth first began to feel
her throes. At Tongwe we see an aggregation of aspiring peaks and
semi-circular cones, which would, perhaps, with more exact knowl-
edge be called closed vomitaries or craters. South of Tembwe we
see a ridge inclining northeasterly, lofty and irregular, with much
of the same structure as the rocks of Tongwe exhibit.

North of Tembwe, on the same side, is to be observed a consider-
able depression in the land. From a height of 4,000 feet above the
surface of the lake the land has suddenly subsided into a low, rolling
surface, the highest point of which is scarcely 1,500 feet above the
lake, with isolated domes and cones. The rock also changes in char-
acter from the basalt and trap to a decomposed felspathic kind, fol-
lowed by a conglomerate and calcerous tufa, strongly impregnated
with iron, which is the character of the rocks on each side of the
Lukuga. In no other part of the lake coast have I found rock of such
soft character as at the Lukuga. This depressed country continues
as far as Goma, where we see the land upheaved highest, but with
slopes less abrupt and rugged than at the south end, and clothed
with tropical luxuriance of vegetation — mammoth trees and number-
less varieties of shrubs and plants. The high altitude which marks
the verge of the Goma plateau compared to that of the plateau
lying immediately west of it inclines one to think that the volcanic
explosion tilted the whole of this northwestern coast, merely raising
higher and loosening the edges of the chasm, which has since by
action of weather and water become worn and decomposed, present-
ing for a breadth of from four to five miles various of these effects
in mountain scenes approaching to the sublime in character. Once
out of view of the chasm filled by the Tanganyika the plateau is
seen clearly in its original form, and has a gradual westward slope.

Between North Goma and the high mountains of Uvira there is
another remarkable depression in the land similar to that of Uguhha.
It appears as if there had been a sudden subsidence of this part and
a flow of the subterranean rock north-northeast, which afterward
was ejected bodily upward, and now forms the peninsula of Ubwari,
which is over thirty miles in length.

Burton and Speke, on their voyage from Ujiji to Uvira, sketched
Ubwari as an island, probably from the fact that the Wajiji care-
lessly called it “Kirira,” or “island.” Livingstone and myself, also, in
1871, heard of what our predecessors had called Ubwari Island as
the Island of Muzimu.23 Here is an instance of four travellers mis-

23. See HIFL, 482, 493.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

taken about one small section of Lake Tanganyika. The truth is we
are all wrong.

Exploration has proved that the countries of Karamba and Ubwari
form a long narrow peninsula, joined firmly enough to the main
land by an isthmus seven miles in width, with an altitude in its
centre of about 200 feet above the lake. So it will be seen that,
before any of our former statements can become correct, the Tan-
ganyika must have a further rise of 200 feet, which is impossible.

The fact that this is not an island, but a peninsula, proves that
there must be a deep gulf penetrating south-southwest between Ma-
sansi and Ubwari. I have taken the liberty of calling this great arm
of the lake Burton Gulf, in honor of the discoverer of the Tanganyika,
as Speke Gulf distinguishes a somewhat similar formation in the
southeast section of the Victoria Niyanza.24

From the summit of one of the Ubwari hills — I appear to be
the first white man who has ever enjoyed this privilege, for there is
always some trouble in Ubwari — and it being a clear day, by means
of a field glass I obtained an extensive view — at some distance, it
is true, of the impenetrably savage countries west of Burton Gulf.
The land lies in lengthy mountain waves, with deep valleys be-
tween, for twenty and thirty miles westward, when, finally, the
great table land of this part of Central Africa presents itself, and is
seen to join at a cloudy distance, after a deep curve, southwest to
the plateau of Goma. These valleys between the mountain waves
give rise to many small rivers, all of which have their exit into the
lake in the west side of Burton Gulf.

Such are some of the most remarkable effects of that grand con-
vulsion which disparted the table land of Central Africa and formed
this enormous chasm of the Tanganyika in its bosom. Nor has this
convulsion occurred so very remotely but it might, in my humble
opinion, be measured by years by competent scientists. It appears,
also, that the agencies which produced this extraordinary change
are not quite dead in this part of Central Africa, for about eighteen
months ago, I hear, a mountain in Urundi was precipitated from its
position and toppled over, burying several villages with all their
inhabitants. This disaster occurred near Mukungu, in Urundi.25

About three years ago the surface of the Tanganyika Lake, in the

24. The name still stands. In Diary, 125-26, Stanley recounts a brief fight
with the Bembe while in Burton Gulf. Four Bembe were killed. In TDC,
II, 58-60, Stanley, however, asserts that he left the hostile Africans without
firing on them.

25. The Virunga Mountains included active volcanoes. See Mecklenburg,
Heart of Africa , 82, 11 Iff.; Jack, On the Congo Frontier, 187ff.

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303

neighborhood of Ujiji, was observed to be blackened with large
lumps and masses of some strange dark substance, which, as they
were swept on the shore of Ujiji, were picked up, examined and
wondered at. The Wajiji called it, and still continue firmly in the
belief, the discharge of lightning. The Arabs called it pitch and col-
lected large quantities of it. Requiring some substance to caulk my
boat before setting out on the voyage of exploration I was presented
with some of this “discharge of lightning,” or pitch, and found it was
asphaltum, which most probably escaped through some vent in the
bed of the Tanganyika, as on no part of the shores could I obtain,
after diligent inquiry, the slightest knowledge of its source.26

Ujiji

August 10, 1876 1

Ismail, Khedive of Egypt, is reported to have said that all travellers
up the Nile generally returned with the statement that a new source
of the Nile had been discovered. The publisher of the report, no
doubt, thought that His Highness was poking sly fun at the discov-
erers. Whether it was the case or not, I must inform His Highness,
through the columns of the NEW YORK HERALD and Daily Tele-
graph, that he can pride himself upon being a sovereign of a country
whose great river’s several sources have, and do still, task the best
abilities and qualities of explorers to discover them; that his river
has not one, but several sources; that one main source was discov-
ered by James Bruce, and called the Blue Nile;2 that another was
discovered by Speke and Grant, and called the Victoria Niyanza,
and that another was discovered by Samuel Baker and called by him
the Albert Niyanza, but that these gentlemen did not, nor could,
exhaust the discoveries of the sources of this noble river. Perhaps
the facts which I send you of a new source will compel His High-
ness to exclaim, “Eh! what do I see now? Another new source? Can
it be possible that the Nile has not yet been exhausted?” Could
ancient Nilus reply to him I could fancy him saying, “And how many

26. Compare with Diderrich, “Au Lac Tanganika.”

1. NYH, March 27, 1877.

2. Paez had visited the source of the Blue Nile in 1618; Bruce, who claimed
its discovery, visited it in 1770. Ullendorf, “Bruce,” 134-36.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

of my sources did thy grim grandsire Mohammed Ali,3 or his sons,
Ibrahim and Ismail,4 discover? And what has thou done with all thy
power, who should have greatest interest in knowing whence I came
and what trouble I have had to travel so far to water thy gardens
and fields and sustain thee and thy people? Ingrates of Egypt! Which
of ye all have thought it worth while to find out whence I came,
that ye might honor me as I should be honored? If, by special favor
merely, I whisper a few of my secrets to strangers from afar
and permit them to view a few of my wondrous and sweet fountains
and flowery beds, what is it to thee? Art thou envious of like
honor? Then seek me at my many homes under the Equator.”

If His Highness will accept my answer I respectfully beg him to
glance over this letter, and to read these few remarks I have now
the honor to make respecting the river known as the Kagera, or
Ingezi, or Kitangule, or Nawarango, which, according to the natives
of Karagwe and Uganda, is called the Mother of the River at Jinja,
or the Victoria Nile.

People differ, it appears, as to the exact signification of the
“source” of a river, and travellers jealous of their credit for discovery
have sometimes assisted to make the meaning more uncertain.
Stay-at-homes, on whom devolves the duty of toning down the ex-
uberant enthusiasm of travellers, are generally agreed that it is the
main head, origin, or extremity, whence the principal supply is ob-
tained as a spring, fountain, marsh, lake; or it may be that the river
is created by a series of these, or that one main tributary is followed
to its extreme end, and that end, whatever it be, is called the source
of the river.

Speke, if I remember rightly, asks somewhat pettishly in one of
his books, “What should be called the source of a river — a lake
which receives the insignificant rivers flowing into it and discharges
all by one great outlet, or the tributaries which the lake collects,
or the clouds which supply these tributaries with water?” In my
opinion, if we go on at this rate, we might proceed still further and
ask, “Or the moisture and vapors which the clouds absorb or the
ocean which supplies these vapors and moistures?” If these ques-
tions are permitted, why should explorers go into such trouble to

3. Muhammad Ali Pasha (1769-1849), who arrived in Egypt to fight Na-
poleon and remained to become one of Egypt’s most dynamic rulers. Hill,
Biographical Dictionary, 249-50.

4. Ibrahim Pasha al Wali (1789-1848), eldest son of Muhammad Ali; he
was justly famous for his military campaigns in Arabia, the Sudan, and Greece.
Ibid., 177. Isma’il Kamil Pasha (1795-1822), son of Muhammad Ali, was
killed in the Sudan. Ibid., 185-86.

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305

discover sources of rivers when every child is perfectly well ac-
quainted with the sources of all rivers? If we remember the true
signification on “source,” it is easy to understand why Bruce and
Speke and Baker all returned home each with a new source of the
Nile, and why I send you a description of another source of the Nile.

Speke and Baker both write about “reservoirs of the Nile” in their
books. Speke discovered the Victoria Lake, and, while accompanied
by Grant, discovered the Victoria Nile. The Victoria Lake is a mag-
nificent extent of water, a chart of which, the result of our circum-
navigation of it, I sent you some time ago. It is the recipient of
many fine streams, two of which are very important. The Shimeeyu
is 290 miles in length from its source to its exit into the lake. The
Alexandra Nile5 (as yet discovered) a length of 310 miles, and per-
haps as many more. The Shimeeyu might be compared to the Thames,
and drains off the water which falls into it from extensive plains,
forests and slopes of plateaus; but the Alexandra Nile exceeds
in volume, even in the dry season, the Thames and Severn united,
and the color and purity of its water prove that it must either take
its rise far to the westward of the Tanganyika or that its course is so
intercepted by some lake where its waters were purified. Investigat-
ing the cause, I discovered there was a lake of considerable extent,
known by diffeernt names.

Speke, after visiting the outlet of the Victoria Lake and travel-
ling some distance down in its descent northerly and westerly, re-
turned home, and soon after a fatal accident deprived the Geo-
graphical Society of one of the most indefatigable of explorers. Sir
Samuel Baker, hearing from Speke and Grant of the existence of a
lake west of Unyoro, proceeded to that field, and fortunately dis-
covered another magnificent lake, called by the Wanyoro Luta N’zige;
by the Waganda, Muta Mzige; by the Wasagara, Nyanja Unyoro; by
the Wanyambu, sometimes all three; to which Baker, however, very
properly gave the name Albert Niyanza.6 In a native canoe he ex-
plored about sixty miles along the northeast coast, and discovered

5. The Kagera. Stanley named it for Alexandra (1844-1925), wife of the
future Edward VII. The name did not gain acceptance. Thomas and Dale,
“Uganda Place Names,” 102. He also named a lake for her. See below.

6. The giving of such European names to African lakes led one German
geographer, Karl Andree, to compare British explorers with the innkeepers he
then held were similarly filling Europe with “Victoria Hotels.” The Royal Geo-
graphical Society upheld the naming of Lake Albert, however, and did not
formally pronounce against the giving of European names until the beginning
of the twentieth century. Globus 8 (1865), 287; Alcock’s speech of May 28,
1877, JRGS 47 (1877), cxcv-cxcvi; Thomas and Dale, “Uganda Place Names,”
101.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the Victoria Nile, descending from the Lake Victoria, to be one of
the affluents of the Albert Lake. A little further north the Albert
Niyanza discharges all its collected affluents — the Victoria Nile be-
ing one of them — into the White Nile, which in its descent toward
Egypt receives other affluents more or less important. Near Khar-
toum the White Nile receives an accession to its volume from the
Blue Nile (discovered by James Bruce), which rises in Abyssinia.

If it be asked, “Why enter into these trite details?” I reply that I
write for the readers of the NEW YORK HERALD and the Daily
Telegraph, which number about half a million; that among this
vast number a great many are perhaps a little confused about the
sources of the Nile, know little of how much has been discovered or
of how much remains to be discovered; and I believe it necessary
for a thorough comprehension of the subject that these few remarks
should be made.

After discovering a great gulf in the Albert Niyanza I travelled
south from latitude 0.30 deg. north in search of the tributaries of
these two great lakes — the Albert and Victoria — and perceived that
the slope of the section was more to the east, toward the Victoria,
and that no rivers worthy of the name, except the Rusango or Mpanga,
fall into the Albert Lake from the east side. Nor can any river of
importance supply the Albert from the south, because the Alex-
andra Niyanza occupies too large a bed, and must be fed from the
section separating the Tanganika and Albert, and the Albert from
the Victoria. If any important affluents supply the Albert other than
the Victoria Nile they must be searched for on the southwest and
west side of Lake Albert, by means of a vessel launched on its
waters or by a journey overland. If an affluent is found on that side
so large as to exercise an important influence on the lake, or would
exercise on the While Nile itself did not Lake Albert intercept its
course, it is obvious that such a river should be taken into consider-
ation when speaking of the sources of the Nile.

Lake Albert, receiving such a grand affluent as the Victoria Nile,
has been called by Baker a reservoir of the Nile; but in my opinion
this noble lake deserves a yet higher title, as I shall presently show.
It is proved by my explorations that Lake Victoria is also a reservoir
of the Nile, and I shall prove that Lake Victoria deserves a higher
title, distinct and separate from that given to Lake Albert.

Permit me to place in order a few questions and answers. What
supplies the White Nile with water? Lake Albert, of course, princi-
pally. What supplies Lake Albert? The Victoria Nile, of course,
principally (so far as is yet known). Whence proceeds the Victoria

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307

Nile? From the Victoria Lake. What supplies the Victoria Lake?
The Alexandra Nile, of course, principally. Whence proceeds the
Alexandra Nile? From the Alexandra Lake.7 What supplies the Alex-
andra Lake? The Upper Alexandra Nile and other streams not yet
known.

It is clear, then, that the Egyptian Nile is the issue of the united
Blue and White Niles; that the White Nile is the issue of Lake Al-
bert; that the Victoria Nile is the issue of Lake Victoria; that the
Lower Alexandra Nile is the issue of Lake Alexandra.

Thus it will be seen that I have given higher titles to these lakes
than mere reservoirs; for, without the source of supply, what would
the reservoir become? Indeed, in strict and sober verity, these sev-
eral lakes are mere accidents of nature, intercepting the course of
the river from the Alexandra Nile to Alexandria, disparting the river
into several streams — the White Nile, Victoria Nile and Alexandra
Nile.

A parallel case is presented by the Lualaba, discovered by Living-
stone, which may be described in like manner as the above. The
Chambezi feeds Lake Bemba; Lake Bemba creates the Luapula; the
Luapula supplies Lake Mweru; Mweru creates Webb’s Lualaba;
Webb’s Lualaba, supplied by other tributaries, supplies the Lower
Lualaba (or, in other words, the Lower Lualaba is the issue of Webb’s
Lualaba); Webb’s Lualaba is the issue of Lake Mweru; the Luapula
is the issue of Bemba. These lakes, in like manner, are mere acci-
dents of nature, as the Nile niyanzas, and are so many interceptions
or basins in the course of the rivers.

I send you these facts not only to show the course of the Alex-
andra Nile, but because (if natives are to be believed) the Alexandra
Lake serves a double purpose. It is a basin for the reception of
many tributaries, and has three outlets — one north of Ugufu by the
Ruvuvu into the lower Alexandra Nile; the second south of Ugufu
into the same river by the Kagera; the third by means of a marsh
or an ooze into the Kivu Lake, whence the Rusizi takes its rise,
which Rusizi, of course, empties into Lake Tanganika.

Perhaps it would be asked by the curious why I have distin-
guished the discoveries illustrated above by the name of Alexandra.
I shall forestall the curious with the following candid explanation:

7. The actual body of water referred to is unclear. A later visitor looking for
the lake, and unable to find it, said, “apparently the name is applied to a papyrus
fringe on the course of the Kagera proper.” Elliot, A Naturalist in Mid-Africa,
256. Thomas and Dale, “Uganda Place Names,” 106, suggest Lake Mugesera
in Rwanda.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Captain John Hanning Speke and Captain James Grant, both Brit-
ish officers, while on their way to Uganda to search for the outlet
of the Victoria Lake, crossed this very river, the Alexandra Nile.
What they thought about it I do not know. I have not their books
at hand; but it appears that, seeing this river flow in a contracted
channel (150 yards wide of open, swift, deep water), and perhaps
ignorant of its depth, and having another grand object in view,
their actions governed by the sole hope of discovering the Victoria
Nile, they did not pay that attention to it that they would have
done were their mission of a more general character. It cannot be
disputed, then, that two British officers were the first who saw this
river. Had poor Speke lived I believe he would have returned to
this interesting region, for I hear he had such an intention from
King Rumanika.8 Might he have been permitted to return, to round
off as it were and unite the fragments of discovery he had made,
the natives and his amiable friend Rumanika would have pointed
out to him the “Mother of the Victoria Nile.” On casting his thoughts
around for a name to dignify these new discoveries, what name
more graceful, more worthy for a thousand virtues, illustrious de-
scent and position, could he have found to dignify them than that
of Her Royal Highness Alexandra, Princess of Wales?

British officers first saw the river. The Daily Telegraph , an English
journal, contributed one half of the funds by means of which these
latest discoveries have been made. I, therefore, in the name of the
English and American journals I represent here, appeal through
your columns that the name of Her Royal Highness, the Princess of
Wales, be permitted to distinguish these discoveries, worthy to stand
near such honored names as Albert and Victoria.

I have been very deliberate, you will admit, in making up and
sending you this letter, but I had strong reasons for it. I am too far
from the telegraphic wire to correct an error, and I have no ambition
to be charged with having made a rash statement, though I covered
the offence with the excuse that the natives told me. I value native
and Arab statements only as being an impellant motive power to
the explorer, not to be understood, by any means, as conveying
accurate and exact information. Even the most intelligent of Arabs,
Wanguana, Waswahili and Central African natives, as if originally
they were taken out of the same matrix, have a prurient palate for
exaggeration. If the explorer is unable to visit personally the scene,
he may then be excused — after sifting evidence, comparing infor-

8. Speke did have plans to return to Africa. See Speke to Rigby, March 30,
1863, July 4, 1863, Aug. 24, 1963, Zanzibar Museum.

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309

mation acquired in different localities and weighing with judgment
and a sense of distrust every particle of intelligence — for publishing
geographical news on native authority. It is not until after marching
from the confluence of the Ruvuvu and the Kagera to Ujiji, and
circumnavigating the Tanganika, and hearing Wazige and Warundi
bear witness to the same facts, that I found courage to publish what
I had not seen personally, or, indeed, did I clearly understand them
for myself. I will give you, in brief, three instances of people’s
mendacity, which will prove to you that the best weapon an explorer
can arm himself with is distrust.

Manwa Sera, captain in the Anglo-American Expedition, during
a casual talk with me, relates: “Master, when I was in Karagwe,
some five or six years ago, I went to the top of a high mountain
near Rumanika’s, and I saw an enormous lake to the west of me. I
should say it would take three days to reach it. I could not see the
other side of the other lake.” All this related slowly, as if he weighed
well each word, with great gravity, and a certain dignity. Facts as
viewed by the Explorer: Lake six or seven hours’ march from Ru-
manika’s; length of lake, thirteen miles; greatest breadth, eight miles;
name of lake, Jhema Rweru.

Next, Baraka,9 a smart young fellow, a soldier in the Anglo-Amer-
ican Expedition, relates as follows: “Speak of Ruanda! Do I not
know Ruanda and all the countries round about? Who is he that
has gone further than I have? Have I not been to Ankori? Yes; I
have carried things of ornament to the King of Ankori. Ruanda is
yellow and flat. It is like a plain; extends away, away westward
— a plain, in truth!” Facts by Explorer: Ruanda is exactly the op-
posite of what Baraka says. The view of Ruanda from Karagwe is
of a succession of lofty mountain ridges, separated by deep broad
valleys. Explorer pointed out the strong contrast to Baraka. Baraka
recklessly laughed and impudently showed his ivories.

Next: A Mgwana, a long time resident within a few hundred
yards of the mouth of the Rusizi, relates to Livingstone and myself,
in 1871 : “White men, you want to know all about the Rusizi. I
know all about it. I came from Mukamba’s yesterday. This River Ru-
sizi goes out of the lake. I tell you true, quite true.” Facts by two
explorers: The Rusizi flows into the Lake Tanganika, and not out,
and the foolish Mgwana caused the explorers to infer that he told
an unnecessary untruth, or, in other words, that he lied.

A native of Central Africa rarely, if ever, wilfully lies about a

9. Baraka died in 1884 while in service on the Congo River. Coquilhat, Sur le
Haut-Congo, 226.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

matter that does not concern his interests. Ignorance in most cases
is the cause of wrong information from him, and lack of ac-
quaintance with details gives a vagueness and uncertainty to what
is told. But if half a dozen of them can be examined upon a subject
the traveller can generally pick out much reliable information. The
Waganda, Warundi and Wazige are very intelligent, especially the
former.

A young Waganda, who had travelled in Karagwe and who went
with me to the Albert Niyanza, has oftentimes astonished me by
his remarks upon the Alexandra Nile, which he called the Kagera. I
fancy if the Geographical Society had heard him they would have
voted him a silver medal for his intelligent observations. As my
conversation with him was very interesting I will give you in his
own words, as nearly as I can remember, what he said about the
Kagera.

“Master, Sambuzi, my chief, has sent me to you with his salaams,
and he says that the best way for you to go to Muta Nzige (Albert)
Niyanza is by the Kagera.”

“Why,” I asked, “is Kagera the best way?”

“Because,” said he, “Kagera comes from Muta Nzige.”

“Nonsense,” I replied, “Muta Nzige is far below the Niyanza of
Uganda; and how can a river ascend a hill?”

“Master, you white people know a great deal; but will you tell me
where the Kagera comes from?”

“I cannot tell you, because I have not seen it yet, and I don’t
know anything of the river except what I have seen of it at the
mouth.”

“Master, there is no river like the Kagera. We Waganda call it
The mother of the river’ at Jinja (Victoria Nile). Where can the Ka-
gera come from if it does not come from Muta Nzige? Look at its
water. It is water of a Niyanza, and so much water as is in it cannot
come from any mountain. Everybody says it comes from the Muta
Nzige.”

When I turned my back upon the Albert Niyanza I felt consoled
somewhat by this young man’s remarks upon the Kagera. From a
score of persons, on the way to Kagera, I heard enough to create
in me a keen desire to view and examine this river. I have already
told you I obtained soundings of 70, 80, up to 120 feet of water in
its bed, that it had a swift current and a width of from 150 to 200
yards.

From Rumanika — that gentle and most sweet pagan, whom I
found more easy to convert to a geographer than to a Christian — I

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311

Map VI. Stanley’s sketch map of the territory west of Lake Victoria (from NYH, March 29, 1877)

obtained every assistance, by which I was enabled to explore thor-
oughly the singular body of water called Ingezi, which is a shal-
low lake five to ten, and even fourteen miles wide, through which
the Alexandra Nile continues its resistless course with a depth of from
forty to sixty feet. I was enabled, after continuing my journey from
Rumanika’s, to obtain a pretty clear view of a good deal of the unex-
plored course of the Alexandra Nile. What I could not see, because of
the mountains of Ugufu, was Akanyaru, or Niyanza Cha-Ngoma; but
my guides assisted me to understand tolerably well the position of

312

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the lake. The Akanyaru was a large lake and very wide. It required
two days to cross it. A mountainous island was situated in the mid-
dle of the lake, where voyagers to Ruanda from Ugufu generally
rested one night, arriving the next day in Ruanda.

Though Ugufu is really a large island and very mountainous no
native speaks of it as an island. It is separated on the north side
from Kishakka by the Ruvuvu outlet, and from Uhha and Urundi on
the south by the Kagera, and from Ruanda on the west side by
the Alexandra Niyanza. The course of each affluent from the lake
was taken by compass bearings both at the Mount of Observation
and at Keza, where I obtained confirmation of what my guides had
told me.

The natives much confused me when speaking of Kivu Lake,
sometimes pointing it out in the direction of the Alexandra Niyanza,
and again using the name Niyanza Cha-Ngoma; others, again, called
it by the name of Mkinyaga. They sometimes represented it as very
large, and sometimes attempted to give an idea of its extent by stat-
ing that it required so much time to cross it in a canoe. Countries
situated along its shores were also named, which, being noted down,
have assisted me to compare the information of natives of Kishakka
with that furnished by Wazige and Warundi. Warundi on the Tangan-
ika say that Kivu Lake is connected with Akanyaru by a marsh; that
it would require a day’s march along this marsh — ten or fifteen miles
— to proceed from Kivu to Akanyaru; that the Rusizi flows from
the southwest corner of Kivu to Tanganika.

Wazige who live on the Rusizi are very accurate in describing
the names of the streams flowing into the Rusizi, and unanimously
agree with Warundi that it is an issue of Kivu or Kovoe Lake. They
also agree with Warundi that Unyambungu is on the southwest side
of Kivu.10 Having ascertained so much with precision it became
easy then to connect the fragmentary information contained from
North Uhha, West Usui and Kishakka, where the name Kivu is not
generally known, and the country of Unyambungu renders the solu-
tion of the difficulty.

Mkinyaga is northwest of Unyambungu, and to a person in North
Uhha, with his face turned north, Mkinyaga is said to be left of
Kivu, therefore, is situated west of that lake, and, as Mkinyaga is
a large country, extending to southwest Ruanda until a three days’
march, would take a person to the Albert Niyanza. When hearing of

10. See document 29, note 13.

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313

Mkinyaga Lake, we must understand it to be Akanyaru or the Alex-
andra Niyanza, which comprehends all the native titles of the lake.

Here, within two degrees of longitude, where seven countries
meet, representatives of seven nations are unable to give a clear
and connected account of this most interesting region. The cause
of this ignorance arises from the peculiar character of the northern
Warundi and Wa-Ruanda, who are a jealous, treacherous, and vin-
dictive race. If an explorer could cross the country of Urundi, and
enter Mkinyaga, he meets with a different race, with whom it
would not be difficult to establish amicable relations; but unless he
had balloons at his disposal I am unable to see how he could reach
Mkinyaga from the east or the south. Were the Warundi or the Wa-
Ruanda anything in disposition like the tribes or nations we have
met with between here and Zanzibar, how easy a task it were to
push one’s way direct to the utmost reach of the Nile! We have
met tribes who sternly exacted tribute, and we have paid it and
passed on our way, and have met tribes who compelled us to fight
our way through them; but here are two nations (not tribes) of one
peculiar distinct breed, who are neither to be subject to the power
of sweet suasion with gifts of sugar-candy, knick-knacks and gaudy
cloths, or to be forced from the position they have assumed with a
few dozen Sniders. Heaven knows the original progenitors of these
fierce nations. I had half a mind once to make an alliance with the
bandit Mirambo,11 and, with the addition of a thousand Brown
Besses,12 drag the secrets of the Nile by force to the light of day.
But the name of the amiable Princess of Wales could not be taken
then to cover such a stain as this would have been on the source of
the Nile.

No. I live in the hope that our expedition can yet reach this sec-
tion without violence, from the fact, if true, that Mkinyaga can be
reached from North Manyema — that the people of Mkinyaga are
traders, and convey articles of trade from Manyema to Ruanda. All
this, however, can only be settled at Nyangwe, whither I propose
going now.

I have two reasons for going round about this way, since the direct
road is closed. It has become firmly impressed on my mind that
the principal river supplying the Alexandra Niyanza rises in North
Manyema, northwestward of Lake Tanganika.

11. Stanley had a peaceful meeting with his former enemy, Mirambo, in
April 1876, while on the way to Ujiji. TDC, I, 490-94.

12. Flint-lock muskets.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Secondly, I do not forget that the purpose of this enterprise of the
NEW YORK HERALD and Daily Telegraph was to unite the frag-
mentary discoveries of Speke into one complete whole, to finish
Baker’s or Burton’s discovery, and finally to take up the work left
incomplete by the lamented death of Doctor Livingstone.

Lieutenant Cameron, animated by his desire to cross Africa more
than to complete the discoveries of his predecessors, has crossed the
Lualaba and proceeded to Lake Lincoln, thence proceeded, I am told,
in a southwesterly direction with a company of Portuguese traders;
probably to Ambriz or St. Paul de Loanda, by which he has left the
question of the Lualaba exactly where Livingstone left it.13 For the
question in dispute was, “Is the Lualaba the Nile or the Congo?”
Livingstone thought it to be the Nile; the Geographical Council
thought it to be the Congo. The only way to resolve the doubt is to
travel down the Lualaba along the right bank to a known point.

You will thus perceive I have two brilliant fields before me. And
the prospect of entering any one of them causes me to quiver with
delight, though merely anticipating what lies ahead. “Shall I search
for the head of the Alexandra Nile, or shall I continue along the
right bank of the Lualaba?” is a proposition which agitates the silent
hours of night with me. Shall I, after arriving at Nyangwe, strike
northeasterly and take this coy Nile by surprise where he first issues
from the oozy womb or from the angle of some dewy valley, and
trace him thence through all his sportive career, amid flower decked
lakelets or the breadths of ever vernal papyrus, or where he rushes
with fresh born vigor and youthful ardor by fragrant meads and
forest clad slopes to the three blue Niyanzas, where he meets his kin-
dred gathered from all points of the compass to crown him King
Nilus and Lord of Floods? Or shall I worship at the shrine of the
majestic Lualaba, view with awe and reverence his broad glassy
bosom, watch him unfold his strength and launch himself against
rocks with angry roar until the woods and valleys resound the name
of this terrible monarch, behold him receiving his tribute from other
potentates of less renown, and follow him through the dark unknown
land to where he finally discharges his flood to the ocean? Both
courses are equally enticing; both present splendid fields for geo-

13. Stanley was being rather uncharitable to Cameron, who had been blocked
in his efforts to follow the Congo to the sea. Cameron later returned the com-
pliment by affirming that a return via the Congo would have been easier
than the route he followed to the coast, but that to take the river journey,
“I should have had in some measure to countenance the buying and selling
of slaves, and this I could not do.” See Cameron’s description of his expedi-
tion in Brown, The Story of Africa and Its Explorers, II, 266-79.

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315

graphical research; but which I shall adopt will be best known after
I reach Nyangwe.

In the meantime I lay at the feet of the mighty Princess of Wales
an explorer’s tribute — all that he has discovered, measured and sur-
veyed of the Alexandra Nile — the Mother of the Victoria Nile.14

Ujiji

August 13, 1876 1

I must leave off writing letters and must hurry away, for times are
sad, very sad, in Ujiji. A most malignant epidemic is raging here,
devouring the population at the rate of from forty to seventy-five
persons daily. It is a smallpox of the most fatal kind. Few attacked
by it have escaped. The same evil influences which nourish this pest
cause other ailments to prevail — namely, dysentery, chest diseases,
typhoid fevers and agues. You may perceive by the dates of my
letters to you how many days I required to write off a couple of
letters and make up two surveys. I returned from the circumnavigat-
ing voyage August 1; this is now the 13th. Thirteen days to write
two letters! It is true; but the time has been mostly spent fretting in
bed from repeated attacks of fevers.

When I landed from my boat I received a budget of bad news only.
Five deaths had already occurred in the expedition during my ab-
sence of fifty-one days; six more were down with smallpox; the

14. Stanley was roundly criticized for this despatch. Observers pointed out
that Speke had visited the Kagera and had included a Lake Akanyaru on his
map, thereby concluding Stanley had violated “polite usage” for naming a
lake he had not visited and for changing the name of a previously discovered
river. Stanley was also chided for traveling without Speke’s book, the essential
account of the previous visit of a European to the area. Finally, the claims
Stanley made for a river and a lake he had passed earlier, and had not re-
visited, led to the comment that all Stanley’s hypotheses were inexplicable
“unless it be that each letter he sends home must contain a new discovery.”
Oliphant, “African Explorers,” 386-391; Alcock’s speech (see n. 6 above), cxcv.
Despite the criticisms, Stanley was of course correct in declaring that the Ka-
gera system is the ultimate source of the Nile. The most remote source of
the Nile is the Luvironza River, rising about 25 miles from Lake Tanganyika;
it feeds the Ruvuvu, which joins the Niavarongo, which joins the Kagera.
Hurst, Nile, 159-60. The main exploration of the tributaries was accomplished
by Kandt. See Kandt, Caput Nili, I, 237, II, 52ff.

1. NYH, March 27, 1877. See Appendix M, for another Stanley letter of
Aug. 13, 1876.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

fearful disease was running like wildfire through the houses of Ujiji,
Arab and native. Frank Pocock had suffered severe illness three
times while I had been away; an influential Arab trader died the day
of my return; the Governor of Ujiji2 and Livingstone’s old friend
Mohammed bin Gharib3 had lost several children and were losing
slaves each day, though their losses of slaves had been already
severe. Slaves and pagazis, or porters, were fast deserting their mas-
ters for fear of this scourge. Finally, my messengers, five in number,
had not yet returned from Unyanyembe, and as they have not re-
turned up to this day I have given up all hope of them.4 You may
imagine then, the feeling which prevails in all minds at the present
time in Ujiji — it is that of dismay and terror; and, as they look
forward to two months more of the fatal experience they are now
undergoing those who are able to quit the horrible spot should pack
up at once.

When I first heard this news I was impressed with the necessity
of immediate departure if I valued the welfare of the expedition; but
I had also my duty to do toward you. The two letters I have written
to you may, perhaps, be considered by you — if you have any inclina-
tion to be very exacting — as mere sops, but they are the best and
the utmost that can be done under such aggravating circumstances.
The condition of my people is really deplorable. Beside being
thinned in numbers many favorites of those still living are in a bad
state, and some no doubt will be taken off.

The only thing it appears to me that has saved the expedition
from total wreck is vaccination. But I find when too late that many
of the people lost the benefit of vaccination from sheer laziness —
when summoned they would not appear.5 My vaccine matter is all
dried up now and not a particle of it can be scraped up to be of use.

2. Mwinyi Kheri. For his career, Bennett, “Mwinyi Kheri.”

3. Muhammad bin Gharib, a trader resident for many years in the African
interior, had been described by Livingstone “as one of the kindest and best of
the Moslems in Central Africa.” He was also credited with saving the mis-
sionary Hore’s life. Muhammad bin Gharib died around 1886, so burdened
with debts that he had been prevented from returning to Zanzibar. Burton,
Life of Burton, I, 325; HIFL, 570; Hore, “Lake Tanganyika,” 24; Damodar
Jeram to Kirk, June 8, 1886, E-90, ZA.

4. Four of the men eventually reached Zanzibar. They claimed they had
been delayed by the Mirambo wars in Tabora, but had eventually reached
Nyangwe about two months after Stanley had left. After two more years’ delay
the men succeeded in getting to Zanzibar in a very destitute condition. Bennett,
“Stanley and the American Consuls at Zanzibar,” 56, 58; Tippu Tip to Taria
Topan, Oct. 28, 1878, in Kirk to the Secretary of the Royal Geographical
Society, June 23, 1879, unmarked volume, ZA.

5. This took place near Bagamoyo. TDC, II, 62.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

317

Poor Frank Pocock has done his best for his Arab neighbors and
friends, and it was very gratifying to me to hear how excellently and
nobly he had behaved. He is certainly the best servant a man ever
had. I would not part with him for a hundred Shaws and Farquhars.
He has become a most ardent geographer, too, and, having no other
companion with me, I frequently exchange views and hopes with
him. He did not look very promising as a companion at first; I
thought him rather slow. He has a host of virtues and not one vice,
nor shadow of a vice. He is a brave, honest, manly, patient young
Englishman.

I had a great many things to write about my journey round the
Tanganika — it has been so very interesting. I may say it has been
replete with discoveries of magnificent waterfalls, unrivalled scenery,
“water hyaenas,”6 exquisitely fragrant berries, caverns and under-
ground dwellings, the copper mines of Katanga and the mode of
working them. I have heard much about the famous underground
houses of Rua,7 and have discovered what might be called a kind
of religion among the tribes round the Tanganika, any of which
discoveries, with abundant leisure, would furnish matter for a letter.
But the necessity of immediate deaprture is too urgent, which, if I
delayed, would entail the sacrifice of many valuable lives in this ex-
pedition. It will take some days to prepare, to assort and rearrange
the goods after such a long stay here, and various minor matters
must be attended to. I may be able to write you a small note on the
day of departure to acquaint you with our position and our prospects.

Nyangwe
Oct. 28, 1876. 1

The subject which I choose for this letter is one professedly of
interest to a large class of Englishmen and Americans, and, I believe,
to many people in Germany. It is the slave trade in the African in-
terior and those who deal in the traffic and amass wealth out of it.
In giving you an account of its nature I promise you not to indulge
my personal feelings, but to be cool, precise and literal, believing

6. Otters; see document 21, note 6.

7. See document 10, note 3.

1. NYH, Oct. 10, 1877.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

that the letter will have more effect than if it contained merely
vituperations and objurgations against the slave traders.

One has to travel very far in Africa, from east toward west, be-
fore he will begin to experience that strong antipathetic feeling to
the slave traders so characteristic in Livingstone; for the slave trade
elsewhere is mostly confined to small private retail dealings in hu-
man flesh between Arab and Arab. Two or three, or half a dozen, or
a dozen slaves are exchanged quietly between traders, as the ex-
igencies of business or currency require. These few slaves are
perhaps accepted in payment of a long standing debt, or are pur-
chased to complete the number of domestic servants. The buying
or selling of them in such a quiet, orderly manner does not strike
one as being specially repulsive — rather more as an exchange from
one domestic service to another.

At Unyanyembe perhaps he may see a sight once in a while to
provoke indignation and disgust. To witness it daily, however, the
traveller must have sharp eyes and exert himself in a hot climate a
little more than is desirable or comfortable. In Uganda the trade
begins to assume a wholesale character, yet it still retains a business
aspect, not particularly shocking to any great extent, for the dis-
malities and heartrendings it provokes are all hushed up long before
the slaves become the property of the Arabs. The kings and chiefs,
to whose peculiar tastes such an extensive and singular trade is
owing, have long ago dried the tears of the captives by searing their
nerves and severing the chords of sympathy and of feeling by cruel
means, so that, except in infrequent instances, there are no more
tears to be shed or power of wailing left when they begin to be
driven in flocks toward the Arab depots or the coast.

At Ujiji one sees a slave market established — not a central mar-
ket, as at Zanzibar, but in several slave folds or slave pens, main-
tained by degraded half-castes or demoralized Wajiji — whence they
are taken by those in need of slaves for service or for retail sale.
The objects of traffic, as they are landed at the shore of Ujiji, are
generally in a terrible condition, reduced by hunger to ebony skeletons
— attenuated weaklings, unable to sustain their large, angular heads.
Their voices have quite lost the manly ring; they are mere whines
and moans of desperately sick folk. Scarcely one is able to stand
upright; the back represents an unstrung bow, with something of
the serrated appearance of a crocodile’s chine. Every part of their
frames shows the havoc of hunger, which has made them lean,
wretched and infirm creatures. Just here I could, if I might, launch
out into vigorous abuse of the authors of these crimes, and they

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

319

deserve a thousandfold more denunciation than can be invented by
me or by any humane soul in Europe; but I have promised to be
cool, precise and literal. Yet I may say that all the Satanic host pro-
tects them, for it must be assuredly owing to the deep wiles of hell
and its inhabitants that the people of a small island like Zanzibar
are permitted to commit crimes such as no European State under-
stands.

The living skeletons described above have all been marched from
Marungu to Uguhha; thence to Ujiji they were crowded in canoes.
When our expedition crossed over to Uguhha we met 800 slaves of
exactly such a cast as already described, principally children and
women. I do not mean to say that these 800 were all skeletonized
thus by hunger. There were a few — perhaps fifty, perhaps more — who
still possessed somewhat of rotundity in their forms; but these, I
was told by the traders, sustained themselves by assiduous con-
sumption of roots, berries, voided grain, &c. The canoes which
brought the expedition to Uguhha returned to Ujiji with full cargoes
of slaves. Frank Pocock, my European servant, had often read in
English journals accounts of the treatment and condition of African
slave droves, but until our arrival at Uguhha he said he never
realized in his own mind what that treatment really was. Poor Frank,
obliged to be sent back to Ujiji to recover some deserters, had more
than enough of terrible scenes, for he was obliged to take passage
in a heavily loaded slave canoe, wherein fifty little withered wretches
were crowded into a mass like so many starved pigs. As the canoe
was three days en route Frank’s nerves were terribly tortured.2

These slaves are the profitable result of a systematic war waged
upon all districts in the populous country of Marungu by banditti,
supported by Arab means, directly and indirectly. Directly, because
Arabs purchase the slaves taken in these wars for powder and guns,
by means of which the wars are sustained; and indirectly, because
there is no other market than the Arabs supply to relieve the ban-
ditti of the thousands which otherwise would have to be released
from sheer want of food.

These banditti are Unyamweze, armed with guns purchased at
Unyanyembe and Bagamoyo, and perfectly acquainted with Arab
commerce and the most profitable wares. They band themselves for
the desperate purpose of enslaving all tribes and peoples which are,
from want of means and organization, too weak to resist them. No
country offers such a field for these gangs of kidnappers as Marungu,

2. See Pocock’s letter, Appendix U.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

where every small village is independent and generally at variance
with its neighbor.3 Almost all the adult males are slain in the most
cruel manner and their bodies are afterward hacked and dismem-
bered and hung up on trees along the road, that the terror of such
a fate may render villages and districts not yet attacked more sub-
missive and unresisting. The women and youths are too valuable to
slay, and the Arabs require them.

The owner of 250 of these poor, hungry, skeletonized slaves,
whom we met at the Arab crossing place in Uguhha, was Said bin
Salim, the Governor of Unyanyembe and the former chaperon of
Burton and Speke on their journey to Ujiji in 1858-59. It was the
third batch of this year, 1876, which has thus been consigned to
Said bin Salim, an officer in the employ of Burghash, Prince of
Zanzibar.4 I have reflected much upon the singularity of this fact.
Prince Burghash lately made a treaty with Great Britain, wherein
— but you know all about it.5 I believe it had something to do with
prohibiting trade in slaves, and a promise — a written promise —
from Seyed Burghash was obtained that he would do all in his power
to stop the trade. Do you not think it singular that Said bin Salim,
an officer of Seyed Burghash, should be engaged in this condemned
traffic? I have meditated duly on the excuses which might be made
for Said bin Salim, such as exigencies of business, necessities of the
interior, domestic service. But, just Heavens! what can this Gover-
nor of Unyanyembe want with 500 or 600 women and children? I
feel tempted to say strong things against this man, Said bin Salim,
but I am restrained by my promise. This much I will say, that Said
bin Salim, to the best of my knowledge and belief, is one of the prin-
cipal slave traders in Africa, and Said bin Salim is an officer of
Prince Burghash, and more than that, that Said bin Salim is the most
trusted agent of the authorities at Zanzibar.

You will perceive this letter is dated at Nyangwe, Manyema. Many
will remember that Livingstone said he was witness of some dreadful
scenes enacted here, which made his “heart sore.” 6 One terrible

3. For details of the Nyamwezi in this area, see the later “De Zanzibar au
Katanga, Journal du Capitaine Stairs (1890-1891),” 143ff.

4. Said bin Salim later denied any connection with these slaves, attributing
the report to one of his enemies. There are other proofs of his participation
in the slave trade of the interior, however. Kirk passed on Stanley’s report
to Said bin Salim, but the British official said he would take no action. Mackay
to Wigram, May 25, 1878, C.A6/016, CMS; Wilson to Wigram, Sept. 23, 1878
(addenda of Nov. 18, 1878), C.A6/025, ibid.; Kirk to Said bin Salim, July 28,
1878, N-25, ZA.

5. See document 16, note 22.

6. See document 7.

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321

act he described. A half-caste, called Tagamoyo, was the principal
actor. When I arrived in the same town where such a proceeding (as
Livingstone wrote about) is said to have taken place, I asked if it
was true. “Quite true,” said a native of Zanzibar, frankly. “Ah,
M’tagomoyo has no heart; his heart is very small indeed; it is as big
as the end of a finger.” Meaning that it was pitiless, undisturbed by
compassion or feeling; for a liberal, just and kind man is said to
have a big heart.

Between Bagamoyo and Unyanyembe, I said, one sees but retail
sales of slaves; that in Uganda he beholds a wholesale trade without
many horrors; that in Ujiji I saw large slave droves, and that in
Uguhha I saw about eight hundred slaves almost too weak to stand
from hunger. In Manyema I arrived on one of the fields where slaves
are obtained, where it may be said they are grown, reaped and har-
vested, or, more correctly, where they are parked, shot or captured,
as the case may be; for until slaves are needed they are permitted
to thrive in their small, unprotected villages, to plant their corn, to
attend their plantations and improve their dwellings, to quarrel in
that soft, mild manner peculiar to simple and not over strong-minded
savages, which does but little harm to anybody.

When, however, there is a growing demand for slaves, a revival in
the trade, Moeni Dugambi of Nyangwe,7 Mohammed bin Nassur of
Kassessa,8 Mohammed-bin-Said of Mama Mamba,9 each, settled at
an angle of a large triangular district, invite their friends and de-
pendents for a few days’ sport, just as an English nobleman invites
his friends to grouse or deer shooting. Now, in this general battue
it is understood, of course, that all men found carrying spears should
be considered dangerous, and shot, to be cut to pieces afterward;
but the women and children and submissive adults are prizes which
belong to the victors. The murder of people on this scale is called a
war and a grievance, as with your potentates — for war is soon dis-
covered where the losses are always on the side of the simple sav-
ages. In a coarse, not always successful, manner the savages some-

7. Mwinyi Dugumbi, from Sadani, was one of the earliest Arab traders to
the Congo and one of the leaders at Nyangwe; he died before 1881. Living-
stone characterized him as “very friendly and a gentleman with more exploring
enterprise in him than any other.” Foskett, ed., The Zambesi Doctors. David
Livingstone's Letters to John Kirk 1858:1872, 154; TDC, II, 117-18; Wissmann,
Unter deutscher Flagge quer durch Afrika von West nach Ost, 177.

8. LLJ, II, 45, 178, has reference to some of his activities.

9. Muhammad bin Said, or Bwana Nzige, a relative of Tippu Tip. He would
play a prominent role in the Congo as the trusted deputy of Tippu Tip. He
died in Zanzibar in the early twentieth century. “Les Chefs Arabes du Haut
Congo,” 18; Brode, Tippoo Tib , 102; Coquilhat, Haut-Congo, 429ff.

322

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

times attempt to retaliate, and then follows another grievance and
another war.

I have three little extracts from my notebook which I request you
to publish, to the truth of which any Arab or Arab slave at present
in Nyangwe would be quite willing to testify :

“Oct. 17. Arabs organized to-day from the three districts of Kas-
sessa, Mwana Mamba and Nyangwe to avenge the murder and eat-
ing of Mohammed bin Soud and ten men by a tribe near Mana
Mpunda, half way between Kassessa and Nyangwe. After six days’
slaughter the Arabs returned with 300 slaves and 1,500 goats, be-
sides spears, bark cloths, stools, &c.10

“Oct. 24. The natives of Kabanga, near Nyangwe, were sorely
troubled two or three days ago by a visit paid them by some Un-
yamweze in the employ of Mohammed bin Said. Their insolence
was so unbearable that the natives at last said, ‘We will stand this
no longer. They will force our wives and daughters before our eyes
if we hesitate longer to kill them. Kill them! kill them! and before the
Arabs come we will be off.’ Unfortunately only one of the Unyam-
weze was killed; the others took fright and disappeared to rouse the
Arabs with a new ‘grievance.’ To-day Mtagamoyo, whose heart is
only as big as the end of one’s finger, set out for the scene of action
with a murderous celerity, and, besides making fifteen slaves, killed
thirty, and set fire to eight villages. Mtagamoyo was said by the
Arabs to have made but a ‘small prize.’

“Oct. 26. The day after my arrival here has been signalled by an
attack made by Mtagamoyo upon the Wagenya, or fishermen, on the
left bank of the Lualaba. He departed in the night, and returned this
day noon with fifty or sixty women and a few children.11

“‘Are these wars of yours frequent?’ I asked my friend Abed bin
Salim.12

“ ‘Frequent! Sometimes six times and ten times a month,’ he re-

10. Diary, 132, does not give the same extract.

11. Ibid., 133, has no entry for this date. The Genia, useful to the Arabs
because of their skill as boatmen, usually lived in peace with the Arabs. See
Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 328-31; Coquilhat, Haut-Congo,
420; Baumann, “Die Station der Stanley-Falle,” 510-13, 647-49; Vansina, In-
troduction cl VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 5; De Thier, Singhitini, passim.

12. Abed bin Salim, called Tanganyika, one of the founders of Nyangwe, was
a leading Congo Arab. After about twenty-eight years in the interior, he was
compelled by the pressure of debts to return to Zanzibar in 1886. He died soon
afterward. Wissmann, Durch Afrika, 177-82; Wissmann, My Second Journey
through Equatorial Africa, 224; W[auters]., “La Huitieme Traversee de l’Afrique
Centrale de Banana a Zanzibar par le Lieutenant Gleerup,” 74-75; undated
Stanley note in B-5, ZA.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

323

plied. ‘We cannot teach these pagans to be quiet. They are always
kicking up trouble, killing some of our people whenever they can get
a chance. A small force of five or ten guns dare not set out to hunt
game. We are always on the lookout for trouble, and when we hear
of it we all set out to punish them.’ ”

The method of punishment which the Arabs have adopted in Man-
yema means a cutthroat grab at anything or everything, from a
woman to an empty gourd, from a goat or a pig to a hen’s egg, and
an indiscriminate shooting into anything bearing the semblance of
an armed foe.

When such simple savages as these of Manyema run away half
dead with fright, unnerved by the frightful noise of musketry and
whistle of murderous slugs in their ears, it may well be imagined
that many little things of value to Arabs and their slaves are picked
up. My picture also proves how most of the miserable half-castes
and Arab starvelings from Zanzibar are able to muster from 300 to
600 armed slaves each. They have but little cloth and beads to buy
food for these slaves; they must therefore be sustained by the profits
and loot derived from raids.

Wade Safeni,13 one of the captains in our expedition, said to me
as we marched from Mana Mamba to Nyangwe, “Master, all this
plain lying between Mana Mamba and Nyangwe, when I first came
here, eight years ago, was populated so thickly that we travelled
through gardens and fields and villages every quarter of an hour.
There were flocks of goats and droves of black pigs round every vil-
lage. A bunch of bananas could be purchased for one cowrie. You
can see what the country is now for yourself.”

I saw an uninhabited wilderness — mostly. The country was only
redeemed from utter depopulation by a small inhabited district, at
intervals of six hours’ march, the people of which seemed to be ever
on the qui vive against attack. If the Arabs intended to colonize this
country such reckless conduct and indiscriminate shooting of people
would be deemed great folly, but the Arabs have no intention of colo-
nizing Manyema. They are merely temporary residents in a district
which up to the present time has offered golden opportunities of
trade. In choosing this district the Arabs considered the character of
the inhabitants, and they saw that the natives of Manyema were least
able of any tribe or tribes in Central Africa to interfere with them.

As Livingstone was one of the early arrivals among the strangers

13. Wade Safeni, one of Stanley’s favorite men, and his coxswain on Lake
Victoria, went mad and disappeared near the end of the trip down the Congo.
TDC, II, 86, 379; Diary, 201.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

in Manyema, he was able to note and observe the first symptoms
and the causes of depopulation which has been going on now for a
period of eight years. Were it possible that he could rise from the
dead and take a glance at the districts now depopulated, it is prob-
able that he would be more than ever filled with sorrow at the mis-
doings of these traders. The Arabs have been now over eight years
in Manyema, yet, though their slaves have made progress further
west, they have been unable to discover a suitable locality for trade,
or to secure a site for a trading depot. The natives further west ap-
pear by their reports to be extremely savage and combative. Every
caravan — though one numbered 200 guns — has been compelled to
turn back much reduced in numbers, with woeful tales of fighting,
besieging, and suffering from want of food.

It will be thus seen that the Arab traders, having a special regard
for their health, do not care to injure themselves by making raids
against strong tribes; that they prefer weak, small tribes, whose want
of organization and combination renders them specially powerless
against a compact body of one hundred men armed with muskets.
Manyema and Marungu, unfortunately for their inhabitants, offered
attractive opportunities from local causes. Each small village obeyed
a separate chief and their near neighborhood one to another engen-
dered tribal jealousies and hates, so that, when the traders came,
they were not only spurred to assume the offensive by their own
avarice, but each chief did his best to secure their aid against his
neighbor. Manyema has become a prey for the Arabs, and Marungu
is being depopulated by the Uyanyamweze in Arab interests.

The Arabs buy gangs of men in the African interior, for the busi-
ness of purchasing ivory necessitates a demand for human carriers,
and, as hired porters are not always to be obtained, they are naturally
compelled to purchase slaves to convey the precious material to the
coast. Until ivory ceases to be an article of demand we ought not to
blame the Arabs much for doing the best they can, consistent with the
state of things, to collect it and bring it to their seaport. In the treat-
ment of their slaves they must also be credited with not cruelly
abusing their own interests. Except under very rare circumstances
the condition of the slaves is not worse than when they enjoyed
their savage freedom. If the Arabs contented themselves with buying
slaves and were free from the charge of assisting to enslave the
unfortunates we should be deprived of much right to complain of
them, provided that such purchase was limited to the interior.

The charge I make against the subjects of Prince Burghash is
that in Marungu, Manyema and Rua they use their power to enslave

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325

people, to capture by force thousands of men, women and children
for the purpose of selling them to their countrymen for the mere
sake of making money out of the sale of human beings that were
forcibly and unjustly taken from their homes to feed their avarice.
I charge them with being engaged in a traffic specially obnoxious
to humanity — a traffic founded on violence, murder, robbery and
fraud. I charge them with being engaged in a business which can be
called by no other name than land piracy, and which should justly
be as punishable as piracy on the high seas. That while all the na-
tions in the world abstain from being concerned in such a trade, and
generally condemn it, the subjects of Prince Burghash, equipping
themselves at Zanzibar, Bagamoyo and other seaport towns, organize
themselves into separate and several caravans, whose object mostly is
to prosecute to the utmost of their power and vigor a system of land
piracy, to attack inoffensive tribes and capture as many as they are
able to for the purpose of selling them to their countrymen on the
coast.

Prince Burghash, personally, I do not believe is to be blamed. It
is his weakness, his inefficiency, his utter incapacity to prevent his
subjects from violating all laws, human and divine, that should be
shown up. We may credit him, personally, with doing all he can to
prevent it, or at least with doing all he knows how to prevent the
trade. But it is apparent to me and to anybody who may come to
Africa that what has been done, or is doing, makes no more impres-
sion upon this appalling and desperate trade than what this letter
will make.

I only write this letter because it is a part of my duty to give you
such information as may come within the range of my travels; as-
suredly with but a faint hope that it will have a feather’s weight
toward checking the crying and dreadful evil. What I do trust is that,
with your aid, I shall be able to cause many to reflect upon the fact
that there exists one little State on this globe, which is about equal
in extent to an English county, with the sole privilege of enriching
itself by wholesale murder, land piracy and commerce in human be-
ings, and that a traffic forbidden to all other nations should be
permitted to be furtively monopolized by the little island of Zanzibar
and by such insignificant people as the subjects of Prince Burghash.

The champions of the anti-slavery cause in England, seconded by
the government, deserve great credit for having done their utmost
to suppress the traffic in slaves on the high seas; but, to complete
their work, it should be suggested to them that, so long as the trade
is permitted in the interior, so certain is it that attempts will be

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made to continue it at sea. If I were to stop here I imagine very
many would shrink from the appalling prospect such a project as
suppressing the trade in the interior would naturally create in the
mind. Many would dream of expeditions against the Arabs, of terrible
expenditures of moneys, loss of life and other calamitous things;
others would think such a project would call for hosts of mission-
aries, perhaps annexation of Zanzibar, or, at least, harsh interference
with the government of an independent prince. I am no advocate for
filibustering expeditions, because I think they entail as much, if not
greater, evil than that which they are supposed to suppress. The
heavy expense which such expeditions incur is also a drawback,
besides their fruitlessness.14

Missionaries are also out of the question. To whom should they
be sent? To scattered and stripped tribes like those of Marungu and
Manyema? Even here they would be valuable, provided each mission
was supported by 200 Sniders. Though, in Uganda, a missionary
alone would be a boon, in Manyema, Rua and Marungu he would
be impracticable. Cruel or harsh interference by a mighty Power in
the affairs of a weak State is an injustice, but where the weak State
is so feebly governed that its subjects riot in licentiousness and mur-
der, and revel in the luxuries of crime unpunished, when a people
convert themselves into bands of cutthroats and land pirates, unde-
terred by fear of God or their government, it is time, I think, for
some more moral government to interfere; at least it would be desir-
able that such a government should interfere for the credit of hu-
manity.

A long time ago a sentimental necessity, or what was supposed to
be one, sufficed to rouse all the Christian nations of Europe, with
all their magnificent force and daring; but nowadays it has become
almost an article of belief that to do anything for the sake of senti-
ment smacks of the ridiculous, or, to use the new name for it,
Quixotic. Well, I fear knightly chivalry is gone along with its bur-
lesque. We have only the name left to remember it by. Later still
Great Britain was famous for maintaining a political chivalry, which
often did good service and rescued weak States from the oppressor’s
violence. It is sometimes called into exercise even in modern times,
though now it is of milder form, and generally distinguished by the
term “good offices.” It is not the knightly chivalry nor the political

14. The future “filibustering” expeditions of the Belgian antislavery groups
and the activities of the missionary armed forces to the east of Lake Tan-
ganyika are discussed in Bennett’s introduction to the reissue of Swann, Fight-
ing the Slave-Hunters in Central Africa, forthcoming.

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327

chivalry, but the “good offices” of England, on behalf of the African
races and of Christians at large, that would be highly desirable just
now at Zanzibar. Let us pray that wisdom and charity may guide
England to employ her real and vast influence at once, energetically
and resolutely, to rescue inland Africa, and to check these whole-
sale murders of inoffensive tribes in the interior of the sad continent.

Nyangwe, Manyema, Central Africa
Oct. 30, 1876 1

In repacking my baggage and reducing it for our journey to the
unknown regions west of here I came across Sir Samuel Baker’s letter,
given by Sir Bartle Frere to the Times.2 I had forgotten all about
the letter, otherwise I should have written to you long ago. But it is
not yet too late, as no doubt Sir Samuel Baker has published his book
and maintains the same theories divulged in this letter.3 Perhaps
absence from Africa has but deepened his impression and caused
him at last to believe his theories to be facts.

You may be able to compare these remarks with such as he may
have made in his book.

“Albert Niyanza. Congratulate Mr. Findlay4 from me. His theory
is correct. This lake is a simple continuation of Tanganyika. I had
frequent conversations with two native merchants of Karagwe, who
purchased ivory for their King Rumanika.

“These men had on several occasions arrived from Karagwe by
boat via the M’wootan Nzige (Albert Niyanza). They describe the lake
as immensely wide in some portions, but varying in an irregular
manner. In some places it narrows suddenly and then again enlarges
to a great width. For a return voyage from Masindi5 to Karagwe by
lake the merchants’ route is as follows :

1. NYH, Oct. 9, 1877. See also Stanley’s letter of Oct. 31, 1876, Appendix K.

2. In another letter Baker gave his opinion on the lakes when he heard that
Livingstone was at Ujiji: “Do not come down the lake. It is now well known
that the Tanganyika is the Albert Nyanza . . .” Baker to Livingstone, Feb. 10,
1873, The Times, Feb. 18, 1874, p. 10.

3. See Baker, Ismailia, II, 258-63.

4. Alexander G. Findlay (1812-1875), geographer and hydrographer, had
written an admittedly inferential article to demonstrate that Lake Tanganyika
was a reservoir of the Nile. DNB, XX, 23—24; Findlay, “On Dr. Livingstone’s
Last Journey and the Probable Ultimate Sources of the Nile.”

5. In Bunyoro, near the present Masindi. Thomas and Scott, Uganda, 17.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

"Masindi, two days’ march west to Chibero,6 on the Albert Ni-
yanza. From Chibero, by boat, you pass in succession to the south
Minyoro (Speke’s Unyoro), Kabboyou,7 Tambooki,8 M’Pororo (boat
stops), and in two days’ overland march east you reach Karagwe,
about 3 dgs. S.L., Ruanda, Baroondi (Speke’s Urundi?), Chibbogora,9
Watuta, Machoonda.10

“Ujiji is well known to be on the M’wootan Nzige — i.e., Albert
Niyanza.”

These statements would not need reply were they merely on na-
tive authority instead of having the high support of Sir Samuel
Baker. I remember that the first time I read the letter I felt somewhat
"dashed” at the long list of native names which Sir Samuel set forth
as names of stations which were said to link the two lakes — Tan-
ganyika and the Albert. There were many I had never heard of, and
to disprove the native evidence furnished by Baker, besides my own
exploration of the north end of the Tanganyika, a better knowledge
of the localities of those stations was desirable, which I am happy
to say I have obtained by my late explorations in the region between
Lakes Victoria and Albert.

After the names of the stations according to Sir S. Baker, he adds:

"Beyond Machoonda the merchants know nothing, except that the
lake extends to the south for an unknown distance.”

It was plain to me that Sir Samuel placed too much confidence in
native information, for, alas! I have had a score of times such good
cause to distrust all native and Arab information that I have made
it a rule to take everything as doubtful.11

These two "merchants” had taken Sir Samuel over five lakes — the
Albert, the Tanganyika, the Upper Alexandra Niyanza, the Lower
Alexandra Niyanza and the Victoria. They had given the names of
large countries for stations, and mixed the names of dead kings with
names of insignificant stations. Let us, with the clear light thrown
on this mass of error, by exploration endeavor to set things geo-

6. Kibero, in Bunyoro.

7. Kaboyo, the founder of the Toro state. Taylor, Western Lacustrine Bantu,
43.

8. Mutambukwa, ruler of Ankole. See document 26, note 6.

9. Stanley suggested Kibogora, ruler of Usuwi (see below). Stanley had
visited him. T DC, I, 478-80.

10. Machunda, predecessor of Lukongeh, ruler of Ukerewe. See Burton,
“Lake Regions,” 270, 275; Grant, “Summary of Observations,” 258.

11. Another traveler remarked that he took especial care to avoid using
chief’s names for territories because of Baker’s errors. Emin Bey, “Journal einer
Reise von Mruli nach der Hauptstadt Unyoro’s mit Bemerkungen iiber Land
und Leute,” 388.

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329

graphically right. From Masindi, one of the capitals of Kabba Rega,
King of Unyoro, it is said to be two days’ march to the Albert Ni-
yanza, to a place called Chibero. Thence you are said to voyage in
a boat along Unyoro, Kabboyou and Tambooki. This latter I take
to mean M’tambuko, King of Ankori or Usagara, whose country,
though it does not extend to Lake Albert, runs parallel with it be-
tween Southern Uganda and some small lake districts. From Tam-
booki, or M’tambuko’s you are supposed to reach Mpororo, where
the boat stops, and a two days’ march overland brings you to Ka-
ragwe. The distance might probably be done in two days’ march,
but would strain any ordinary man’s powers to perform the distance
in that time, but it might be doubted whether two bodies of water,
or lakes, separated by a two days’ land march, could be supposed
to be connected.

From Karagwe you are said to reach Ruanda. Having marched
east to Karagwe, you are now compelled to go west to Ruanda, thence
to Urundi South. Having gone south of Ruanda to Urundi, you must
now turn about forty miles northeast to Chibbogora, which I take
to mean Kibogora, King of Western Usui. From Kibogora’s you pro-
ceed to “Watuta,” which is not a station or a country, but a maraud-
ing tribe occupying Ugomba12 between Unyamweze and Uhha. Fi-
nally, from “Watuta” you proceed to Machunda; that is to say, east
120 geographical miles to Machunda’s, who was formerly King of
Ukerewe, on Lake Victoria!

There are several other points in his letter which might be criti-
cized, but I am perhaps “slaying the slain.” I quite believe no errors
would be found in the descriptions of districts and positions of lo-
calities over which Sir Samuel has personally travelled, and I be-
lieve he has done his utmost to maintain that standard of rigid
accuracy which Burton, Speke, Grant, Winwood Reade13 and Liv-
ingstone formed; but beliefs and hypotheses are perilous luxuries
in Africa.

I address myself now to a more pleasant task — viz., that of giving
you my glad tribute to a much younger traveller than Sir Samuel
Baker — Lieutenant Cameron. Mr. Waller, of the Royal Geographical
Society, is very partial to the word “pluck,” it appears. He said Mr.
Cameron showed great pluck in discovering the Lukuga. I do not

12. The Ngoni. See Hatchell, “The Angoni,” 70. Bugomba is a village in the
Ulewe chieftanship in the present Kahama district.

13. William Winwood Reade (1838-1875), traveler and novelist; he had
been a fellow newspaper correspondent with Stanley during the Ashanti cam-
paign. DNB, XL VII, 361-62; JRGS 45 (1875), cl-cli. See also Hird, Stanley,
106-07.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

exactly know what he meant by the word in connection with the
discovery of the Lukuga, but he may use the word very properly in
connection with Cameron’s march from Nyangwe to the unknown
regions southwest of here. If Arabs are to be believed, he has shown
a most brilliant example of pluck — determined courage amounting
to pure recklessness of life. I am told he had but little ammunition
left. Considering that he was in this position in the very heart of
Africa, at least six months’ journey from either coast, and that he
preferred to go on thus unprepared through an unknown region, I
can only look at his feat as one of the most signal instances of high
courage and duty in the annals of African exploration. I wish the
young and gallant traveller the happiest success.

A day or two before leaving Ujiji I wrote to you to say that I was
compelled to leave off letter writing to attend to my sick people and
prepare for my journey to Manyema. I lost eight good men from
smallpox, but I suffered greater loss the day I finally set out from
Ujiji, for forty-three desertions took place. At one time I imagined
that there was a conspiracy to finish the journey at Ujiji. There was,
at least, a kind of panic among those who remained; for, as the
desertions were announced, I heard the men ask one another in fear
what it all meant, and my suspicions seemed to discover a kind of
regret in their faces that they had not deserted also. To prevent the
contagion of desertion I clapped thirty- two doubtful cases in irons,
and, after driving them into the canoes, compelled the canoes to set
off at once for Ukaranga. I believe that it is to this summary, unhesi-
tating method I owe what is left of a once powerful expedition. The
time spent by me in exploring and circumnavigating Lake Tangan-
yika served to demoralize the people. They were daily listening
open-mouthed to the terrible stories of the cannibals of Manyema,
and the fear of being eaten caused the simple fools to quiver with
anxiety.

Until I arrived in Uguhha, and, indeed, until I had bidden adieu to
the Tanganyika, my people made me feel as though I had become
a slave driver. The camp exhibited nothing but sadness and gloom.
The usual merriment, the broad jest and loud, reckless laugh were
wanting. Many had lost their comrades and messmates, the messes
had not yet been reorganized and the men seemed to be shy of one
another. But as we increased the distance between our camps and
the Tanganyika all this gloomy feeling wore away, and, inspired by
rapid, strenuous marching, before we reached Bambarre or Kabam-
barre the people had resumed their former cheery looks, and slyly

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331

laughed at themselves for having been frightened by the stories
about the man-eaters of Manyema. I forgot to say that even Kalulu
was also one of the deserters; but he and four others were subse-
quently recovered. From Kabambarre we followed the Luama River
to its confluence with the Lualaba, thence followed the latter river
to Nyangwe, which place we reached in the unprecedented short
time of forty days, or twenty-eight marches from the Tanganyika.

Though I have not had the pleasure of reading Livingstone’s jour-
nal you must have had. I cannot hope to add much to anything he
has said. I reserve myself for the unknown west of Nyangwe, be-
cause I shall have then something worth writing about — new, virgin
ground, of which not a whisper has reached the world outside, about
which even everybody in Nyangwe is ignorant — a region which Liv-
ingstone panted to reach, but could not, and which Cameron prom-
ised to explore, but did not. The region is all involved in mystery,
the intense superstition of the Africans has folded it with awesome
gloom.

It is peopled by their stories with terribly vicious dwarfs,11 striped
like zebras, who deal certain death with poisoned arrows, who are
nomads and live on elephants. A great forest stretches no one knows
how far north — certainly no one has seen the end of it — through
which one may travel days and days and weeks and months without
ever seeing the sun; and the great river Lualaba continues north,
ever north; and it is possible, the Arabs and their slaves say, the
Lualaba may reach the salt sea.

After listening to the Arab 15 who has journeyed furthest north
I do not wonder at Livingstone’s fixed idea that this Lualaba is the
Nile. This man, who has reached a distance of fifteen marches north
of here, through Uregga,16 declares that he struck the Lualaba, and
at that distance the river had a decided curve, going north-northeast.
As this man’s statement was corroborated by his companions I am
bound to believe him; but it suggested to my mind, not that it has
a connection with the Albert Niyanza, or the Bahr Gazelle, or with
the Nile at all, but that it continues in a northerly direction to some
point near the Equator, where it is received by an equally great

14. For accounts of Pygmies in the Congo, Turnbull, The Forest People;
Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 3.

15. Abed bin Juma. TDC, II, 99.

16. The Rega inhabited the great equatorial forest east of the Lualaba in
the area of the Elila and Ulindi rivers. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo
Beige, 341-43; Delhaise, Les Warega; Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie
du Congo, chap. 7.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

river, having its rise in the Djebel Kumr of the Arabs, or the Lunae
Montes of Ptolemy,17 and from that point flows southwesterly into
the river known as the Congo. This is my deliberate opinion at the
present time, and it has caused me to make decided changes in
the programme of the travels before me.

Should my opinion be confirmed I should, by following the Lua-
laba so far north, be taking the expedition beyond all power of aid
or supplies from any quarter. Such a long distance beyond all cal-
culation would waste every article we could possibly exchange for
food. If the mere purpose of this expedition was to cross Africa,
with the utmost confidence I declare to you that I could reach San
Salvador18 in six months from Nyangwe; but I should then, like
Cameron, have left the question of the Lualaba just where Living-
stone left it, to be discussed upon the grounds of each man’s opinions.
If I merely struck direct west for San Salvador, how could I prove
that the Lualaba is the Congo, or that it is not the Congo, but the
Nile or the Niger — whichever it may be? I should forfeit all right
to be heard upon the subject or to be considered as one able to
confirm any of the theories broached upon the subject. This would
be lamentable.

My opinion about the Lualaba is that it cannot be the Nile, despite
its northerly trend. It is too mighty a river here to be the Nile. I
have crossed it, sounded it, tested its current, taken its altitude,
deliberately compared it in my mind to the Nile, and my conviction
is strong that there is sufficient water in it to make three rivers
such as the Nile. Yet it may, though it is highly improbable, throw
out a branch to the Bahr el Gazelle. It is improbable, because it
would be extraordinary; yet may be so, as there are more wonders
in Africa than are dreamed of in the common philosophy of geogra-
phy. Instance the Tanganyika!

But, as neither conjectures, dreams, theories nor opinions will
make one positive geographical fact, I propose to stick to the Lua-
laba, come fair or come foul, fortune or misfortune; and, that I may
not be driven back by force, I have recruited the expedition to one
hundred and forty rifles and muskets and seventy spears. The de-
sertions and deaths from smallpox at Ujiji had thinned my com-
mand to such a degree that we should have been only a sop for a

17. For the uncertainty of the location of Ptolemy’s Mountains of the Moon,
Bridges, “The British Exploration of East Africa,” 16-18. See also TDC, II,
276-77.

18. Mbanza Kongo, or San Salvador, capital of the former extensive Kongo
state. See Cuvelier, L’Ancien Royaume de Congo.

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333

ferocious tribe. Our expedition, with the late reinforcement, is now
as strong as when it drove its way through Ituru and Iramba and
twice crossed hostile Unyoro.

It must be a very strong tribe indeed that can drive us back now.
But what savages cannot do hunger may, if the Lualaba continues
running so far north of the Equator. I have ample supplies for six
months. Beyond that period Heaven knows what will become of us
if we find ourselves at the confluence of these two rivers, the Lua-
laba and the unknown river, so far out of the way of supplies, with
not a single bead or cowrie to buy food! However, my naturally san-
guine temperament has made me sing of the doggerel of

Trust to luck and stare Fate in the face;

Aisy’s the heart if it’s in the right place.

P.S. — I leave two letters in the hands of my friend Abed bin Salim,
addressed to you. He promises to forward them to the East Coast
at the earliest opportunity. I am well aware that such opportunities
come very seldom, but I trust that you will receive them at least
within twelve months.

Nyangwe, Manyema, Central Africa
Nov. 1, 1876 1

While in Ujiji, in 1871, Livingstone kindled in me an envious de-
sire to see Manyema, when he permitted himself to speak about the
glories of the last country he had traversed. He was truly enthusi-
astic about it. He spoke of gigantic, towering woods, extraordinary
variety of vegetation, beautiful scenes of wooded hills and verdurous
vales and basins, amiable and interesting tribes, of beautiful women,
and many other things which showed that the veteran traveller had
been more than ordinarily impressed. I find from diligent inquiries
here that his residence, his travels hither and thither, and his jour-
neys from and to Ujiji must have embraced a period of three years
or thereabouts.2

1. NYH, Oct. 10, 1877.

2. Livingstone spent from July 1869 until October 1871 in traveling from
Ujiji to Manyema and back.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

The distance from Ujiji to Nyangwe is about 350 English miles,
which we performed in forty days, inclusive of halts. I find he was
laid up a very long time with a most painful disease of the feet at
Kabambarre. From native accounts he seems to have been there
from six to twelve months. It was certainly long enough for the
noble old explorer to study the nature of the natives of East Many-
ema. I have not the slightest doubt that by the beautiful women he
spoke to me about he meant the women of Kabambarre, in East
Manyema. These women are, without doubt, comely, winning and
most amiable compared with anything that Livingstone may have
seen south of South latitude 5 deg. in Africa. But Livingstone should
have visited the proud beauties of the Watusi, Wanyankore, and of
the white race of Gambaragara. He would then have only remem-
bered the women of East Manyema for their winsomeness and ami-
ability. The traveller “Daoud,” or David, is a well-remembered figure
in this region between Nyangwe and the Tanganyika. He has made
an impression on the people which will not be forgotten for a gen-
eration at least.

“Did you know him?” old Mwana Ngoi, of the Luama,3 asked of
me eagerly. Upon receiving an affirmative he said to his sons and
brothers, “Do you hear what he says? He knew the good white man.
Ah, we shall hear all about him.” Then, turning to me, he asked me,
“Was he not a very good man?” to which I replied, “Yes, my
friend, he was good; far better than any man, white or Arab, you
will ever see again.”

“Ah, yes; you speak true. He has saved me from being robbed
many a time by the Arabs, and he was so gentle and patient and told
us such pleasant stories of the wonderful land of the white people.
Hm’, the aged white was a good man, indeed!”

Had old Mwana Ngoi been able to speak like an educated person
I should, no doubt, have had something like a narrative of David
Livingstone’s virtues from him, whereas not being educated much of
what he said was broken by frequent hm’s and shakings of his head,
as though the traveller’s good qualities were beyond description or
enumeration. He wisely left the rest to my imagination, and so I
leave them to you.

But what has struck me, while tracing Livingstone to his utmost
reach — this Arab depot of Nyangwe — revived all my grief and pity

3. The Luama River is in Bangobango, or Hombo, territory. Maes and Boone,
Peuplades du Congo Beige, 136-37, 369. For Livingstone and Mwana Ngoi,
LLJ, II, 26-27, 70, 73; TDC, II, 79-81, has minor differences in the quoted
talk.

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335

for him, more so indeed than even his own relation of sorrowful and
heavy things, is that he does not seem to have been aware that he
was sacrificing himself unnecessarily, nor warned of the havoc of
age and that power had left him. With the weight of many years
pressing on him, the shortest march wearying him, compelling him
to halt many days to recover his strength, a serious attack of illness
frequently prostrating him, with neither men nor means to escort and
enable them to make practical progress, Livingstone was at last like
a blind and infirm man, aimlessly moving about. From my con-
science, with not a whit of my admiration and love for him lessened
in the smallest degree, but rather increased by what I have heard
from Arabs and natives, I must say I think one of his hardest task-
masters was himself.

For instance, he wants to strike the Lualaba directly west of Ka-
bambarre. He accompanies a small caravan half way to the river,
and then, finding that the caravan proceeds no further, he is com-
pelled to come to a halt, even turn back with it to Kabambarre.
Next he proceeds to Nyangwe; is about two months on the road,
though the distance is only about fourteen marches; from Nyangwe
he is desirous of continuing his journey and of following the Lualaba,
but he has no means of purchasing canoes, neither is following the
Lualaba practicable, because it is frequently interrupted by falls
and rapids, and to follow it by land he has no men; while on the very
first day’s attempt to do it his people are driven back by overwhelm-
ing numbers. He is then compelled to come to a long halt in Ny-
angwe, for he cannot go anywhere. His men are not unwilling to do
the best they can for him, but they and his Arab and native friends
tell him that he is not strong enough to force his way; that he
should have 150 or 200 guns to escort him, and abundance of beads
and shells to pacify and make friends of those who could be induced
to be friendly. It all ends by Livingstone sitting down at Nyangwe,
waiting for an eastward-bound caravan, with which he finally de-
parts on the road to Ujiji, a sorely tried and disappointed traveller.

Indeed, from my own experience of his terrible determination, I
know how useless it would be to advise him. I slyly suggested sev-
eral times to him that he should return home, to build his strength
up, that he might recommence his work under better auspices. “No,
no, no!” “See home, friends, country?” “No, no, no, no!” “To be
knighted by the Queen and welcomed by thousands of admirers!”
“Yes, but impossible! Must not, cannot, will not!”

Then how could such a determined man be persuaded or advised
by his servants and his Arab friends?

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I am astonished to perceive that I have written at great length
about Livingstone, but the words Nyangwe, Manyema, Lualaba, can-
not be dissociated from his name. Besides I am daily told something
about him by my friend Abed bin Salim, and the ruins of his resi-
dence here are about thirty feet from the front door of my burzah.4

In his conversation with me at Ujiji Livingstone ascribed much
just praise to almost all of the region west of the Goma Mountains.5
It is a most remarkable region — more remarkable than anything I
have seen in Africa. Its woods, or forests, or jungles, or bush — I do
not know by what particular term to designate the crowded, tall,
straight trees rising from an impenetrable undergrowth of bush,
creepers, thorns, gums, palms, fronds of all forms, canes and grass —
are sublime, even terrible. Indeed, nature here is either remarkably
or savagely beautiful. At a distance everything looks charming. Take
your stand on any eminence or coigne of vantage for view-seeing
you may please, be it the crest of a ridge, the summit of a hill, the
crown of a rock, and if you look around you will find yourself de-
lighted, fascinated. A hundred or a thousand different outlines are
in view of ridges and ranges, peaks and cones, the boldly waving or
softly rolling, of gradual or abrupt slope, of mounds, little patches of
levels, of the grand and the picturesque, in bewildering diversity of
form. You will exclaim that you see the splendor of the tropics —
that you have caught Nature rejoicing and happy. Overall she has
flung a robe of varying green; the hills and ridges are blooming; the
valleys and basins exhale perfume; the rocks wear garlands of creep-
ers; the stems of the trees are clothed with moss; a thousand stream-
lets of pure cool water stray, now languid, now quick, toward the
north and south and west. The whole makes a pleasing, charming
illustration of the bounteousness and wild beauty of tropical Nature.

Look closer and analyze all this, that you may find how decep-
tive is distance. The grasses are coarse and high and thick. They
form a miniature copy of an African forest. Their spear-like blades
wound like knives and their points like needles; the reeds are tall
and tough as bamboo; in those pretty looking bushes are thorns —
truly the thorns are hooks of steel; the crown of that yonder low hill
with such a gentle slope is all but inaccessible. See that glorious crop
of crimson flowers on that low bush in the middle of the lawn green.
Pause, my friend, before you venture to pluck them. First, that lawn
is a deception; it is a forest of tall trees you see, and that beautiful,

4. See also Stanley’s letter to King, Appendix K.

5. See document 29, note 7. Hore called the mountains “one of the sights
of the lake.” Hore, “Lake Tanganyika,” 10.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

337

gorgeous poison bush is nearly thirty feet high, and those green banks
of vegetation in those hollows are almost impenetrable forest belts.

Let me show you a specimen of a forest in Manyema. You will, no
doubt, remember that our friend Livingstone was enthusiastic about
the woods of Manyema. You would fear to be alone in those mighty
solitudes at night. I made a ramble — a very short one — into a forest
once in search of a rice cane. There are plenty of canes in these
woods, just like Malacca. I crawled first through something like a
hazel copse, then through a brake, wherein thorns and palmettas
were very conspicuous, then through a strip of morass out of which
shot upward a dense growth of tall grasses and stiff water cane.
Crushing my way through this obstacle I came to the edge of the
forest, where lines of tall, straight young giants stood foremost, ex-
tended like skirmishers in front of the dense masses of Titans, which
solemnly stood behind. The young giants offered no impediment,
and I proceeded further in, feeling my eyes open wider and wider
with astonishment at sight of the enormous thickness, height, num-
ber and close array of the forest monarchs.

But I went to look for canes, and after a quarter of an hour’s
search for one of the desired size I at last found it, and pointed it out
to my gun bearer, who cut it. As I was leisurely peeling it I perceived
that my mind, not satisfied with the transient impression made on
it by the massiveness and great height of the trees, felt overwhelmed
by the scene. It seemed to receive a solemn or pensive repose from
it; and my hands, acted upon by the mind, ceased their labor, and
my eyes were instantly uplifted. I gradually felt myself affected more
strongly than can be described at the deathly stillness, in the middle
of which appeared those majestic, lofty, naked and gray figures, like
so many silent apparitions. I looked at them with the same feeling
I have often felt in looking at very ancient ruins; for these were also
venerable monuments, witnesses of the ancientness of time, all the
more impressive because I alone was thus surrounded by them.

Looked I above or around, north or south, east or west, I saw only
the silent gray shafts of these majestic trees. The atmosphere seemed
weighted with an eloquent, though dumb, history, wherein I read,
heard, saw and inhaled the record of lost years and lands. For the
time I dropped all remembrance of self and identity — all perception
of other scenes and reposes. I seemed to hear proclaimed their an-
tiquity, their grand old age, their superiority and their imperturba-
bility. They appeared to say: “Centuries ago were we sown. Silent,
serene and undisturbed we grew. We know no strife, contention or
passion of your world. Though born of the earth, fed and nourished

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

by it, yet are we unaffected with the fate of things on the earth. We
are 500 years old. Where wast thou, atom of restless humanity, when
we were born? What art thou but a brief accident, slight as the dead
leaves under thy feet? Go and tell your kind you have seen silence?”

But really Manyema woods are exceedingly solemn. I shall prob-
ably see more of them as I travel west. I am told by those who have
penetrated some distance into them that they contain any number
of sokos (gorillas).6 Livingstone informed me that these sokos are
gorillas. I have not seen any yet; I have only heard their hoarse cries
in the woods; but from the descriptions given of them by the Arabs
and natives I am inclined to think they are chimpanzees. Other sin-
gular creatures of these forests are said to be the dwarfs, whose
heights have been variously given from thirty inches to four feet.
They are evidently nomads, and they must have an exceedingly wide
range. They are said to be exceedingly fond of meat, all creatures
furnishing them with the means of existence, from an elephant to a
rat. They are more attached to the pursuit of the elephant than any
other, probably because of the abundance of meat those animals
supply. Their weapons are poisoned arrows, whose deadly effect is
so feared by the Wanguana that they have renounced all intention to
molest them any more. While in the new region to which I am bound
I shall endeavor to obtain a personal knowledge of the sokos and
the dwarfs.

The name of Manyema has become very familiar to readers of late
African travels. The word is pronounced in various ways — Man-
yema, Manu-yema, Many-wena, but I believe Man-yema is the most
popular. I take it to be a corruption of Mana, or Mwana-Yema — the
son of Yema. It is rare we hear of the proper names of countries in
this region. Thus we are told Kabambarri is Mwana-Kusu, Kizambala
is Mwana-Ngoi, Tubanda is known to most people under the name
of Mwana-Mamba. We have also Mwana-Kidenda, Mwana-Marumbu,
Mwana-Melenge or Merenge, &c. It is not a very large country. It
covers an area of about ten thousand square miles.7 About half of
it is spread over with dense woods; the more southern half is em-
braced by the broad Luama Valley and the fine open country of

6. The chimpanzee (Pan satyrus schweinfurthi') . See Schweinfurth, The
Heart of Africa, I, 479, 518-22; Johnston, “Livingstone as an Explorer,” 439;
Behm, “Livingstone’s Reisen in Inner- Afrika,” 174; Schmitz, Les Baholoholo,
18. Livingstone described the chimpanzee: “He is not handsome: a bandy-
legged, pot-bellied low-browed villain, without a particle of the gentleman in
him.” “Dr. Livingstone’s Letters to Sir Thomas Maclear,” 73.

7. See Stuart, “Manyema Culture and History prior to 1894,” 1-2; Comet,
Maniema, 11-12.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

339

Uzura.8 The hills are without doubt the effect of that great convulsion
which formed Lake Tanganyika. In certain localities the streams run
over lava beds and iron ore, which has the aspect of being smelted.

But Manyema is not so interesting nor a fourth as large as Uregga.
It is difficult to enter into any details about a country as yet but
partially explored, but from the descriptions given of its mountains
and hills, and of the many large rivers which intersect it, I have a
strong conviction Uregga would repay exploration. Uregga, like Man-
yema, consists of small districts governed by independent chiefs.

The “Lualaba” is an instance among many in his nomenclature
I could furnish you of Livingstone’s excessive partiality for the letter
B. According to the natives, it should be pronounced Lu-al-awa, not
Lua-la-ba, but foreign tongues, with their respective influences — that
of the Arab slaves over the Arabs, the Arabs over the white travel-
lers, the white traveller over his countrymen — have given us a choice
of names.

When Moeni Dugumbi’s slaves first entered Manyema they thought
they heard the great river called U-gal-owa, whereas the natives no
doubt said Lu-al-awa or Lu-al-uwa. The slaves, returning to their
master, Dugumbi, said they had seen a sealike river called U-ga-
lowa.

Dugumbi is interested at once, and repeats, interrogatively, “Uga-
rowa?” by which we find Ugalowa is changed to Ugarowa. Dugumbi
writes, in his letters to his friends at Ujiji and Unyanyembe, about
Ugarowa. Arab slaves convey tidings wherever they go of Ugalowa.
Mohammed bin Gharib brings Livingstone with him from Ujiji, who
is destined to give the river another name. On the road to Nyangwe,
with interested ears, he hears the native name Lu-a’l-awa. His dis-
like of the Arab and the slave hunter causes him to reject, and
rightly, the corrupted term Ugalawa, or Ugarowa, but he cannot
resist giving the word a Livingstonian impression. We therefore
heard of — not Lu-a’l-awa — but Lua-la-ba.

If geographers left it to me to decide what name should be given
it most heartily would I beseech them to let it be called Livingstone
River or Livingstone’s Lualaba, to commemorate his discovery of it
and his heroic struggles against adversity to explore it.9 At the pres-

8. The Wazula live in the Genia area. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo
Beige, 329.

9. Cameron had anticipated Stanley. In 1873 he said he aimed to reach
the Lualaba at Nyangwe “or, as it ought to be called, the Livingstone.” The
Royal Geographical Society, however, demurred; its president, Alcock, said the
society had “strong objection to altering a name that had been current [the
Congo] for the last 300 years.” Leopold II of Belgium also had no wish to

340

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

ent dry season the river here is about one thousand yards wide;
during the monsoon or rainy season it extends to about two miles
in width at Nyangwe.

Three days from date I propose to set out in a northerly direction,
through Uregga, occasionally striking the Lualaba, to maintain an
acquaintance with it, and continue northerly to the utmost of my
limits, means and power.

Banyamboka, two marches from Emboma
August 8, 1877 * 1

Messrs. Motta Vega and J. M. Harrison, Emboma, Congo River: 2
GENTLEMEN — I have received your very welcome letter, but better
than all, and more welcome, your supplies. I am unable to express,
just at present, how grateful I feel. We are so overjoyed and confused
at our emotions at the sight of the stores exposed to our hungry eyes,
at the sight of the rice, the fish, the rum, and, for me, wheat bread,
butter, sardines, jam, peaches and beer. Ye Gods! Just think, three
bottles of pale ale, besides tea and sugar. We cannot restrain our-
selves from falling to and enjoying the bounteous store, so that I
beg you will charge our apparent want of thankfulness to our greedi-
ness. If we do not thank sufficiently in words rest assured we feel
what volumes cannot describe. For the next twenty-four hours we

change the Congo’s name since it would, he feared, give Britain too close an
association with it. Stanley, nevertheless, continued to call it the Livingstone
River for some years. Cameron to Frere, Dec. 4, 1873, in “The Livingstone East
Coast Aid Expedition,” 283; Alcock’s words given in Stanley, “Nile and Living-
stone Basin,” 409-10; Roeykens, Les debuts de Voeuvre africaine de Leopold
II (1875-1879), 289; Hathorne to Whitney, Dec. 11, 1879, Hathorne Papers,
PM.

1. NYH, Oct. 12, 1877. Stanley sent a previous letter to Boma, but the Herald
did not include it in its columns. The letter, of Aug. 5, 1877, is reproduced
in de Vasconcellos, “Dois Autographos de H. M. Stanley.” In the letter Stan-
ley requested food for his starving party. The letter given here is in T DC, II,
459-60, but is there dated Aug. 6, 1877; it has also been rewritten somewhat.
The long delay between the writing of this despatch and document 34 was
due to Stanley’s traveling through territories where there was no means of
communicating with the outside world.

2. Motta Veiga was the chief agent of Hatton and Cookson at Boma. See
Delcommune, Vingt annees de Vie africaine, I, 61, 87-90, for Stanley’s arrival
there; see also de Bouveignes, “L’Arrivee de Stanley a Boma en 1877.”

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341

shall be too busy eating to think much of anything else; but I may
say that the people cry out while their mouths are full of rice and fish,
'‘Verily our master has found the sea and his brothers, but we did
not believe him until he showed us the rice and rum. We did not
believe there was any end to the great river (Congo); but, God be
praised forever, we shall see white men to-morrow, and our wants and
troubles will be over.”

Dear sirs, though strangers, I hope we shall be great friends, and
it will be the study of my life to remember my feelings of gratefulness
when I first caught sight of your supplies, and my poor, faithful and
brave people cried out, “Master, we are saved; food is coming,” and
the old and the young, men, women and children lifted up their
wearied, wornout frames and began to chant lustily an extemporane-
ous song in honor of the white people by the great sea (the Atlantic)
who had listened to their prayers. I had to rush to my tent to hide
the tears that would flow despite all my attempts at composure.

Gentlemen, may the blessing of God attend your footsteps whith-
ersoever you go, is the very earnest prayer of yours, very gratefully . . .

Kabinda, or Cabenda, West Coast of Africa, near mouth of Congo
River

August 13, 1877 1

Mr. Thomas H. Price, of the great firm of Messrs. Hatton & Cook-
son, of Liverpool,2 is about to go home to recruit his health after a
protracted stay on the West Coast of Africa, and he has kindly of-
fered his services to take to England any despatches or letters I may
have for you. While I would gladly avail myself of this opportunity,
still I am so prostrated just now, and, I may say, so excited at the
sight of white faces, and the scores of “Welcomes” I hear, and so
confused with the good things of this life they press on me, that,

1. NYH, Oct. 9, 1877.

2. Price was the Cabinda agent of Hatton and Cookson of Liverpool. TDC,
H, 468. The firm was one of the earliest trading agencies in the Congo area.
After 1869 the firm was directed by Edward Hatton Cookson and Thomas W.
Cookson. My thanks to N. Carrick of the Liverpool Record Office, Liverpool
City Libraries, for this information. See also BCB, III, 162. For some of the
firm’s activities, Anstey, Britain and the Congo, passim; Delcommune, Vingt
annees de Vie africaine, I, 43ff.; Pechuel-Loesche, “Das Kongogebiet,” 259.

342

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

with the keenest desire to do my duty to you, I yet am constrained
to ask you not to exact too much from your very willing servant,
but to give him a week’s breath. Anything very important or inter-
esting relating to the discoveries I have made from the point where
Livingstone left off (Nyangwe in Manyema), I shall defer until my
nerves, strained so long, have become a little more composed.

I send you duplicates of letters written at Nyangwe, and despatched
to the East Coast by couriers of Mohammed bin Said, November, 1876,
just ten months ago. The originals may not have arrived in Europe,
in which case you may publish the duplicates.

I cannot refrain from congratulating you upon the perfect success
which has attended the explorations of the Anglo-American expedi-
tion despatched by you from Zanzibar. The instructions, though
onerous, have been faithfully and literally performed. These, I must
remind you, were to complete the discoveries of Captain J. Hanning
Speke and Captain (now Colonel) Grant, of the sources of the Nile;
to circumnavigate lakes Victoria and Tanganyika, and by the explora-
tions of the latter lake to complete the discoveries of Captains Burton
and Speke, and, lastly, to complete the discoveries of Dr. Livingstone.

With a feeling of intense gratitude to Divine Providence, who has
so miraculously saved me and my people from the terrors of slavery,
from the pangs of cruel death at the hands of cannibals, after five
months’ daily toil through fifty-seven cataracts, falls and rapids —
who inspired us with manliness sufficient to oppose the hosts of
savages, and, out of thirty-two battles, brought us safe across unknown
Africa to the Atlantic Ocean — I inform you that the work of the Anglo-
American Expedition which you commissioned me to perform has
been performed to the very letter. Other explorations we imposed
on ourselves, but their successful prosecution depended on your
means, and the fruits of all our long labors are due to you.

Large as the number of cataracts and rapids mentioned above may
be, we have discovered that the great highway of commerce to broad
Africa is the Congo, and happy will that Power seem which shall
secure for itself a locality for a depot at the extreme limit of the
navigation of the Lower Congo, and establish there a people such as
the freed slaves, to assist it in enriching itself, the poor races em-
ployed in the service, and the redemption of the splendid central
basin of the continent by sound and legitimate commerce.

So far as I have been permitted to observe I find that Eastern
Central Africa and Western Central Africa must be acted on by two
different influences. While all Africans, naturally, as savages, would
more readily appreciate the trader than the missionary, still the mis-

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

343

sionary would be the most powerful agent in East Central Africa;
while in West Central Africa the trader must precede the missionary.
The reasons for this are obvious at a glance.

In East Central Africa the people are gathered under powerful
emperors and kings — the great Empire of Uganda, which has an
estimated population of 5,000,000; the great Empire of Ruanda, with
an equal estimated population; the Empire of Urundi, with about
3,000,000;3 the Kingdoms of Usagara, the two Usuis, Unyoro, Ka-
ragwe and Usongora and Ukerewe — all of these empires and king-
doms governed despotically, subject to the will of their respective
monarchs. In his worthy efforts for the moral improvement of these
benighted races the missionary, using a discreet judgment, can soon
secure the good will, assistance and protection of the supreme powers
of these countries.

In West Central Africa, from Lake Tanganyika to the mouth of the
Congo River, the peoples are gathered in small, insignificant districts,
towns or villages, each governed by its respective chief. As we ap-
proach nearer the West Coast the explorer dares not begin to classify
the people after the usual manner employed in Africa, as the districts
are so small, the population so great, the number of villages so con-
fusing, that there are as many kings ruling over a hundred-acre plot
as there are officials in Greece, all animated by an intense thirst for
trade and distinguished for their idolatry, hostility to each other
and foolish pride. The love of trade and barter is, however, universal,
as I shall be able to explain in a subsequent letter.

Setting aside the contributions of our expedition to geography, the
grandest discovery it has made is the great field for trade it has
opened to the world, especially to the English, French, Germans and
Americans, the English especially, for greater attention to those
fabrics and wares generally purchased by Africans on the West Coast.
In round numbers — I shall be more exact in another letter — you
have thrown open to commerce an area embracing over six hundred
thousand square miles, which contains nearly two thousand miles
of an uninterrupted course of water communication, divided among

3. Stanley here gives a figure for all the area he held to be under the sway
of the Ganda ruler. His estimate for the Ganda state alone was 750,000. TDC,

I, 401, gives 2,775,000 for the Ganda empire. Fallers, The King’s Men, 3, 83,
considers Stanley’s Ganda-state estimate a good one. For statistics on Ganda
population, Kuczynski, Demographic Survey of the British Colonial Empire,

II, 235ff. Rwanda and Burundi statistics are discussed in Louis, Ruanda-Urundi,
107-09, where pre-World-War-I German surveys show Rwanda with a popula-
tion of around 2,000,000 and Burundi with around 1,500,000. See also document
21, note 5.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the Upper Congo and its magnificent affluents. It will take a long
time to make up my map, but I promise you a rough sketch of the
unknown half of Africa, now revealed for the first time, and you will
find that in this brief letter that I am underestimating the merits of
this new field for commerce. I will show you, when I have had time
to arrange my notes, how near we are to extensive gold and copper
fields, and what products merchants may expect in return for their
fabrics.

For those interested in geography I may say that one time I never
dreamed that you could hear anything of me until some time in 1878
or 1879, for my wonderful river continued a northerly course two
degrees north of the Equator, sometimes taking great bends easterly,
until I thought sometimes that I should soon be in the neighborhood
of Jebel Kumr (the Mountains of the Moon), in which case I should
either have to resolve, after reaching five degrees north latitude, to
force my way toward Gondokoro through the wild Baris who are fight-
ing with Gordon Pacha,4 or continue on my way north to some great
lake, and ultimately perchance the Niger.

At the Equator the Lualaba turned north-northeast, as if it really
had, by some unknown means — unless all aneroids and barometers
were wrong — a connection with the Albert Niyanza, and I hurrahed
rather prematurely for Livingstone. This north-northeast course did
not last long, for the Lualaba was simply collecting its force to tilt
against a mountain, where, of course, there was the wildest scene
imaginable.

Now, in regard to geographical problems, I have been flattering
myself that I have settled all problems that were given out in 1874,
the year I left England for Africa; but I fear, unless Gordon Pacha
and his subs — who, by the by, threatened to be fearfully energetic
when I was in Uganda and met Colonel de Belief onds — can resolve
the question that I must indicate one more problem to be settled by
those who can settle it.

North of the Equator, while we were gliding down the river very
quietly indeed, close to the right bank, we suddenly came to the
second greatest affluent of the Lualaba — at the mouth 2,000 yards
wide — coming from a little north of east.5

We had good cause to remember this river, for in midstream we
had the second toughest fight of all. A fleet of canoes, fifty-four in

4. See Gray, History of the Southern Sudan, 108-12.

5. The Aruwimi. Stanley is unreliable in his listing of the relative sizes of
the affluents since he would not discover them all in his course down the
Congo. See document 40, note 13.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

345

number, came down on us with such determined ferocity that four
of our canoes began to give way and run. One of the enemy’s canoes
contained over eighty paddlers; a platform at the bow, for the best
warriors, held ten men; eight steersmen, with ten-feet paddles, steered
the great war vessel, while from stem to stern there ran a broad
planking, along which the principal chiefs danced up and down, giv-
ing rehearsal to what they proposed to do with us. In half an hour
the fight was decided in our favor, of course, or we should not write
to you to-day. This great affluent puzzles me a good deal. Can it pos-
sibly come from the Albert Niyanza? Or is that gulf I discovered in
25 min. N. lat. a separate lake,6 giving birth to this affluent of the
Lualaba? Or is it merely the Welle of Schweinfurth? 7

The people at home can best say which it is, for I am ignorant of
everything that has transpired since November, 1874. Neither let-
ters nor newspapers have reached me, except a wreck of a few
Illustrated London News , sent to me by Colonel Gordon, in the early
part of 1875, from Ismailia;8 but these contained no geographical
news.

If Gordon Pacha and his officers have explored the Albert Niyanza,
as Colonel de Bellefonds informed me they were about to do, the
question is easily answered as regards the Albert Lake; but if they
have not, one may build any number of hypotheses without being
censured by authority. One may say that the Albert Lake is possibly
not a reservoir of the Nile alone, but also of the Congo; that the
Lake Victoria, on which I spent such laborious toil, not unaccom-
panied with frequent dangers, is also not only a reservoir of the Nile,
but of the Congo; and proceed in this strain until everything is mud-
dled with theories again. And I remember that Colonel de Bellefonds
had something to say about the uncertainty — putting it mildly — of
Sir Samuel Baker’s discoveries. But, as I remarked before, the geog-
raphers at home can best determine all these questions, for they
gather the news from all points, and the best thing an explorer can
do is to leave it all to them.

Another thing I must hint to you about — for, as I told you, this is
a letter or note written very hurriedly, upon a very exciting occasion;
I cannot enter into details now — the incorrectness, or rather the
infamous inaccuracy, of the chart of Western Africa. The chartmaker

6. Beatrice Gulf. See document 26, note 18.

7. Georg Schweinfurth (1836-1925), Riga-born explorer and naturalist, was
the first European to cross the Nile-Congo watershed. He had discovered in 1870
an unknown river flowing west — the Uele. BCB, I, 537-41; GJ 62 (1926),
93-94; Beck, “Georg Schweinfurth.”

8. Gondokoro.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

may be to blame, after all; but if he can produce his authority and
the source of his information he is saved from the serious charge
of having published much of his work upon hearsay, without mark-
ing his information as “such.” I dare not imagine Captain Tuckey
to be responsible for these errors. I should much rather accuse Por-
tuguese traders, who might be presumed to be very uncertain about
the meaning of the words “geographical accuracy.” In plainer terms,
nothing that can be seen on your map of Western Africa twenty
miles east of Yellala Falls is correct. It is a simple show of names
that I hear nothing about and a wild wavy line marked deeply black
which pretends to be the Congo. We have also just above the Falls
of Yellala a sketch of a river four or five miles wide, with islands,
the whole of which I shall be able to show you is sheer nonsense,
and anybody who doubts it need only spend £100 to satisfy himself
by a personal investigation. Besides the enormous amount of internal
satisfaction he will receive he will have a pleasant five days’ walk
through a picturesque country.9

You will be surprised and grieved to hear, however, that to these
errors on this map I owe the loss of one of the most gentle souls,
and withal one of the bravest — Francis Pocock — along with fifteen
of my people, two narrow escapes of myself, the loss of about $18,000
worth of ivory, twelve canoes, a mutiny of my command and the
almost total ruin of the expedition, besides dislocated limbs, bruises
without number and a wearing anxiety during five months which has
made me an old man in my thirty-fifth year.

But the gracious God be thanked, who has delivered us from “the
mouth of hell and the jaws of death!” We are now safe, and the
merchants on the West Coast are doing their very best to make us
feel at home. About sixty of my people are suffering severely from
scurvy, others from dropsy, dysentery, &c. One young fellow just
lived to reach the ocean. Another has gone mad for joy and has
taken to the bush and become lost, and I myself am so prostrated
with weakness that I must once again ask you to excuse me for a
few days.

9. James Tuckey (1776-1816) of the Royal Navy; he led an expedition to
the Congo River in 1816. The venture was a major disaster since sixteen Euro-
peans died from disease, including Tuckey. BCB, IV, 889-94. Anstey, Britain
and the Congo, 1-9; Boahen, Britain, the Sahara, and the Western Sudan,
37-41. The results were later published in Tuckey, Narrative of an Expedition
to Explore the River Zaire. Stanley was severely criticized for his statement
about Tuckey — “the only way to account for Mr. Stanley’s extraordinary state-
ment is that he was provided with some incorrect manuscript compilation, and
that he had never seen Tuckey’s map.” “Mr. Stanley’s Voyage Down the Congo,”
319. Compare T DC, II, 432, 441. See also de Bouveignes, “Tuckey et Stanley.”

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347

Loanda
Sept. 1, 1877 1

For the satisfaction of those who have become interested in Fran-
cis Pocock, whose courage, many virtues and fidelity to duty have
formed the subject of many a paragraph in my former letters, I
cannot do better than give a slight sketch of his character as he
appeared to me from our first acquaintance up to the day of his
death.

For the first six months of our companionship he remained to me
as an undeveloped man. There was no great demand on his active
moral or mental powers. He was rather shy and reserved, and there
was no call for whatever of usefulness lay concealed in him. He had
simply to obey orders, and this he did without meriting much praise.
He labored under the disadvantage of not understanding the language
of the people over whom he was sometimes required to exercise
supervision and control; but by and by he became quite a proficient
in the vernacular, and it was then he began to be surprisingly useful,
showing a perfect acquaintance with his duties, with a readiness to
perform them and a true devotion to our mission. Hitherto he had
been frequently subject to the acclimatizing fevers of Africa, which
were sometimes of a very severe form; but finally his healthy con-
stitution triumphed over all attacks of fever, and I flattered myself
that I should be able to introduce to science and commerce one
young Englishman who might be a great acquisition to future ex-
plorers.

During my absence with Mtesa, Emperor of Uganda, he was placed
in several delicate positions, out of which he extricated himself with
great credit. It was after this last three months’ absence from camp
that Frank began to endear himself to me. While exploring the Alex-
andra Nile he had another opportunity of distinguishing himself for
his prudence and tact. While I explored the Tanganyika, and my
people were stricken with that terrible scourge of Africa, the small-
pox, he was in constant attendance on them, and by his assiduous
devotion to them in their illness he quite won the love of the Wan-
guana and the respect of the Arabs of Ujiji. When we set out for
the western half of Africa he had elevated himself, by his many
good qualities and thorough appreciation of the work before us, to be
my friend. From this time I never ventured on any task without first

1. NYH, Nov. 14, 1877.

348

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

hearing his views of it. He was a constant visitor in my tent, and
I do not believe he ever quitted it without leaving me fresher, stronger
and more confident.

In this manner it happened that at Nyangwe, before I made my
final resolution to follow the Lualaba, Frank and I spent a long time
together. The question was, Should I follow the Lualaba to the sea
or should I follow it only as far as the Lowa, and then strike off for
Monbuttu? 2 Indeed, there were many questions to be decided in
connection with this one. Would it be possible, with twenty-three
Sniders and thirty-one muskets, to defend ourselves against the can-
nibals, when another explorer, with forty-seven Sniders, declined at-
tempting it? Was it right attempting a task so desperate, when all
the Arabs did their utmost to show us that it was an impossible task?
“Toss up,” said Frank; “heads for the north, tails for the south and
Katanga.” The proposition was adopted; but tails won after three trials.
Yet neither of us liked the idea of being thus ordered south by destiny;
it was too much like poaching on known ground. Finally it was de-
cided between us to take advantage of the Arabs’ escort to get clear
of Nyangwe, and then to go on alone and never to return, no matter
what opposed us; but to charge with heads of steel against any and
everything hostile to our arriving at the ocean.3

The tramp through the gloomy forests of Uzimba and Uvinza4
wore Frank’s last pair of shoes out, and mine were getting well used
up also. The Arabs were tired of their bargain and wished to return,
but another contract induced them to accompany us across the Lua-
laba and to try the left bank a short distance. They then abandoned
us and we resumed our journey with our own people unsupported
by any volunteer. At the several falls we were obliged to pass over-
land, a good deal of rough tramping through bushes and forests and
over rocks, backward and forward, had to be made, and nothing that
Frank or I could invent endured very long. Portmanteaus and bull
hides were cut up and sewn and patched over and over, but it was
useless; three or four days always sufficed to leave him as unpro-
tected as ever.

2. The Mangbetu, an amalgam of peoples living to the south of the Uele
River and along the Bomokandi River. They had been visited by Schweinfurth.
Baxter and Butt, Azande and Related Peoples, 36-37; Maes and Boone, Peu-
plades du Congo Beige, 270-75; Vansina, Introduction d Ethnographie du Congo,
chap. 2.

3. There is a much expanded version of this famous episode, with different
details, in TDC, II, 109-14.

4. For the Zimba of Manyema, Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige,
351-52. For Uvinza, in Manyema, TDC, II, 71; Cameron, Across Africa, I, 347-
48, II, 311-12.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

349

His feet became chafed, rocks and thorns wounded them, and at
Mowa Falls, or the thirty-fifth of the lower series, he became perma-
nently disabled from walking, being attacked with ulcers in both feet.
The duty of leading the way over the rapids and selecting the best
and most feasible paths for hauling boat and canoes overland de-
volved on myself, while his duty now was to superintend the soldiers
as they carried the goods overland and distribute each day’s rations;
and it was in the prosecution of my dangerous labors that I had at
times narrowly escaped death. Feeling almost sure that if either of
us was destined to be lost it would be myself I had prepared my
mind for that event, and had drawn up instructions for Frank how
to proceed. At Mowa Falls, as Frank, disabled by ulcers, could neither
be trusted to do duty supervising the passage of the canoes, as he
was altogether too bold, and nothing but the utmost prudence could
save life, nor could he proceed overland with the goods party, he
was placed on the sick list along with twenty-five sick Wanguana,
and obliged to wait until hammock bearers could be sent for him.

I now refer to my journal of June 3, 1877: 5 This morning the
people shouldered the goods and baggage, and under Kacheche
marched overland three miles to Zinga,6 while I resolved to attempt
the passage down two small falls, the Massesse and Massassa, in the
boat with the boat’s crew. Clinging close to the shore we rowed
three-quarters of a mile or thereabouts, when we halted by a lofty
cliff, by the sides of which we could proceed no further as the tide,
thrust to right and left from the centre of the river by the furious
waters escaping from the Mowa Falls, came running to meet us up
river with many a brown wave, and heave, and dangerous whirlpool.
Steering for the centre of the river, we fought sturdily on against this
strong back tide, but we could make no headway. Then we thought
we would attempt the central stream that rushed down river with
a foamy face. We could not reach it, and fortunately, for the boat
was sinking steadily under its growing weight of water, since she
was very leaky, and the repairs we had made were utterly insufficient.

By observing the shores and the increasingly menacing appear-
ance of the river I perceived that, instead of making any advance
down river, we had imperceptibly drawn up toward the terrible whirl-
ing pools which almost momentarily play near the confluence of the
down stream and the back tide, where the great waves, heaved up-
ward by the raging and convulsive centre, and parting to right and

5. Diary, 187-92, is substantially the same.

6. Stanley has some notes on the Zinga region in Stanley, The Congo, I,
313-18.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

left, are opposed by the back tide flowing on strong toward the
fearful current. Presently, at a little distance I saw the first symptoms
of a whirling vortex. There is a convulsive heave in mid-river; the
waters are shot off as from the cone of a hill to all sides. This watery
hill subsides quickly, and soon the returning waters begin to whirl
round and round, a deep hole digs itself, faster and faster, wider
and wider, until the entire river seems on the point of whirling.

This, after some dozen experiences, I recognized as a deathly snare,
to escape from which I must struggle no more against the back tide,
but instantly turn away from the scene. I motioned to the steersman,
and shouted to leave off bailing, and do their best or die. Meantime,
my own preparations were too significant not to be understood. I
threw off coat and belt, shoes and stockings, for it might be that the
whirling, flying pool would overtake us. My gallant crew had been
too often in danger with me, and they understood me. In a short
time we saw the whirlpool yawning wide a few yards from the stem
of the boat; she hesitated a little on the verge of it, but a kindly
wave assisted our wild efforts, and we were saved. The boat by this
time was half full of water, and, finding it impossible to proceed in
the leaky craft, I returned to the Mowa Falls, with the intention of
proceeding, after a short rest, in a canoe; but, while talking with
Frank the boat’s crew scattered, and the others had not returned
from Zinga. As it was necessary that one of us should hurry overland
after the goods, and Frank was unable to move, for the first time I
was compelled to leave the supervision of the passage of the falls
in other hands; and, accordingly, I instructed Manwa Sera, my chief
captain, how to proceed.

“You will first send a rescue canoe, with short ropes fastened to
the sides. The crew will pick their way carefully down river until
near the falls; then let the men judge for themselves whether they
are able to take the canoe further. Above all things, stick to the
shore and don’t play with the river.” I bade goodby to Frank, told
him I would send his breakfast to him immediately with hammock
bearers, shook hands and at once commenced to climb the 2,000
feet mountain toward camp. Breakfast had been sent to Frank, friend-
ship and introductions had been made with the kings of Zinga, and
in the afternoon, about three o’clock, I was seated on the rocks of
that place, field glass in hand, looking up the terrible river, exceed-
ingly anxious, for this was the first time I had permitted any person
but myself to lead the way down its wild water.

About three o’clock something dark and long was recognized in
the midst of the fierce waves of Massassa Falls, as they were tumbling

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

351

into the basin of Bolo-bolo. It was a canoe capsized, and clinging to
it were several men. I instantly despatched two chiefs and ten men
to take position near the bend, to which I supopsed the current that
forced its way through the basin would take the wreck. Meanwhile,
I watched the men as they were floating through Bolo-bolo Basin.
I saw them struggling to right her. I saw them raise themselves on
the keel, and paddling with their hands for dear life, because below
them a short half mile roared the Zinga cataract. Finally, as they
approached land, I saw them leap into the river and swim ashore,
and presently their canoe, which they but a moment before aban-
doned, swept by me with the speed of an arrow over the Zinga
cataract into the white waves below, into the depths of whirlpool
after whirlpool, and finally away out of sight.

Bad news travels fast. Messengers, breathless with haste and livid
with terror, announced that there were eleven men who had em-
barked in that canoe, eight of whom were saved; three men were
drowned, one of whom was my brave, honest, kindly natured Frank!
Francis Pocock, my faithful companion and friend! “But,” I asked
the coxswain Uledi, sternly, “how came Frank in that canoe? What
business had he, a lame man, in the rescue canoe?”

“Ah master,” said he, “we could not help it. He would not wait.
He said, ‘Since the canoe is going to camp I will go. I am hungry
and cannot wait any longer. I cannot walk, and I don’t want anybody
to carry me, that the natives may all laugh at me. No; I will go with
you/ and without listening to Manwa Sera, the captain, who wished
to remonstrate with him, he took his seat and told us to cast off. We
found no trouble in forcing the canoe against the back tide. We struck
the down current, and when we were near the falls I steered her
into a cove to take a good look at it first. When I had climbed over
the rocks and stood over it I saw that it was a bad place, that it was
useless to expect any canoe could pass it without going over, and I
went to the little master and told him so. He would not believe me,
but sent other men to report on it, and they returned with the same
story, that the fall could not be passed by shooting over it in a canoe.
Then he said to us that we were always afraid of a little water, and
said we were no men. ‘All right/ said I; ‘if you say cast off I am
ready, I am not afraid of any water, but my master will be angry
with me if anything happens.’

“ ‘Cast off, nothing will happen/ the little master answered, ‘am I
not here?’ You could not have counted ten, master, before we were
all sorry. The cruel water caught us and tossed and whirled us round,
and shot us here and shot us there, and the noise was fearful. Sud-

352

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

denly the little master shouted, “Look out, take hold of the ropes!’
and he was tearing his shirt off when the canoe which was whirling
round and round with its bow in the air, was dragged down, down,
down, until I thought my chest would burst, then we were shot out
into daylight again and took some breath.

“The little master and two of our people were not to be seen, but
shortly I saw the little master face upward, but insensible. I in-
stantly struck out for him to save him, but we were both taken down
again, and the water seemed to be tearing my legs away; but I would
not give in. I held my breath hard then, and I came to the surface,
but the little master was gone forever! This is my story, master.” The
boat’s crew, separately examined by me, indorsed Uledi’s statement
in all main points.

This is scarcely the place to say much of Uledi, but I cannot re-
frain from giving this young African, who was the coxswain of the
Lady Alice, a meed of praise here. Uledi is a young fellow twenty-
seven or twenty-eight years old, lithe and active as a leopard and
brave as a lion. He is one of a hundred thousand. I doubt whether
there is another in the island of Zanzibar equal to him. There are
few in this expedition who are not indebted to him for life or timely
rescue or brave service. He was the first in war and the most modest
in peace. He was the best soldier, the best swimmer, the best carrier,
the best sailor, the best workman in wood or iron, and the most
faithful of the black faithfuls. He was certainly the last man in the
world who should have been dared into doing a desperate act, such
as shooting a cataract. But Frank was too brave also, and had a
strange contempt for the terrors of the river, having been a Medway
waterman from his boyhood. It is first to sheer rashness, and second
to his accidentally striking his head against the canoe as he en-
deavored to rise to the surface, that I attributed the loss of such an
expert swimmer as Frank Pocock.

As I look at his empty tent this evening and at his dejected ser-
vants, and recall to mind his many inestimable qualities, his ex-
traordinary gentleness, his patient temper, his industry, his cheerful-
ness and tender love of me, I feel myself utterly unable to express
my feelings or describe the vastness of my loss. Every instance of
his faithful services that is recalled only intensifies my grief. The
long copartnership in perils thus abrutply severed, his piety and
cheerful trust in a gracious Providence, fills my heart with misery
to think that he has departed this life so suddenly and unrewarded
for his many manly virtues.

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353

Loanda
Sept. 2, 1877 1

My Dear Mr. Pocock: By means of my telegrams to the Daily Tele-
graph you have, no doubt, an idea as to the reason that induces me
to write to you. The subject is very serious and sad. I would to God
that Frank had to write to you about my death rather than I should
be compelled to write about Frank’s death. The feeling is still fresh
in my mind how I hankered after death — after that long, long sleep
from which there is no waking, for we were passing through a most
troublous period; hunger and sickness had destroyed all that enthusi-
astic energy with which we had rushed through the lands of the
cannibals. I had lost many men in our incessant wars with the na-
tives; sickness and despair had worried many others to their death.
Still our work seemed to have no end, and we could not see one ray
of hope ahead. Our sick list grew heavier and heavier, until we had
but sixty- three fit for work. I had about fifteen men down from ulcers
and ten men from dysentery and debility. So long, however, as I had
Frank and my boat’s crew I felt myself able to endure and fight it
out — savages or cataracts, it mattered not much which. If there were
hostile savages we felt ourselves able to cut through them; if there
were forests through which roads must be made, we would make
them; if we had to pull our canoes over mountains, we would pull
them up. It was only a question of time. And all this time Frank
cheered me on and said, with me, “We must and we will do it.”

There were two series of cataracts and rapids. The upper series con-
sisted of six separate falls; the lower series consisted of seventy-four
falls, great and small rapids, fifty-seven of which only were important.
Of this lower series we had already passed thirty-five separate falls
and rapids, but there were only three more really dangerous. It was
while passing the thirty-seventh fall — Masassa — that Frank lost his
life. The truth is that Frank was lost through his own rashness and
immense contempt for the water. He had been placed on the sick
list, because for ten or twelve days previously he was incapacitated
from duty through ulcers on both feet of a most painful kind, and a
man on the sick list ought not to have assumed the responsibility of
commanding “active duty” men to proceed to execute a dangerous
work, and take him with them, when he could actually do nothing

1. NYH, Nov. 28, 1877.

354

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

to assist them or superintend them. Frank was scarcely able to stand,
least of all to climb the rocks to take a good view of the dangers
ahead so that he might judge of his situation.

What does Frank do? He crawls on his knees to the canoe — the
rescue canoe — manned with the most daring young fellows in the
expedition, headed by the most desperate and daring young fellow I
ever knew,2 and, despite all remonstrances of the crew and chief he
orders them to cast off. Still Frank might have been safe if, when
the last chance was given him, he would have permitted himself to
reflect upon his own condition — his own distressing, pitiful condition.
The chief acted prudently enough in what he did, though he would
have done better and more to my satisfaction had he done exactly
as I had taught him when over forty-one falls and rapids I was leader.
This chief steered his canoe into a cove, just above the fall, and
started to reconnoitre, to take a good look at the fall, and he came
back and told Frank that it was impossible to shoot over the fall
— that, in fact, it was a very bad place. Frank would not believe him,
but sent the youngsters to look at the fall and report upon it. They
returned with the same story — that the fall was very bad. I have no
doubt that had Frank been able to view the scene himself he would
have agreed with them; but Frank, seated in his canoe, unable to
move, thought, as he came down the river to the cove where they
were consulting, that he had seen in midriver a place clear of falling
water and waves, and he of course argued with the crew upon the
strength of that.

It seems that he remembered what I had told him a few days be-
fore— that whenever he was going to risk the lives of others in a dan-
gerous undertaking it was not fair to give the final word without
exposing to them all the dangers of it and asking them to give their
judgment upon it, and if their judgment was against the undertaking
they should not be compelled to it. Frank hinted to the crew at this
time that he knew exactly who had told me of this, and therefore,
lest he should be charged by me with having risked the lives of others,
he would say nothing.

“But,” he asked, “tell me, what am I to do? I have eaten nothing
to-day, and here am I lame, unable to move. Will you leave me here
to die of hunger?”

“Oh, no,” said the chief. “I will send a man at once for your food,
and for men to carry you, and in a couple of hours they will be here.”

“Oh, very well,” said Frank; “do as you please,” and Frank assumed

2. Uledi.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

355

the look of one badly and disagreeably used. And then he told them
that they were always afraid of the least little wave, and other queru-
lous things, which only a sick man would have said. Poor Frank was
only pushing himself nearer and nearer to death.

The chief then said, “Little Master, we are not afraid of the river.
I think I have proved I am not afraid, and, if I say the word, these
boys of mine will follow me to the bottom. Master has told us not
to play in the river — not to do anything foolish — and if master
was here he would tell us that the fall was dangerous. But if anything
should happen, if you will take the blame, I say I and my people
are ready, and if we die we die, if we are saved we are saved.”

“Oh, never fear; I will take the blame. Nothing will happen. Did
I not see the river as we came down? Cast off, then, and let us go.”

Five minutes afterward they were over the falls and in the depth
of a fearful whirlpool, and out of the eleven men that went down but
eight came out safe. Presently Frank was seen with his face up and
the chief sprang after him, but before he could reach him they were
both drawn into another whirlpool immediately, and sucked down
and whirled and tossed about, and only the chief came out, faint
and exhausted.

Twenty miles below Frank’s body was seen floating down river, a
wonder and a terror to the tribes, who could not imagine where the
white man had come from, and then his remains were seen no more.

I have told you as much as I know and a good deal of what I have
heard, but, as I have proposed to the commander of the Sea Gull 3
and the English and American Consuls4 that they should question
officially about all causes relating to Frank’s death, you may hear
more.

Meantime, dear Mr. Pocock, believe me when I tell you that I feel
his loss as keenly as though he were my brother. Sorrow is difficult
to measure and is expressed by different people in different ways.
My tears are over, the indescribable grief I felt when I was assured
that I should see my amiable, faithful Frank no more has lost its
intensity; but even now, whenever my mind recurs to those days of
danger, despair and death, I feel my heart sinking when memory
recalls the day I lost Frank. My pity and sympathy are also roused
each time I think of you. I had flattered myself of the pride I should

3. H.M.S. Seagull, Commander F.W.B. Maxwell Heron. TDC, II, 473; Clowes,
Royal Navy, VII, 283.

4. The British consul was David Hopkins; the American was Robert Newton.
TDC, II, 473; Cameron, Across Africa, II, 272; de Bouveignes, “Stanley a Boma,”
202.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

feel when I would be able to tell you that there was not a finer,
braver, better young man in the world than your son Frank. Now,
what is it I can show you, what can I tell you, but the sad, sad story
of your son’s death?

Whenever you think what a pity it is, believe me, I can echo even
your very thought. Whenever you sigh for his fate believe that there
is one who sighs with you. Whenever you grieve believe that I sym-
pathize truly in your grief.

P.S. I shall take charge of the papers, letters and journal of Ed-
ward and Frank until I can send them to you safe. His more interest-
ing papers — which, I am sure, you will be glad to see — I shall send
by mail.

Loanda, West Coast of Africa
Sept. 5, 1877 1

To avoid constant explanation I will make a few remarks about
the name generally given to the greatest African river and the third
largest river in the world.2 There is no such river as the Congo, prop-
erly speaking, in Africa. There is a country called Congo,3 occupying
an extensive portion of mountain lands south of the river, and run-
ning parallel with it, at a distance of five or six miles from it, in that
broad mountain range which separates the West Coast land from the
great plains of the interior. Following the example of the natives
among whom they lived the Portuguese colonists and fathers of the
fifteenth century called it the River of Congo, which was just as if
the natives of Middlesex county, England, called the Thames the
River of Middlesex. By the Kabindas, near the mouth of the river, it
is called the “Kwango,” or, if you do not like the African look of the
spelling, the “Quango.” The natives of the cataract region also desig-
nate the river below them as the Kwango, and those living between
the Mosamba and Tala Mungongo Mountains call the Nkutu River
at its source the Kwango. As Congo Land does not occupy any very

1. NYH, Nov. 14, 1877.

2. The Congo is considered the sixth longest river in the world. Goode,
Goode’s World Atlas, 161. It is over 2,700 miles in length.

3. The territory once under the state of Kongo, with its capital at San Salva-
dor. See Vansina, Introduction a I’Ethnographie du Congo, chap. 8; Vansina,
Kingdoms of the Savanna, 37ff.; Doutreloux, “Introduction a la culture Kongo.”

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

357

great portion of the river bank it has no right to give its name to
the river any more than any other of the hundred different districts
by which it flows. By a small tribe near the Equator I heard it called
Ikutu Ya Kongo, which, in my ignorance of the word Ikutu, I take to
mean the River of Congo, but after passing that tribe the name is
known no more, except in books and charts of the West Coast of
Africa.4

Dr. Livingstone, the discoverer of the Lualaba, devoted the last
years of his life to exploring the head waters of the Congo, the Cham-
bezi and Karungwesi, which feed Lake Bemba, or Banweolo.5 He
traced the Luapula as far as Mweru Lake, but from Mweru Lake to
the Luama River no European knows anything from personal observa-
tion of its course or its affluents. Striking across country from Tan-
ganyika Lake Livingstone arrived at Nyangwe, near which Arab depot
the Lualaba, by which name the Congo is known there, flows west of
north with a volume of 124,000 cubic feet of water per second.
Unable for want of men and means to extend his exploration, the
renowned traveller left its further course to conjecture and theory.

His opinion was that the Lualaba was the Nile, he hoped it was
the “grand old Nile;” he was unwilling, he said, to waste his labor on
any other river than the Nile; he certainly would “not attempt the
foolhardy feat of following it in canoes, and risk becoming black
man’s meat for the Congo.” 6 He felt convinced it was the Nile, and
he half convinced me that he must be right, and I wished sincerely
that the good old man would prove right. Savants unbiased by senti-
ment declared, upon the strength of Livingstone’s own letters, that
such a great volume of water could not be the Nile. Not only was its
enormous body against such a theory, but the altitude of the river
at Nyangwe proved the irreconcilability of the theory with common
sense. A great deal was written and said by eminent men just then
about the Lualaba, and the belief generally prevailed at last that it
must be the Congo.

While many may feel surprised that such a practical traveller was
led astray the causes that blinded him are very obvious. He himself
confessed to a suspicion that it was the Congo; but he had been so
long absent from Europe that he was unaware of the discoveries made

4. The Kabinda, or Kakongo, live along the right bank of the lower Congo
and along the coast of Cabinda. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige,
241-42. For the names of the Congo, Stanley, The Congo, I, Iff.; Laman, “The
Kongo,” 4 (1953), 1, 10. For the Kwango and Nkutu, see note 25, below.

5. The Kalungwizi River flows into Lake Mweru on the Zambian side of the
lake.

6. See LLJ, II, 188.

O c

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

Map VII. The Congo

by Schweinfurth; he relied on Arab statements that the river flowed
north a long distance; and, to tell the exact truth, I fear that his
religious sentiments and his love of the Nile for its biblical and classi-
cal associations prejudiced him. To such a man what was the parvenu
river, with ever so many future associations of traffic? Yet he loved
Africa dearly, but unfortunately he was unaware of the vastness of

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

359

his discovery, and of its future utility for the prosecution of his own
views and hopes for the civilization and redemption of the continent
for which he sacrificed a dear and noble life.

But before Livingstone had described the river at Nyangwe no one,
scientific or unscientific, imagined that the Congo had such a great
length. Though Captain Tuckey’s explorations in the neighborhood
of Yellala Falls, in the year 1816, furnished the elements for Dr.
Behm’s computation respecting the volume of the Lower Congo,7
geographers waited for Livingstone’s arrival at Nyangwe and Dr.
Schweinfurth’s arrival at Monbuttu8 before they came to the idea
that the Lualaba must be the Congo. Previous to this it is in the
memory of many how scientists were involved in discussions and
elaborate arguments to prove that the great Congo was simply the
united Kaseye9 and Quango, or Congo, which was giving it a length of
but 800 miles. Ah! had Speke become interested in this river and
had obtained one glance at the mouth even, and had gleaned but one
or two facts from the natives, I believe that his rare and wonderful
geographical instinct would have pencilled out the course of this
stream somewhat nearer the truth. When Lieutenant Cameron ar-
rived at Nyangwe he also expressed a conviction that the Lualaba
must be the Congo; but, with the exception of a divergence of opinion,
he threw no newer light on its real course.

Sixteen months after the Lieutenant’s departure for the South I
appeared at Nyangwe, and I then learned definitely that he had aban-
doned the project of following the Lualaba. As it seemed the most
important task of exploration I resolved to attempt it. Ignorant, fool-
ish and heathenish as Europeans may deem Arab traders and African
savages to be the “Great River” has been the subject of as many hot
disputes under the eaves of the mud houses of Nyangwe and the
cane huts of the river fishermen as it was under the dome at Brighton
or the classic roof of Burlington House,10 and my enthusiasm for
this new field of exploration — the unknown half of Africa and the
mighty river that “went no man knew where” — was stimulated as

7. Ernst Behm (1830-1884), a leading German geographer; he was the
founder of the Geographisches Jahrbuch and the chief editor of PM after the
death of its founder. Deutsche Rundschau fur Geographie und Statistik 6 (1884),
335, 523-25. There is an English translation of his study — “Dr. Livingstone’s
Exploration of the Upper Congo.”

8. See document 37, note 2.

9. The Kasai River; see note 25, below.

10. The Royal Geographical Society met at Burlington House from 1858 to
1868. Markham, The Fifty Years’ Work of the Royal Geographical Society, 113.
For Stanley’s experiences at the meetings of the Geographical Section of the
British Association at Brighton in 1872, Anstruther, I Presume, 149-53.

360

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

much by the earnestness with which Arabs and natives discussed it
as though each member of the Royal Geographical Society had be-
stowed a scientific blessing on me and unanimously wished me suc-
cess.

Nyangwe is in latitude 4 deg. 16 min. south. If you follow the
parallel of latitude 4 deg. east to the Indian Ocean, you will observe
there are 13 J degrees of longitude or 810 geographical miles. If you
will measure the distance between Nyangwe and the Atlantic, along
the same parallel, you will find there are 15 J degrees of longitude,
or 930 geographical miles.11 The eastern half of Africa is generally
known, but that western half was altogether unknown. To any one
arriving from the East Coast with the love of exploring unknown
wilds, what a field lay extended before him! The largest half of Africa
one wide enormous blank — a region of fable and mystery — a continent
of dwarfs and cannibals and gorillas, through which the great river
flowed on its unfulfilled mission to the Atlantic! Darkness and clouds
of ignorance respecting its course everywhere! What terrible dread
thing is it that so pertinaciously prevents explorers from penetrating
and revealing its mysteries! It struck me thus also, as though a vague
indescribable something lay ahead.

I believe I was made half indifferent to life by my position; other-
wise I doubt if I should have deliberately rushed upon what I was
led to believe — as my predecessors were — was almost certain death.
I had not anticipated hearing such forbidding things as I did hear of
the regions north or meeting such obstacles as I met. Neither of my
predecessors could obtain canoes at Nyangwe, nor was I more suc-
cessful; and the Arabs at Nyangwe, pretending to be very solicitous
about my safety, said they could not think of permitting my de-
parture. But my fate seemed to drive me on. I listened to their stories
about how many caravans attempting to open trade below had been
annihilated; but I had calculated my resources, and had measured
my strength and confidence, and I declared to the Arabs that I in-
tended to try it.

I was quite prepared to hear that I should be murdered and eaten,
and that my people would desert; that I would meet opposition of such
a nature that I never heard of or dreamed of, and that they (the
Arabs) could not listen to such a project. Being prepared, these things
did not surprise me. It was perhaps time I should be murdered; it
was perhaps impossible to penetrate the wild, wide land before me,
but it was no reason why I should not try and put the practicability

11. Nyangwe is located on Lat. 4° 15' S. and Long. 26° 14' E. The Times
Index-Gazetteer of the World (London, 1965), 613.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

361

of its exploration to the test. “If you did not try it for more than a
week or so, how do you know it was impossible?” people might ask
me, and very rightly too. “You say there are cannibals who will eat
me. It may be true; but I have one comfort, they cannot eat me
before they kill me. Can they?” “No, certainly not.” “You say they
will fight me. I have had wars enough already on this expedition, and
I should not like to have another war; but what can I do if savages
will attack me? I have a few young men who are aware of what we
can do in the way of fighting, and we do not propose to sleep, or let
any man draw his knife across our throats without remonstrating in
a most energetic manner. Granted that we shall have fighting to do,
what else is there to fear?” “Oh, plenty of things; but you will see.”
We did see, it is true; but I reserve that story for another letter.

The journey over the hitherto unknown half of Africa now being
finished, the difficulties and terrors, wars after wars, troubles after
troubles, toil upon toil, the dismay and despair being ended, it cannot
be wondered that we breathe a little freer and feel more relief now
than when we were about to begin the journey. Our experiences have
been very sad and dreadful, and we have paid dearly for the temerity
and obstinacy with which we held on. You might cull all the terrible
experiences that African travellers relate in their books, and united
they would scarcely present such a list of difficulties as we could show.
Our losses, nevertheless, have not been so great comparatively. Our
journey’s length from Nyangwe is nearly one thousand eight hun-
dred miles; our losses in men are one European and thirty-four Wan-
guana. Captain Tuckey lost eighteen Europeans and eleven colored
men in about three months. Mungo Park12 lost his own life and the
lives of all his people, and out of Peddie’s Niger expedition13 the
commander and all the principal officers lost their lives and the ex-
pedition was broken up. Much earnest effort was necessary to break
through, and there is no doubt that if we had not made it some
explorer with a little more determination and less nonsense in him
would have done it, and his troubles would have been much the same.

But I have paid for my triumph with one of my band whose loss
almost causes me to regret that I also did not permit myself to be
dissuaded from entering the unknown regions. Though born in an
humble sphere of life Francis Pocock was an extraordinary man; a

12. Hallett, The Penetration of Africa, 227ff., gives an account of the ex-
plorations of Mungo Park (1771-1806).

13. For John Peddie’s unsuccessful expedition, Newbury, British Policy to-
wards West Africa, Select Documents 1786-1874, 6, 44; Boahen, Britain, The
Sahara, and The Western Sudan, 37—42.

362

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

man to make himself respected and beloved; a man of many fine
qualities, of cool, steadfast courage, that knew no quailing; of great
manliness, a cheerful, amiable companion; a gentle, pious soul, and
a staunch friend in trouble. One instance of his courage is worth
relating. The natives of Ibaka14 prepared to attack us and advanced
on us for that purpose. I stood up in the boat to speak to them, and
while engaged in conversation with one of the chiefs a canoe crept
up near Frank’s and Frank was made aware that he was a target
for two or three guns, and lifted his gun to fire or to threaten them.
Seeing this, that it would precipitate us into another fight, before
exhausting all endeavors, for peace, I cried out to Frank to drop his
gun. He instantly obeyed, and permitted them to approach within
thirty yards of him without making the least motion, though every
one was exceedingly anxious. Finding that his eyes were fastened on
them two of the savages that were aiming at Frank suddenly changed
their minds, and gave my boat’s crew the benefit of their attentions,
firing among us, wounding four of my best men, though fortunately
not fatally, and the third emptied his gun among Frank’s people,
wounding one. He then received permission to avenge himself, which
he did in an effective manner.

It has been a custom from a remote period, with merchants and
European travellers desirous of penetrating inland from the West
Coast, to give “rum dashes.” Rum is an article unknown on the East
Coast, and I cannot but think that it acts perniciously on the insig-
nificant chiefs of small villages.15 We found them exceedingly bump-
tious, and not easily mollified without rum. Having almost crossed
Africa we could not gratify their demands for rum, and had to stand
firm and resolute in our determination to pass through these small
tribes; and, though we were not compelled to use force, there was
frequently a disposition among them to oppose by arms our journey.
Neither had we the gaudy uniform coats of a bygone century to
gratify their love of tinsel and finery.

Still, there was here no rupture of the peace. We were allowed to
proceed without violence, more as strange curiosities than anything
else, I believe, and as people who had come from wild lands whither
the white people had never ventured before. Possibly on that account
there may have been a small feeling of respect mingled with their
jealous regard of us. I speak, of course, about the people called

14. In the Yanzi area. See Stanley, The Congo, I, 561ff. and passim. See
also Johnston, The River Congo, 232—42, and note 23, below.

15. The problem was less acute in East Africa, but by the 1880’s would
begin to be of more concern. Bennett, “Edward D. Ropes, Jr.”

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

363

Basundi and those inhabiting Eastern Mbinda.16 The tribes above the
Babwende and Bateke were more kindly disposed.17 I am indebted
to them for many a laborious service performed for very little pay,
and during five months our intercourse with them was of the most
amicable kind. Those on the south side vied with those of the north
side of the river in the cataract districts to assist us. Food was gen-
erally more plentiful on the south side, and, in many instances, the
natives were more friendly.

The entire area the Congo drains embraces about 860,000 square
miles. Its source is in that high plateau south of Lake Tanganyika,
in a country called Bisa, or Ubisa, by the Arabs. The principal tribu-
tary feeding Bemba Lake is the Chambezi, a broad, deep river, whose
extreme sources must be placed about longitude 33 deg. east. Bemba
Lake, called Bangweolo by Livingstone, its discoverer, is a large body
of shallow water, about 8,400 square miles in extent. It is the resi-
duum of an enormous lake that in very ancient times must have
occupied an area of 500,000 square miles, until by some great con-
vulsion the western maritime mountain chain was riven asunder, and
the Congo began to roar through the fracture. Issuing from Bemba
Lake, the Congo is known under the name of Luapula, which, after
a course of nearly two hundred miles, empties into Lake Mweru, a
body of water occupying an area of about one thousand eight hundred
square miles. Falling from Mweru, it receives the name of Lualaba from
the natives of Rua. In Northern Rua it receives an important affluent
called the Kamalondo. Flowing in a direction north by west, it sweeps
with a breadth of about one thousand four hundred yards by Ny-
angwe, Manyema, in latitude 4 deg. 15 min. 45 sec. south, longitude
26 deg. 5 min. east, and has an altitude of about fourteen hundred
and fifty feet above the ocean. Livingstone, having lost two weeks
in his dates, appears, according to Stanford’s map of 1874, to have
placed Nyangwe in latitude 4 deg. 1 min. south, longitude 24 deg.
16 min. east, but this wide difference may be due to the carelessness
of the draughtsman. Those who feel interested in it should compare
it with the latest map issued by Stanford or the map published with

16. The Sundi, one of the Kongo group; they lived upriver from Isangila
on the right bank. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 176-81; Soret,
Les Kongo Nord-Occidentaux; Laman, “The Kongo.” Mbinda was near Isangila.
TDC, II, 440-44.

17. The Bwendi lived along the Congo to the south of Stanley Pool. Teke
was a general name for the populations north of Stanley Pool on both sides
of the Congo. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 48-50, 180-85;
Soret, Les Kongo, passim; Vansina, Kingdoms of the Savanna, 102-09; Vansina,
Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 9.

364

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the traveller’s last journals. The distance the Congo has flowed from
its extreme source in Eastern Bisa to Nyangwe, Manyema, is about
eleven hundred miles. Lake Ulenge I inquired very industriously for,
but I am unable to confirm what Livingstone appears to have heard
from Abed-bin-Salim and Mohammed-bin-Said, his informants. Kama-
londo River, which runs through Rua to the Lualaba, is a lacustrine
river, and I am told it has several small lakes in its course. Probably
Ulenge may be a name given to one of these small lakes.18

At Nyangwe, Manyema, the Congo is distinguished by various
names. The Arabs and Wanguana call it the Ugarowa, the Waguhha
carriers pronounce the name Lualaba, emphasizing the second syl-
lable. The natives of Nyangwe, also emphasizing the second syllable,
call it Lu-alawa, while the Northern Wagenya distinctly pronounce the
name as Ru-arowa. To prevent confusion, however, it is best to adopt
the spelling given by the European discoverer of the river — viz., Lua-
laba. A few hours north of Nyangwe the Lualaba inclines east of
north. It meets impediments. High spurs from the Uregga Hills bris-
tle across the river and wild scenes of falls and foamy water meet
the eye. Near these cataracts very impracticable savages are found,
who resent in a ferocious manner the appearance of strangers. Arabs
have paid terribly for their intrusion.

Along the river banks on both sides dwell the fishermen, called
Wagenya by the Arabs, and Wenya — pronounced Wainya by them-
selves— a most singular tribe, singularly cowardly, but also singularly
treacherous and crafty, and utterly impenetrable to the usual “soft
soap,” “sugar and honey” style. North of Uvinza is a powerful tribe
of another kind, of superior mettle; but habitually cannibalistic, but
very aggressive. Each time Arabs have ventured to enter their region
they have met with decided repulse. This tribe is called by the Arabs
Wasongora Meno, by themselves Wabwire.19 They inhabit a large
extent of country on the right bank. On the left bank are still the
Wagenya, which, as you proceed west, introduce you to the warlike
Bakusu,20 where, at all hours, the traveller must be a man of action.
Upon these gentry the approaches of a whole congress of bishops
and missionaries could have no effect, except as native “roast beef.”
The Lualaba you hear now in plain accents called Ruwarowa. It

18. The Congo drains an area of 1,425,000 square miles. The Chambezi,
rising in Zambia between lakes Nyasa and Tanganyika, is considered its source.
The river leaving Lake Mweru is the Luvua; it joins the Lualaba. Encyclo-
pedia Britannica (Chicago, 1964), VI, 318-21.

19. The Songola. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 348-50.

20. The Kusu. Ibid., 87-90; see also 147-49, 185-88; Verhulpen, Baluba et
Balubaises, 65; Vansina, Introduction a VEthnographie du Congo, chap. 5.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

365

still clings to longitude 26 deg. east. It begins to receive great afflu-
ents, the principal of which along the right bank are the Lira, Ur-
meli or Hindi, the Lowa and the Kankora. On the left bank are the
Ruiki, the Kasuka and the Lumami, though there are scores of
creeks and streams constantly visible as you proceed down river from
either bank.21

For a thorough comprehension of the subject, without fatigue of
study, you must understand that from the moment the Congo issues
from Lake Bemba, or Bangweolo, it skirts, at a distance of two hun-
dred miles or so, the mountain chain which shuts in the Tanganyika
on the west, and — as if its bed was related to the same system by
which the great lakes, Nyassa, Tanganyika and the Albert, are disposed
— it still clings to the base of that extraordinary mountain region
long after it has left the parallel of latitude of the north end of
Lake Tanganyika. By a series of powerful affluents it drains the en-
tire western versant of the lake regions as far north as 4 deg. north
latitude, while along the counterslope torrents and unimportant
streams find their steep course to the lakes Albert, Kivu and Tangan-
yika.

At the Equator the great river which has been the immediate re-
cipient of all tributaries from the east, and has skirted the western
base of the lake mountain region between east longitudes 25 deg.
and 26 deg. sinks into a lower bed and turns northwest, having
reached the great plains which extend between the maritime moun-
tain region and the lake mountain region.

The service the great river hitherto performed for itself — viz., to
receive the northern tributaries discharged down the western versant
of the lake mountain region now devolves uopn the Aruwimi — the
Welle of Schweinfurth (?) — the second affluent of the Congo, which,
no doubt, at a future time will prove of immense value, as it is open
to any vessel that may be successfully launched on the Upper
Congo.22 Below the junction of the Aruwimi our intercourse with
the cannibals of these lands was of so precarious a nature that we
dared not continue our exploration along the banks, because they
involved us in conflicts of the most desperate nature with powerful

21. Stanley names the Elila River the Lira; the Ulindi, the Urmeli or Hindi.
The Kankora is probably the Maiko. The confusion over the Lomami, or Lu-
mami, probably came from Livingstone who thought a river — he called it the
“Lake River Young” — joined the main Lualaba in this region. Stanley realized
his error on his return to the Congo. TDC, II, 213-25; Stanley, The Congo,
II, 359; LLJ, II, 65-66. See the maps in Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo
Beige, 330, 334.

22. The Uele River flows into the Ubangi. See document 36, note 7.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

tribes. For this reason I have no doubt we passed a great many im-
portant tributaries. Besides, it spread over such an enormously wide
bed, with sometimes a dozen channels, that though I frequently
passed what appeared to me to be new rivers, I preferred to construct
my chart free from hypothetical streams. An almost certain guide
to me as I journeyed down river along one of the many broad chan-
nels in distinguishing the main from the islands was that the former
was inhabited, the islands below the Aruwimi very rarely.

When forced by famine to risk an encounter with the ferocious
savages I made for the right bank, and opportunities were then given
me to explore. But the interests of humanity and the interests of
geography were ever at variance in this region. The natives had
never heard of white men; they had never seen strangers boldly
penetrating their region, neither could they possibly understand what
advantage white men or black men could gain by attempting to
begin an acquaintance. It is the custom for no tribe to penetrate
below or above the district of any other tribe. Trade has hitherto been
conducted from hand to hand, tribe to tribe, country to country; and,
as the balance of power is pretty fairly maintained, only three tribes
have as yet been able to overcome opposition. These are the Wa-
runga, Wa-Mangala and the Wyzanzi.23

After our battle with Mangala we showed a preference for the left
bank and soon after discovered the greatest affluent of the Congo,
the Ikelemba, which I take to be the Kas-sye, the last syllable pro-
nounced like “eye,” “bye,” &c.24 It is nearly as important as the
main river itself. The peculiar color of its water, which is like that
of tea, does not commingle with the silvery water of the Congo until
after a distance of 130 miles below the confluence of the two great
streams. It is the union of these two rivers which gives its light brown
color to the Lower Congo.

A little after passing longitude 18 deg. east we come to the river
called by Europeans, on their vague charts of the Congo region, the
“Kwango,” a deep stream, about five hundred yards wide, entering
the Congo through lines of hills which, receding from the neighbor-

23. The Bangala, or the “Gens d’Eau,” lived in the area between the lower
Ubangi and the Congo. Burssens, Les Peuplades de VEntre Congo-Ubangi,
36-48. The Yanzi (Stanley’s Wyzanzi) live in the Bolobo area (see above,
note 14). Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige , 202-07. For their
peaceful meeting with Stanley, Bentley, Pioneering on the Congo, I, 65. The
Warunga are perhaps the Rungu referred to by Johnston as living near the
Ubangi River. Johnston, George Grenfell and the Congo, I, 107.

24. The Ruki. Stanley later discovered his error. Stanley, The Congo, II,
31-38; Johnston, Grenfell, I, 139-45; “Le Rouki, affluent du Congo.” For the
Kasai, see note 25, below.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

367

hood, assume the altitude of mountains. This Kwango is known to
the natives as Ibari Nkutu, or the River of Nkutu.25 A little west
of longitude 17 deg. east the great river, which spreads itself out
into enormous breadths, slowly contracts, becomes interrupted by
lines of rocky relics of hill points, rocky islands or bars of lava rock,
and thunders down steep after steep along a distance of nearly one
hundred and eighty miles to the majestic and calm Lower Congo.

In these 180 miles it has a fall of 585 feet, according to boiling
point. The cataracts and rapids along this entire distance may be
passed overland by a month’s easy march along either the south side
or the north side. We encountered no difficulty with the peoples of
this region. Once the cataracts are passed the explorer may push his
way to Koruru26 or Monbuttu, I sincerely believe, or to the southern
ridge of the Great Basin; and if he can find cause to quarrel with the
lower tribes he must be charged with having sought it. If we take into
consideration the fact that each day’s march introduces one to fresh
chiefs and clans, and that a cordial reception will be given to him
by all, we are compelled to respect these very various people still
more for their amiability and gentle manners with strangers.

The Basundis, perhaps, may give trouble to the traveller, but, being
well supplied with cloth and rum and using tact and great patience,
the traveller just starting from the West Coast has a better chance
of ingratiating himself with them than I, who had exhausted my
cloth and beads and all means to win particular favor. What we pos-
sessed were simply a few cloths and beads to purchase food from
the natives on the south side. As travellers bound for the Great Basin
must in future start from the West Coast, and may very probably
take the Congo route — as they ought to do, for we have shown its
practicability — they perhaps will pardon me if I suggest that a want
of firmness and perseverance has caused most of the expeditions
from the West Coast to collapse. Neither Bacongo nor Basundi, I feel
convinced, will use force to oppose him, and there is no cause to
feel frightened by big words. There are no martial or ferocious
savages in the neighborhood of the West Coast on the north or south
side of the Congo after passing Yellallas Falls. If I, with my knowl-

25. The Kasai system, the principal southern affluent of the Congo. The
confluence is known as the Kwa; the Kwango is the largest river flowing into
the Kasai. Stanley, The Congo, I, 410ff.; Johnston, Grenfell, I, 146ff.; Stanley,
“Geographical Sketch of the Nile and Livingstone,” 406. Ibare is the term
given to any great river; the Ibare Nkutu was the Kwa. Vansina, “Long-Dis-
tance Trade-Routes in Central Africa,” 378. See also Storme, “Le probleme de
la riviere Kasayi. Etude de geographic historique.”

26. See TDC, II, 242.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

edge of the character of the peoples of this region, were bound on
an exploration of the Great Basin, I should undoubtedly prefer the
south bank because of its greater supplies of food. In our descent of
the lower cataracts we suffered terribly from want of food when the
violence of the rapids happened to keep us on the north side.

In writing of the Lower Congo I am compelled to disclose the errors
of the Congo expedition of 1816. I am well aware its principal mem-
bers were scientific men. Captain Tuckey was the author of a book
on maritime geography. Still, having found one cataract on his chart
where there ought to have been dozens of falls, I soon discovered
that his qualifications did not prevent him from going wrong. Be-
tween that position and Isangila, or Sangala, the existing map is a
tissue of errors. From Sangala, or rather Isangila, Falls we travelled
overland, in five easy marches, to Boma with a sick and starving
expedition, a distance which the Congo expedition estimated at 100
miles in a straight line, or one hundred and thirty miles or so ac-
cording to the road, to have accomplished which, though I took
no observations en route overland, I consider would have been an
impossible feat, considering the character of the country and the
debility of our people. According to pedometer the distance we trav-
elled was fifty-seven miles; geographically, forty-five miles. One of
Captain Tuckey’s sentences, “Terrible march; worse to us than the
retreat from Moscow,” and the sad general mortality in that expedi-
tion both of Europeans and negroes, I suspect may together explain
the enormous discrepancy between their distances and ours. Under
such physical prostration what wonder that a mile should seem a
league! In such a state as the members of that unfortunate and
disastrous expedition must have been I doubt whether any of them
took the trouble to make astronomical observations.

In Stanford’s map, which I believe to have been constructed from
information obtained from Captain Tuckey’s expedition, with addi-
tions from the Fathers at San Salvador, I find a great many names of
countries and towns also about which no one could give me any
information. “Pombo, a general name for the inland country,” means
nothing of the kind, but Mpumbus is the name of a great market or
fair district on the south bank, inhabited by the Basesse, near longi-
tude 16 deg. east. “Auzico,” printed large and black, is unknown.
“Monsol, Royal Town,” unknown, may mean Mossul, or Little River,
as called by the up tribes. “Concobella” may possibly be Nehuvila,
“King of Nkunda, Esseno, Hondi, Canga, Dinjee, Condo Yonga, Pang-
welunghi,” are all unknown. “Vambre” and “Vambre River” I in-
quired particularly for, but did not succeed in discovering one native

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369

who had ever heard of such a name. Mosongo is, no doubt, Misongo
in Uyanzi. Mopendea and Fungeno are absolutely unknown. The
Bancora River is no doubt a corruption of Bangala or Bangara, a
people inhabiting Mangala.27

As I have stated above, in rough numbers the entire area drained
by the river of Congo, or the river Kwango, as it should be called, is
about 860,000 square miles, 450,000 miles of which is almost taken
up entirely by the great basin lying between the lake and maritime
regions. The length of the Congo is about 2,900 miles, divided thus:
From the source to Nyangwe, 1,100 miles; from Nyangwe to the
Atlantic, nearly 1,800 miles.

My experiences of the river to date from the 1st of November,
1876 to the 11th of August, 1877, a period of over nine months. Its
highest rise lasted from the 8th of May to the 22nd of May, and was
caused by the periodical rains known to us on the East Coast as the
Masika. While the flood is of great advantage to the navigation above
the cataracts of the maritime region, where the river assumes a
lacustrine breadth, it vastly increases its terrors at the cataracts,
because of the trebled fury with which the swollen water sweeps
down the steep incline of its bed through the rocky narrows to the sea.
The depth of the rise varies naturally, owing to the great dispropor-
tion of the breadth of the stream. Up river it is about eight feet, but
in the narrows it is from twenty to fifty feet. In some places of the
cataract district the rise was as much as fifteen inches per diem, but
then the river was at that point only 500 yards wide. Whatever efforts
may be made by the explorer in future in the commercial develop-
ment of this river no one need try to ascend through any part of the
cataract region by means of any kind of floating vessel. It might be
done, since very few things are impossibilities; but the ascent mainly
must be overland, as nothing floating could climb six, ten, twenty
and twenty-five foot falls. Besides, even where there are neither falls
nor foaming rapids the rush of water through the rocky narrows is
so great that it would be a Sisyphean labor altogether.

The Congo River is the Amazon of Africa, the Nile is the Missis-
sippi. While the latter has greater length the Congo could furnish
water to three Niles. It requires enormous breadth or great depth to
restrain all this impetuosity. Though the Nile is a most valuable
river for commerce the Congo is still better. The former has its

27. Some discussion of Tuckey’s terms may be found in Johnston, Grenfell,

I, 77; Burton, Two Trips to Gorilla Land and the Cataracts of the Congo,

II, 102ff.j Johnston, Congo, 62ff. See also Maes and Boone, Peuplades du
Congo Beige, 196-97, for Mpumbu, and Diary, 171, for Nkunda.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

course frequently interrupted by cataracts, but the Congo fortunately
has all its falls and rapids in two series — the upper, between east
longitude 25 deg. and 26 deg., consisting of six great falls, terminating
all navigation that might be established above the lower series, which
consist of sixty- two important falls and rapids, though there are
many minor rapids I do not think necessary to include in the list. I
remember when about starting from Nyangwe I told Frank that I
hoped I should find the cataracts in a ‘lump.”

Once above the lower cataracts we have the half of Africa before
us with no interruption, and not, like the Lower Nile regions, deserts
of sand, but one vast, populous plain, so populous, indeed, that, ex-
cepting Ugogo, I know no part of Africa so thickly inhabited. The
usual term village is a misnomer for most of the collections of dwell-
ings; they are towns in some places two miles long, with one or
more broad streets between the rows of neat, well-built houses.
The houses are superior to anything in East Central Africa. The na-
tives are different also. Every thought seems engrossed with trade,
and fairs and markets are established everywhere.

There has been a suspicion generally entertained that ivory must
soon become a curiosity; but I can vouch that at least it will not
be so for three or four generations. This is the land of ivory “temples,”
or idol enclosures, where the commonest utensils for domestic use
are made of ivory. The people do not seem able to comprehend
why any one should take the trouble to pay for it when it is so plentiful
in each village.

The entire plain is also distinguished for its groves of the oil palm.
In Ukusu there are huge forests of this tree. Almost everything that
Africa produces is to be obtained in the Congo Basin — cotton, india-
rubber, groundnuts, sesamum, copal (red and white), palm kernels
and palm oil, ivory, &c. By means of the Congo a journey to the gold
and copper district of Katanga is rendered, moreover, very easy.

The Congo River gives 110 miles below and 835 miles above the
cataracts of navigable water, while the great affluents north and south
traversing the basin, will give over 1,200 miles, and perhaps much
more. The greatest affluent, the Ikelemba, is over a thousand miles
in length; the Nkutu River is over 700, the Aruwimi must be over
500, while there are four or five others which, by their breadth, I
should judge to be navigable for great distances. I would not advise
any solitary explorer to venture near the cannibal lands, unless he
wishes trouble, but the influence of trade, once it is established on
the equitable basis, will soon reduce those natives also to reason.

A trader ascending the river has a better chance of ingratiating
himself with the natives than an explorer descending a river from a

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

371

region whither no trading native has dared to venture. As he must
halt a considerable time for business at each capital his reputation
for being just and good will precede him and bring him hosts of cus-
tomers. Indeed, the great difficulty will be to restrain their inordinate
love of barter. The islands on the river will afford him safe camps
and quiet retreats, and it will be better for the trader and the native
to occupy island depots near the mainland until mutual confidence
is thoroughly established.

I feel convinced that the Congo question will become a political
question in time. As yet, however, no European Power seems to have
the right of control. Portugal claims it because she discovered its
mouth; but the great Powers — England, America and France — refuse
to recognize her right, and express their determination, in plain terms,
to dispute her assuming possession of the river.28 If it were not that
I fear to damp any interest you may have in Africa or in this mag-
nificent river by the length of my letters I could show you very
strong reasons why it would be a politic deed to settle this Congo
question immediately.

I could prove to you that the possessor of the Congo, despite the
cataracts, would absorb to himself the trade of the whole of the
enormous basin behind, which extends across thirteen degrees of
longitude and over fourteen degrees of latitude. The Congo is, and
will be, the grand highway of commerce to West Central Africa. If
so, why should it be left to dispute as to who shall rule the lower
river and its banks? Why should it be left to the mercy of the
piratical Mussolongos? I hear that British men-of-war have been
castigating those scoundrels lately with bombshells in a more deter-
mined manner than I have been punishing the piratical cannibals
on the eastern border of the Great Basin; and probably about the
same period.29

But merely castigating these people is not enough; there should
be vessels of war to prevent such deeds as the destruction of Euro-
pean ships; and the question is, What Power shall be deputed in the
name of humanity to protect the youth of commerce in this little
known world? An explorer is seldom called upon for the expression
of his views, nor would I venture on this ground or meddle in the
matter if I did not feel so very strong an interest in Africa. But I
will present you with an example of what might come to pass if the

28. See Anstey, Britain and the Congo , passim , for a discussion of the po-
litical situation of the Congo.

29. The Sorongo of the Kongo group. They live along the lower Congo and
on the Atlantic coast to the south of the river. Maes and Boone, Peuplades
du Congo Beige, 294-97. See note 30, below.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

question be not settled. A number of European merchants interested
in African commerce construct houses and stores and depots on the
Congo, say on either bank, north or south. The natives, troubled with
indigestion or bad dreams, take it into their heads that it would
be a fine thing to rob the white people and burn their dwellings and
depots and murder them. The thing is done, pandemonium is re-
enacted, the newspapers and public opinion hear the news, and
expressions of “shame” on all the Powers interested are very loud
and strong. British men-of-war hurry up and bombard everybody,
or, to use an expressive though vulgar phrase, they “knock things
into a cocked hat;” and perhaps the punishment exceeds the offence,
because the innocent would be involved in the destructive fury. Or,
as the case might easily be, suppose the European merchants capable
of defending themselves, and that by a little strategy they capture
the conspirators and doom them, one and all, without mercy, to
death by chaining them in gangs, young and old, and drown them
offhand in the deep water of the Congo. What would be said of this?
I do not say it has or has not been done. I merely state what might
happen. I put a possible case before the enlightened reader. Would
you be surprised to hear that it has been done? 30 What ought, then,
to be planned to prevent Mussolongos and natives, with bad dreams
and deranged indigestion, from strangling lawful, legitimate and hu-
mane commerce? What ought to be done to prevent pitiless, vengeful
merchants from placing themselves under the ban of Christians?

Let England arrange with Portugal at once to proclaim sovereignty
over the Congo River to prevent the sensibilities of the world being
shocked some day when least expected. I have hinted to you a few
strong reasons why the question ought to be settled. I could say
very much more, but space will not permit me, and “a word to the
wise is sufficient.”

Loanda, West Coast of Africa
Sept. 5, 1877 1

When the Anglo-American expedition left Zanzibar, November,
1874, Her Majesty’s Consul had just received instructions from Lieu-

30. This episode is given in Delcommune, Vingt annies de Vie africaine, I,
38-42, 59; Stanley, The Congo, I, 97-98; W[auters], “Boma”; Bentley, Pioneering
on the Congo, I, 46-48.

1. NYH, Nov. 24, 1877.

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373

tenant Cameron to forward his letters to the Falls of Yellala, as that
gallant officer had announced his intention of following the Lualaba
to the sea. From the day I received this information I was under the
impression that the best thing for me to do was to follow to the
letter my instructions, which would take me far from his field of
exploration, though eventually I should have to touch at a point
where his decision, as well as my own, would have to be made. Act-
ing under that impression, after exploring Lake Victoria, I led 2,280
men across hostile Unyoro. Such a large force was necessary to pierce
the country of Kabba Rega, against whom Sir Samuel Baker had warred
and with whom Gordon Pacha was then fighting. Once launched on
Lake Albert in my exploring boat and canoes, 2,000 men of this force
were to return to the Emperor of Uganda, and I was to pursue my
way across Lake Albert and penetrate the region with the view to
reach Nyangwe, and then resolve on the next course.

We reached Lake Albert,2 January, 1876, descended to the lake,
took observations for latitude and longitude, took altitudes, &c., and
endeavored to make arrangements for crossing the lake. We were
unable to do so, and such a vast force was gathering to punish us
for our temerity and to close us in that we were compelled to retreat.
Returning to Uganda, I released the Uganda escort and travelled
south on a road parallel with Speke’s, but west of his road, to Ka-
ragwe. I devoted a month to explore the Alexandra Nile, then marched
southwest to prosecute the river to its source. Famine compelled us
to abandon the project I had half formed to penetrate the region
south of Lake Albert and north of Lake Tanganyika, and I was
obliged to move further south still, then finally came to Ujiji.

At this place I heard first that Cameron had abandoned the Lualaba,
but the reports were not very clear. However, I circumnavigated the
Tanganyika and afterward set off for Nyangwe, with the intention,
if the above report was not confirmed, of penetrating the northern
regions as far as Monbuttu, and then cutting across Africa along
the watershed that separates the Niger basin from the Congo basin.

Arriving at Nyangwe, I saw the Arabs who had escorted my pre-
decessor to Utotera, or King Kasongo’s country,3 and they gave me
abundant proofs that he had proceeded south in company with Por-
tuguese traders. The causes that led him to abandon such a great

2. Lake George; see document 26, note 4.

3. The Tetela. Cameron visited their ruler, Kasongo Kalombo (ruled c. 1865-
1885), in 1875. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 185-88; Vansina,
Kingdoms of the Savanna, 158, 232, 242; Cameron, Across Africa, II, 60ff.;
Verhulpen, Baluba et Balubaises, 102-03; Vansina, Introduction a VEthno-
graphie du Congo, chap. 5.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

task were, as they told me, “impossibility of getting canoes and the
savage character of the river tribes below.”

At first I was rather elated at being permitted to explore this im-
portant field, but my feelings of joy were somewhat dampened when
I reflected, upon hearing all the Arabs had to report about it, that
I should very probably pay dearly for the privilege. Frank Pocock
was by this time an enthusiastic explorer. Africa agreed with him,
his powers of endurance were immense, and no matter what field I
proposed or what project I made I was certain of Frank’s support.
One night we resolved together that it was our duty to try it, and
if beaten we felt that no one could blame us very much when we
had over twenty illustrious examples who had from various points
attempted to penetrate the unknown half of Africa, but were obliged
to return unsuccessful. The reports about the savage character of
the natives of the bush and their cannibalism, the ferocity of a tribe
of dwarfs, &c., considerably reduced the courage of our people. So,
in order to prevent their desertion, I engaged a great Arab chief 4
and his followers to escort us sixty camps along the river banks under
the idea that such a distance must necessarily enable us to reach
some friendly tribe either west or northeast. This addition to our
force restored the confidence of my people, and on November 5 last
year we left Nyangwe.

We were unable to picture to ourselves any idea of the new,
strange, mysterious half of Africa on which we were now entering.
Everything we heard of it only tended to dispirit us — “terrible dwarfs,”
“ferocious cannibals,” “poisoned arrows,” “treacherous natives,” “an
eternal forest,” and a mighty river, which few believed could have
an end. All we knew was that our purposes were upright, that our
cause was good, that we bore malice to none, and were more than
willing to be charitable and forgiving, even if hard pressed. Alas!
the forest through which we travelled three weeks proved too true.
Uzimba and Southern Uregga were nothing but one dense gloomy
forest, infested with most uncharitable people. Each day’s task was
a heavy diplomatic one; we labored with might and main to preserve
the peace, and, fortunately, succeeded, not because of our diplomacy
alone, but rather from the fear that we might prove too powerful.

4. Tippu Tip (c. 1840-1905). His comments on his participation in the
expedition are in Maisha ya Tippu Tip, 111-19. See also Becker to Strauch,
Sept. 8, 1881, Storms Papers, MAC; Jameson, ed., The Story of the Rear Col-
umn of the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition by the Late James S. Jameson,
300. Stanley said of Tippu Tip: he was “a remarkable man — the most remark-
able man I had met among Arabs, Wa-Swahili, and half-castes in Africa.”
TDC, II, 95.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

375

The length of this forest, its density and gloom, and the fearful
discomforts each day’s march through the terribly doleful region
provoked, proved too much for our Arab escort. It disheartened them,
and they talked of returning. This plunged me into a new dilemma
that I little anticipated; but, unable to withstand the temptation of
the wild, unexplored region, I proposed that we should strike for
the river, cross it, and try the left bank. After much deliberation and
argument pro and con the proposition was accepted, and we reached
the river in latitude 3 deg. 35 min. 17 sec. south, just forty-one geo-
graphical miles north of Nyangwe.

We began to put up our faithful boat, the Lady Alice, and in two
hours she was launched for the first time on the Lualaba. My tent
was pitched close to the boat, and a comfortable plot of soft young
grass induced repose, where I could contemplate the calm, majestic
river and my picturesque surroundings — isles of undying verdure,
long, black winding walls of great trees. It was here the resolution
never to abandon the Lualaba until it revealed its destination was
made.

I mustered all my people and my Arab escort, and, pointing out
the great river to them, I told them — for the sight of the river had
warmed me to a high pitch of enthusiasm — “This great river has
flowed on thus since the beginning through the dark wild lands be-
fore us, and no man, either white or black, knows whither it flows;
but I tell you solemnly that I believe the one God has willed that
this year it shall be opened throughout its whole length and become
known to all the world. I do not know what lies before us. We may
meet very bad people; we may suffer hunger; we may die. We are
in the hands of God. I hope for the best. As we do not come for war
we may make friends of the people; we have enough property with
care to last a long while and to buy the friendship of chiefs. You,
my people, will, therefore, make up your minds that I am not going
to leave this river until I reach the sea. You promised at Zanzibar,
two years ago, that you would follow me wherever I wanted to go for
two or three years. We have still a year before us, but I promise you
we shall reach the sea before the year is out. All you have to do,
then, is to say. In the name of God,’ and follow me.” The young
men, about fifty of them, stepped briskly up and shouted out, “In
the name of God,” adding, “Inshallah! Master, we will follow you and
reach the sea,” but the oldest had many misgivings and shook their
heads gravely.5

5. Compare ibid., 149-51, for a more elaborate version.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

We soon became acquainted with the worst side of the natives of
this region, and they presently demonstrated their wildness. After
five or six hours’ talk they agreed to make blood brotherhood with a
white chief, but the white chief must proceed with only a few men
to an island in the middle of the river. Frank Pocock volunteered to
go through the disgusting ceremony for the benefit of all concerned.
I conveyed him and ten men, armed with revolvers, to the island,
as guns might arouse suspicions, and I took position on the right
bank of the river with thirty armed men, to be ready should the
natives intend treachery. We had not waited above an hour before
we saw signs of great excitement in the neighborhood of the island,
and heard violent shouts and peculiar war cries. Immediately we
dashed toward the island, where we saw about thirty canoes loaded
with men, some standing up in the act of launching spears. Our
sudden appearance, however, scattered them, and from Frank we
learned that their behavior had been anything but friendly. However,
no harm was done, except that the natives, by sounding the war
cries, alarmed those down river, and caused people who perhaps
might have been disposed to be friendly to assume the offensive.

We were too powerful to be openly attacked, for our united forces
numbered about five hundred fighting men; and so long as they con-
tended themselves with vocal violence and some hideous gestures no
one was harmed.

As we had arranged, we crossed over to the left bank and after a
short stay, we moved down river in two divisions, one by land and
one by water. That day we were separated; the land party were sub-
jected to many difficulties; they lost the road, and we, ignorant of
the cause of their non-appearance, floated down the Lualaba as far
as the Ruiki River and camped at the confluence.6 Two days passed
by, and, as no news was heard of the land party, I ascended the Ruiki
River about twenty miles, leaving my little camp in charge of twenty-
five men and boys. After searching the Ruiki River banks for traces
of the land party I was approaching camp when we heard musketry,
and as we imagined it announced the arrival of the land party we
hastened to welcome them. Our astonishment was great to perceive
the narrow mouth of the Ruiki blocked with canoes loaded with
savages and to hear rifles at earnest work, as if the position of the
little camp and its defenders was desperate. We gave a shout to at-
tract the attention of the savages and the effect was immediate, for
the canoes at once vanished, the savages paddling down the Lualaba.

6. Stanley was in the Genia area. Ibid., 156-61.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

377

After arriving at camp we congratulated ourselves that all were
safe, though their position at one time had been dangerous, as the
camp party had permitted the savages to come within five paces of
the camp before they resolved to fire. The spears and pointed sticks
thrown into the camp made quite a bundle. This was the first fight
on the Lualaba, and our first initiation to savage warfare on the great
river. The savages might return in greater numbers than ever, and if
they attacked us with skill and boldness it would have been our utter
annihilation. It therefore behooved us to communicate with the land
division, of which we had heard nothing for two days. Five of the
boat’s crew volunteered to set out overland in search of the missing
people. After several hours’ toiling through the dense bush they
found a slightly used path which soon brought them face to face
with the scouts of the land party, and before night we were all glad-
dened at their appearance.

Two days’ march north of the Ruiki brought us to falls — the Falls
of Ukassa. The Arabs and people were rather glad, as they seemed
to think that this would certainly compel me to abandon the foolish
journey, for they themselves have suffered terribly by falls. You may
possibly remember that Livingstone said he had “no intention of at-
tempting the foolhardy feat,” and no desire to become “black man’s
meat.” This sentence was written while all the Arabs at Nyangwe
mourned for the loss of thirty men, three large canoes and much
valuable property, which had been swept over a cataract fifteen miles
below Nyangwe.

I took ten of the boat’s crew and proceeded overland, and almost
fell into an ambuscade. But we were also bush people and could not
be caught. We explored the banks and examined the nature of the
falls.7 Returning to camp to commence the operations I was as-
tounded to hear that two of my captains, with two soldiers, had
desperately resolved to explore the falls by water, and had conse-
quently been taken over the falls, capsized and sucked down the
whirlpool, after which they had not been seen. This was terrible news.
If they had escaped the whirlpool they could not escape the fleet of
canoes below the falls that had been assembled to dispute our pas-
sage down the river. I instantly retraced my steps through the bush
with fifty men to lend them aid,8 and we fortunately arrived in time
to save them, as they were floating down the river with the canoe

7. In Diary, 141—42, Stanley asserts the enemy was seen and then driven
off; TDC, II, 162-63, agrees with the letter.

8. In Diary, 142, Stanley says he sent others; there is no reference to his
accompanying them.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

upside down — one captain defending himself and party with a re-
volver, for their Sniders were lost except one, which had been pru-
dently lashed within the canoe. I thought this was exploration with
a vengeance, and I informed them that the next time they disobeyed
orders they would be left to their fate; but it was scarcely necessary,
as the narrow escape they had had was sufficient to frighten them
from exploring on their own account.

Despite the hopes of our Arab escort the Falls of Ukassa were
passed without loss, by simply allowing the current to take the canoes
over the falls and picking them up below. It was done so expedi-
tiously that the natives had no time to dispute the passage, for before
they had reached the falls the river division were seated in the boat
and canoes and we had formed a compact line of battle, with the
land division protecting our left flank. The natives did not attack us
and we were allowed to pass without firing a shot, but to all attempts
at reconciliation and gifts they turned deaf ears.

On the 6th of December we arrived at Usongora Meno, an extensive
country, occupied by a powerful tribe. The belligerency of the na-
tives increased. As soon as they caught sight of us on the river they
came with fierce demonstrations, numbering fourteen large canoes,
against our six canoes and boat Lady Alice. An Arab, who was pas-
senger through illness that day, was told to speak them fair, to explain
to them who we were, what we had come for, that we were rich, and
that we were able and willing to pay our way. Fifteen minutes were
spent in this midriver palaver. His answer was a shower of poisoned
arrows, which fell a little too short of our boat. Though we had
eighteen sick of smallpox lying in the canoes we charged on them
and cleared a passage through. The land party was also attacked in
the bush and several were wounded, for they had ventured too near
the country of the warlike tribe of the Bakusu, whose trade is war on
a large scale.

Smallpox began to rage in our Arab escort. There were eighteen
deaths within two or three days. Dysentery attacked us, ulcers formed
on the limbs of many, incapacitating a large number from marching,
until boat and canoes were merely floating hospitals. In this condi-
tion we arrived at Vinya Njara,9 125 geographical miles north of
Nyangwe. This day the river had again taken us further than the
land division could possibly reach in two days.

Immediately we had arrived at Vinya Njara with our sick we were
attacked; one of my people was killed; others were wounded. We

9. There are slight differences in TDC, II, 178-88.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

379

had seventy-two sick with smallpox. We plunged into the bush with
desperate energy, and in a short time cleared the skirts of the camp.
Then returning, we at once set to work to make the place defensible,
and while skirmishers lay in wait in front we cut the bush down
for a distance of 200 yards. Through the night the poisoned arrows
flew, and were heard tapping trees and huts most unpleasantly, and
every now and then some wide awake skirmisher awoke the echoes
of the night with his loud-voiced musket, but with harmless effect.
Next morning we moved and occupied the town of Vinya Njara, to
house our sick and wounded, and the day was spent in repelling
attacks and fortifying the town. Two days and two nights we bore
attacks by land and water.

The entire country was roused against us. From Usongora Meno
they came in a large number of canoes; the Bakusu warriors were
engaged by Vinya Njara to enter their country and eat us. These
bowmen climbed tall trees, and any person showing himself in the
broad street of the great town became a target at once. We were
unable to bury our dead or to attend to the delirious wounded.

On the morning of the third day the land division appeared and
things changed for the better; but a great force of Wasongora Meno,
with forty or fifty canoes, were gathered on an island in our vicinity
with the intention of possessing themselves of our boat and canoes.
These it was necessary to punish, and I accordingly led a night ex-
pedition and cast all their canoes adrift. Some of the best canoes we
secured. The next morning I visited the island. They had already
become aware of their position, and had, by means of three or four
canoes, unseen by us during the night, escaped. I next turned my
attention to the Bakusu and their friends, and they were also driven
from the woods, and for the next ten days there was rest, during
which time the natives made proposals of peace, which we gladly
accepted.

Here the Arab escort, after taking us 125 miles from Nyangwe,
parted from us. They had already exacted that the natives should
leave the road free for them. It was an anxious period this of our
parting, for I feared that there would be a mutiny, but my young
men were staunch and too well trained to desert me at this critical
period. My captains were also secured and largesses given to every-
body.

“The white man with the open hand was their father. He had taken
them through ever so much trouble safe, and, please God, they would
take him to his white brothers on the sea. They had known him
now nearly seven years and his hand was always open. As they had

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

been faithful to the aged traveller who had died in Muilala,10 so they
would be to him who led them through Turu and Unyoro and round
the great lakes.”

On December 28 the expedition was mustered — 146 souls, men
and women — and each person answered to his name.

To the sound of the thrilling farewell song of the Wanyamwezi we
took our seats and formed a line in mid river, the boat in front. The
influence of the song, whose notes were borne in wild and weird
tones across the river, proved too much for my people. They wept
as though they were nearly heart broken.

“Children of Zanzibar,” I shouted to them, ‘lift up your heads. Cry
out ‘Bismillah!’ and dash your paddles into the water. Let the Wan-
yamwezi return to Nyangwe and tell the tale to your friends what
brave men those were who took the white man down the great river
to the sea.”

It was one of the saddest days I remember to have spent in Africa.

On January 4, 1877, we came to the first of what proved a series
of cataracts, or, to use a more correct term, falls, below the con-
fluence of the Lumami, and the Lualaba, or the Lowa, as the river
was now called.11 Our troubles began now in earnest. We were
hunted like game. Night and day every nerve was strained to defend
ourselves. Four times on January 4 we broke through the lines of
canoes brought out against us, and finally we were halted by the
Baswa Falls, in latitude 0 deg. 32 min. 36 sec. south. The savages
seemed to think that we had no resource left but to surrender and
be eaten at their leisure. Again and again were we compelled to
repulse the furious charges that they made to drive us over the falls.
The people of the Falls Islands also came up to assist the cannibals of
Mwana Ntaba.12 We were at bay, and became desperate. Return
we could not, as we could not pull against stream and fight. We
pulled ashore first on the right bank, then across river to the left,
and made a camp in the woods, drawing our canoes and boat up
after us. After constructing a fence of brush around on the forest side
the best sharpshooters were placed in position for defence. After a
short time the natives retired and left us to rest. For the ensuing
twenty-four days we had fearful work, constructing camps by night
along the line marked out during the day, cutting roads from above
to below each fall, dragging our heavy canoes during the day, while

10. Livingstone died at Chitambo’s village near Lake Bangweulu. Debenham,
Way to Ilala, 326.

11. See document 39, note 21.

12. Stanley was in the Genia area. See Diary, 148-49; TDC, II, 224.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

381

the most active of the young men — the boat’s crew — repulsed the
savages and foraged for food.

On January 27 we had passed in this desperate way forty-two
geographical miles, by six falls, and to effect it had dragged our
canoes a distance of thirteen miles by land by roads which we had
cut through the forest. Our provisions in the meantime we had to
procure as we best could. When we had cleared the last fall, latitude
0 deg. 14 min. 52 sec. north, we halted two days for rest, which we
all very much needed. In the passage of these falls we lost five men
only.

After passing this series of falls we entered upon different scenes.
The river was gradually widening from the usual 1,500 to 2,000 yards
breadth to two and three miles. It then began to receive grander
affluents, and soon assumed a lacustrine breadth from four to ten
miles. Islands also were so numerous that only once a day were we
able to obtain a glimpse of the opposite bank. We had reached the
great basin lying between the maritime and lake regions.

The first day we entered this region we were attacked three times
by three separate tribes; the second day we maintained a running
fight almost the entire day, which culminated in the grand naval
fight at the confluence of the Aruwimi — the Welle ( ? ) — with the Lua-
laba. As we crossed over from the current of the Lualaba to that of
the Aruwimi, and had taken a glance at the breadth of the magnificent
affluent, we were quite taken aback at the grand preparations for
our reception. Fifty-four canoes rushing down on us with such fury
that I saw I must act at once if I wished to save the expedition. Four
of our canoes, in a desperate fright, became panic stricken and began
to pull fast down stream, but they were soon brought back.

We dropped our stone anchors, formed a close line and calmly
waited events. Down the natives came, fast and furious, but in mag-
nificent style. Everything about them was superb. Their canoes were
enormous things, one especially, a monster, eighty paddlers, forty on
a side, with paddles eight feet long, spear-pointed, and really pointed
with iron blades for close quarters, I presume. The top of each paddle
shaft was adorned with ivory balls. The chiefs pranced up and down
a planking that ran from stem to stern. On a platform near the bow
were ten choice young fellows swaying their long spears ready. At
the stern of this great war canoe stood eight steersmen, guiding her
towards us. There were about twenty — three-fourths of her size — also
fine looking, but none made such an imposing show. At a rough
guess there must have been from fifteen hundred to two thousand
savages within these fifty-four canoes.

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STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

I cannot think that these belonged to one power. I imagine that
it was a preconcerted arrangement with neighboring tribes, got up
specially for our entertainment. We had no time even to breathe a
short prayer or to think of indulging in a sentimental farewell to the
murderous cannibalistic world in which we found ourselves. The
enemy, in full confidence of victory, was on us, and the big monster
as it shot past us launched a spear — the first. We waited no longer;
they came to fight. The cruel faces, the loudly triumphant drums,
the deafening horns, the launched spears, the swaying bodies, all
proved it; and every gun in our little fleet angrily gave response to
our foes. We were in a second almost surrounded, and clouds of
spears hurtled and hissed for a short time — say, ten minutes. They
then gave way, and we lifted anchors and charged them, following
them with fatal result. We were carried away with our feelings. We
followed them to the shore, chased them on land into their villages,
ten or twelve of them, and, after securing some of the abundance of
food we found there, I sounded the recall.

To the victors belong the spoil — at least so thought my people —
and the amount of ivory they discovered lying useless about aston-
ished me. There was an ivory “temple,” a structure of solid tusks
surrounding an idol; ivory logs, which, by the marks of hatchets
visible on them, they must have used to chop wood upon; ivory war
horns, some of them three feet long; ivory mallets, ivory wedges to
split wood, ivory pestles to grind their cassava, and before the chief’s
house was a veranda, or burzah, the posts of which were long tusks
of ivory. There were 133 pieces of ivory, which, according to rough
calculation, would realize, or ought to realize, about $18,000. These,
I told the men, they must consider as their prize money. In this fight
we only lost one man.13

Our expedition was becoming thinned in these repeated attacks
made on us by these piratical cannibals. We had lost sixteen men
already. There were no means to return to Nyangwe, for we had
resolutely put six cataracts between us and the possibility of return-
ing; besides, we were about three hundred and fifty miles, according
to the course of the river, or 296 geographical miles, north of Ny-
angwe. Why should we not ascend the Welle and try by that road?
I felt almost convinced I was on the Congo. I was in latitude 0 deg.
46 min. north. Look where I might on my chart I saw I was in the
midst of a horrible, hateful blackness — a meaningless void. Yet to

13. The conflict was with the Soko. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo
Beige, 168-70; Stanley, The Congo, II, 114-33; Reid, “The River Aruwimi.”
Most of the booty taken here was lost before the trip was over. Diary, 199-200.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

383

fight daily three or four times each day our ammunition would not
last. Nature even could not sustain such a strain as we experienced.
The increasing breadth of the river below this last great affluent
pointed a way of escape. I would abandon the mainland and lose
myself among the islands. I thus would pass by many affluents, but
it could not be helped. The main thing, after all, was the Great
River itself, the receiver of all affluents.

The boat led the way to the islands. The first attempt was un-
successful, for the channels, after taking us by half a dozen islands,
exposed us again to the savages, and we, of course, were again
compelled to fight. After two or three attempts we learned to dis-
tinguish the mainland from the islands, and we glided down for five
days without trouble, further than anxiety for food.

Driven at last by pressing hunger to risk an encounter with the
savage, we came to a village14 in latitude 1 deg. 40 min. north and
longitude 23 deg. east, where the behavior of the natives was differ-
ent. Three canoes advanced to meet us, and addressed some words
which we did not understand. The canoes retreated, but, telling my
little fleet to drop anchor, the boat floated down and anchored opposite
the village, at only twenty yards from the shore. We made signs that
we wanted food, showed copper bracelets, cowries, red and white
necklaces, cloths and brass wire — in short, resorted to our usual way
of opening friendly communications when permitted by natives dis-
posed to be friendly. The negotiations were long — very long; but
we were patient. What made us hopeful was their pacific demeanor,
so opposite to those above, and at last, after five hours, we succeeded.
That day, after twenty-six fights on the Great River, was hailed as
the beginning of happy days. We certainly were the happiest fellows
in existence.

When the old chief came to the bank to negotiate with the white
stranger we lifted our anchor and steered for him. My coxswain and
self sprang ashore. Our canoes were anchored 400 yards off. The
kindly visage of the old chief was so different from the hateful faces
we had lately seen that I almost crushed his hand, making him hop,
out of pure love. My coxswain — a braver soul was never found within
a black skin, but more of him by and by — hugged everybody all
round, and hugging matches took place. The boat boys grew enthusi-
astic, and they also followed the example of Uledi, the coxswain. In

14. Rubunga village. See TDC, II, 281-83; Diary, 160; Johnston, Grenfell,
I, 283. This probably was a Poto area. Maes and Boone, Peuplades du Congo
Beige, 157-59; Stanley, The Congo, II, 98-102; Vansina, Introduction d, VEthno-
graphie du Congo, chap. 4.

384 STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

the meantime the old chief drew me apart and pointed to the face of
Frank, which gleamed white amid the dark skins of the soldiers in
mid-river. “Ah! he is my young brother,” I said. “Then he must make
friends with my son,” said the chief; and Frank was accordingly
hailed and told to come ashore, and the solemn ceremony of brother-
hood— the white man’s and black man’s blood were made to flow in
one current, and a covenant of eternal peace and brotherhood was
concluded.

“What river is this, chief?” I asked.

“The River,” he replied.

“Has it no name?” I asked.

“Yes, the Great River.”

“I understand; but you have a name and I have a name, your vil-
lage has a name. Have you no particular name for your river?” (We
spoke in bad Kikusu.)

“It is called Ikutu Ya Kongo.”

The River of Congo !

There was, then, no doubt but we were still about eight hundred
and fifty miles from the Atlantic Ocean and over nine hundred miles
below Nyangwe, Manyema.

We spent three days at this village in marketing — an era of peace
long to be remembered by us. We saw also four muskets here, and
we augured from this fact that the perils of our desperate voyage
were over. It was a false augury, however.

One day’s run brought us to Urangi15 — a populous country, where
there was one town about two miles long — and our friends introduced
us to these people. The first introduction over about one hundred large
and small canoes appeared and began trading. One thing after another
disappeared. A man lost his mat and clothes; my cook lost a copper
plate or dish; a gun was snatched at but recovered without trouble.
I arranged with the King that all trade must be done in the canoes.
Everybody was contented.

The next day we began to prosecute our voyage, two native canoes
leading the way to introduce us to the tribes below. The 100 canoes
that were employed in doing trade and visiting the day before now
contained neither women nor children, but men with muskets and
spears. We, however, did not regard it as anything extraordinary,
until our guides at a signal paddled fast away, and we were at once
assaulted.

“Form close line!” I shouted; and “P addle slowly down river close
to the island!”

15. See TDC, II, 287-92; Diary, 162. This was also a Poto area.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

385

The boat’s crew rested on their oars, allowed all the canoes to pass
by, and we followed after them. Two out of the crews of each canoe,
and two out of the crew of Lady Alice, with myself, maintained a
running fight for two hours, until another tribe joined in the chase.
The pirates of Urangi returned, but the Mpakiwana16 took the fight
up and maintained it until we came to another tribe. This tribe took
up the chase, charging furiously sometimes and then being repulsed
endeavored with admirable pertinacity the capture of one of our
canoes. Frequently were we all compelled to drop paddles and oars
and defend ourselves desperately. At three p.m. the last of our enemies
abandoned their designs and we steered for the islands again.

The 14th of February we lost the island channels, and we were
taken — too late to return — along a channel which took us to the
right bank to the powerful tribe of Mangara, or Mangala,17 of
whom we had heard so much sometimes as very bad people, at other
times as great traders. The fact that they pursued trade caused us to
imagine that we should be permitted to pass by quietly. We were
woefully deceived. Despite the war drums and horns summoning the
tribe to war, as it was near noon and a bright sun shone, and there
was sufficient stretch of river to take a good observation, I would
not lose such a splendid opportunity to fix the position of this im-
portant locality. I ascertained it to be latitude 1 deg. 16 min. 50 sec.
north; by count, longitude 21 deg. east. I closed my sextant and put
it away carefully, and then prepared to receive the natives — if they
came for war, with war; if they came for peace, with gifts. We cast
loose from Obs Island 18 and started down stream. Sixty-three canoes
of light, even elegant make, approached. Some of the natives were
gorgeous in brass decorations, and they wore headdresses of the skins
of white goats, while skins of the same color hung down their shoulders
like short mantles; the principal men wore robes of crimson blanket
cloth.

We ceased rowing. When they were about three hundred yards off
I held a crimson cloth up to view in one hand and a coil of brass
wire in another, and by signs offered it to them. My answer was
from three muskets, a shower of ironstone slugs, and four of my
boat’s crew and one in my canoes wounded. A fierce shout of ex-
ultation announced to the hundreds on the banks their first success.

16. TDC, II, 292, calls it a district; Diary, 163, “a very large village.” It
was a Poto area.

17. The Ngala thought the unexpected newcomers were enemies and at-
tacked. For African accounts of the fight, Coquilhat, Haut-Congo, 183-85;
Brom, Sur les Traces de Stanley, 259-60; Luwel, Stanley, 56.

18. Observation Island. TDC, II, 299.

386

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

We formed our usual close line, and allowed the canoes and boat to
float down, every rifle and revolver being required here. The battle
consisted of bullets against slugs. We were touched frequently, boat
and canoes pitted, but not perforated through. Dead shots told in the
end. Breech-loaders, double-barrelled elephant rifles and Sniders pre-
vailed against Brown Besses, though for two hours our fate was
dubious. The battle lasted from twelve o’clock to near sunset. We
had floated down ten miles during that time; but we had captured
two canoes, swift as they were. We had dropped anchor for an hour,
protecting a storming party, which took a village and burned it. At
sunset our people sung the song of triumph; the battle was over.
We continued floating down in the darkness until about eight o’clock,
and then camped on an island. This was the thirty-first fight and
the last but one.

We clung to the island channels, for four days longer, unseen by
any of the natives, for the river was very wide — between five and ten
miles. At a place called Ikengo,19 a great trading people, we found
friends. We made blood brotherhood with many kings and collected
a vast deal of information. This tribe was one of the cleverest and
most friendly of any we had seen. We halted three days with them.
We met no armed force to oppose us in the river below Ikengo,
though a few canoes indulged in the customary little distractions
of savage life by firing iron slugs at strangers; but, as no one was
hurt, we permitted them to have their pleasures without regarding
them. In the words of a dry humorist — one of our soldiers — “We
ate more iron than grain.”

Six miles below the confluence of the river — called the Kwango
by Europeans20 — and the Congo we had the thirty-second fight.21
We proposed to halt in the woods and cook breakfast. We were col-
lecting fuel to make a fire when a quick succession of shots from
the bush startled us and wounded six of our people. We had not
the slightest idea that any tribe lived in that vicinity, for it seemed
all forest. We sprang to our arms and a regular bush fight began,
and ended in a drawn battle, each side separating with a little more
respect for each other. The advantage we gained was that of being
permitted to stay in our camp unattacked. I have stated this was
our thirty-second fight and last. So far as interchange of bullets be-
tween natives and ourselves went this is true. But we have been
many a time on the verge of fighting since. However, diplomacy,

19. The Wangata, or Bolemba, occupy the left bank below the Ruki River. Maes
and Boone, Peuplades du Congo Beige, 338-39; Murdock, Africa, 285; TDC,
II, 305-08.

20. See document 39, note 25.

21. See TDC, II, 323-24; Diary, 169-70.

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

387

vast patience, tact and stern justice saved us from many a severe
conflict.

Soon after quitting Nyangwe I had issued orders — knowing the
propensities of many of my people to take advantage of our strength
— that whoever molested a native or appropriated anything without
just return would be delivered up to native law, the punishment of
which would be certain death or eternal servitude. I had purchased
several of my people who were guilty of theft from native power by
extraordinary sacrifices of money, until we were almost bankrupts
from this cause. The time came when it was necessary to place every-
body on half rations from our poverty. Yet the knowledge that we
should be unable to make further sacrifice to save thieves did not
restrain some from committing depredations on native property.
These were surrendered to native law. When five men had been thus
dealt with the people began to awake to the fact that I was really
in earnest, and I heard no more complaints from the natives.

A terrible crime in the eyes of many natives below the confluence
of the Kwango and the Congo was taking notes. Six or seven tribes
confederated together one day to destroy us, because I was “bad,
very bad.” I had been seen making medicine on paper — writing. Such
a thing had never been heard of by the oldest inhabitant. It, there-
fore, must be witchcraft, and witchcraft must be punished with
death. The white chief must instantly deliver his notebook (his medi-
cine) to be burned, or there would be war on the instant.

My notebook was too valuable; it had cost too many lives and sac-
rifices to be consumed at the caprice of savages. What was to be
done? I had a small volume of Shakespeare, Chandos edition. It
had been read and reread a dozen times, it had crossed Africa, it
had been my solace many a tedious hour, but it must be sacrificed.
It was delivered, exposed to the view of the savage warriors. “Is it
this you want?” “Yes.” “Is this the medicine that you are afraid of?”
“Yes; burn it, burn it. It is bad, very bad; burn it.”

“Oh, my Shakespeare,” I said, “farewell!” and poor Shakespeare
was burnt. What a change took place in the faces of those angry,
sullen natives! For a time it was like another jubilee. The country
was saved; their women and little ones would not be visited by
calamity. “Ah! the white chief was so good, the embodiment of good-
ness, the best of all men.” 22

I now come to a tragic period, before which our running the

22. Ibid., 192-93, gives a different version of this much-quoted episode.
Stanley said there: “I gave a sheet of paper scribbled over carelessly to satisfy
them, which was torn and burnt . . .” TDC, II, 384-86, agrees with Stanley’s
despatch.

388

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

gauntlet through the cannibal lands a thousand miles seems child’s
play. Our days of battle and our days of hunger may be forgotten as
years of peace and rest may roll over our heads, but our months of
toil and wild energy in the cataracts never; for each day of that period
has its own terrible tale of narrow escapes, of severe injuries, of
despair and death.

Nearly fourteen hundred miles had been passed. The Congo be-
came straitened by close-meeting aspiring banks of naked cliffs, or
steep slopes of mountains shaggy with tall woods, or piles above piles
of naked craggy rock, and presently swept impetuously down in
serpentine curves, heaving upward in long lines of brown billows,
sometimes as though ruffed by a tempest, or with a steep glassy
fall, or thundering down steep after steep, tossing its waters upward
in huge waves, with their crests dissolving in spray and mist, or
boiling round isles of bowlders, which disparted it into two branches
with fearful whirlpools, with uprising whirling caldrons, and as it
varied its wild aspect so it varied its thunder, moan and plaint. At
one time the rush sounded like the swash of sea waves against a
ship’s prow driven before a spanking breeze, at another time like a
strong tide washing against piers and buttresses of bridges, at an-
other time it overwhelmed the senses and filled the measure of a
deep grief with the roar of its fury; and far up on the height of the
tableland, the timorous and superstitious Basundi, straying near the
cliffy verge, stopped his ears against the dreadful thunder and hur-
ried away as from doom.

While we were fighting our tragical way over the long series of falls
along a distance of over 180 miles, which occupied us five months,
we lived as though we were in a tunnel, subject at intervals to the
thunderous crash of passing trains.

Ah! so different from that soft, glassy flow of the river by the
black forests of Uregga and Koruru, where a single tremulous wave
was a rarity, when we glided day after day through the aerie wilds,
in sweet, delicious musings, when our souls were thrilled at sight of
the apparently impenetrable forests on either hand, when at misty
morn, or humid eve, or fervid noon wild nature breathes a soft still-
ness.

There is no fear that any other explorer will attempt what we
have done in the cataract region. It will be insanity in a successor.
He may travel overland, and the native will point out the 2,000 feet
altitude up which we dragged our three, four and five ton canoes.
He will perhaps point out the stumps of the giant trees we cut down
and from which we carved out our canoes within eight and ten

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

389

days, working night and day, whereas no canoe was ever made in
that region under three months. He may show him the craggy rocks
over which we constructed tramways with a system of rollers. He
may show him where we cut a grove of tall trees down to fill the
great pits between the rocks. He may show him the scenes cele-
brated by dreadful tragedies, and by heroisms enacted by some of the
white stranger’s men. He may point out localities where the white
men entered their canoes and brought their people down long foam-
ing stretches of river, to the fright of all who saw them and against
all advice. He may point out the terrible falls where the boat with
the white chief and his boat’s crew were swept over, and whirled
round and tossed and smitten by brown waves until his native friends,
who were spectators of the expected catastrophe, were in an agony
of fear; and finally, with a shudder, guide him to the spot where the
younger chief was carried over the falls, taken down in a whirlpool
and was lost. But there is no fear of any other explorer attempting
to imitate our work here.

Nor would we have ventured upon this terrible task had we the
slightest idea that such fearful impediments were before us. Tuckey’s
map led me astray, and the natives, who seldom travel further than
their own homes, assisted Tuckey to delude us. Neither Tuckey nor
the natives knew any better. On Captain Tuckey’s map I find east
of Yell ala Falls, after a very wide unnoted interval, a cataract set
down in about 16 degrees of east longitude. At the same time the
names of places are marked on the land as if he had left Yellala
Falls and proceeded overland as far as the Kwango River. The whole
is published as the map of a district well known. Need I do more
than to say that below this supposed cataract are over thirty falls
and rapids, and that if any part of this region had been explored
such falls and rapids would be prominently set down? Our losses in
valuable men should be a warning to explorers not to set down more
than they actually have seen, or, if they needs must publish hearsay
information, to make a difference between explored localities and
what is unexplored.

My observations informed me that we were in the neighborhood
of this supposed cataract of Tuckey’s and believing that we should
soon reach it I resolutely fought on. After passing that position the
natives cheered us on by stating that there were but two more after
passing those. Other natives said there were one or two more, and so
on each day, until finally arriving at Isangila Falls, and hearing there
were five more falls, after five months’ toil and the loss of one Euro-
pean and fifteen soldiers in the lower cataracts, I said, “Enough,”

390

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

and drew my boat and canoes high upon the rocks above the Cataract
of Isangila.

We came to the country where previous explorers and white mer-
chants have pampered native kings with what is called “dashes” or
rum and cloth and beads. These kings came before us to demand
dashes. They said they must have “dashes” of rum and cloth.

“Dashes from us! Poor miserable creatures like us! Why, we have
nothing. We have but just enough to reach the sea, and cannot spare
ahead.”

“Ah, but you must, or — "

‘What, must again! Get out of my camp this minute, and bring the
full value in food of what you desire.” And they brought it, and only
the value of the food did they receive. But one king resented this
indignity, and brought his valorous fighters to dispute the road. The
immediate disposition of our people, and a plain hint that we were
quite ready to begin, however, calmed his noisy truculence, after
which we made peace, exchanged gifts and passed on.

I sent messengers in advance praying for relief from any European
in Emboma, or Boma, as it is called south of the cataracts. By good
fortune the letter was put in the hands of the agents of Messrs.
Hatton & Cookson, Liverpool merchants. The promptitude of the
agents, Mr. Motta Veiga and Mr. Harrison, saved us from much mis-
ery. We were on the brink of destruction by famine. Such an abun-
dance of luxuries was showered on us that we were almost delirious
with the sudden transition from the pains of famine to the joys of
plenty, and the voices that forty times had fiercely mocked the war
cries of savages in war joined in an extemporaneous chant of
thanksgiving and sang the praises of the white men who live by the
sea.

After a day’s halt to digest the good things we resumed our march
toward Boma. A few miles from that place we were met by several
gentlemen of the European colony with hampers of good things, with
rum and champagne, port and Madeira, 8tc. What a difference be-
tween those cleanly, well fed and well dressed gentlemen of Boma
and myself! It was as much as that which distinguished the strong,
healthy bodies of their hammock bearers from the bare-ribbed, gaunt
soldiers of the Anglo-American expedition.

The story is now told briefly, and, perforce, imperfectly, how we
crossed the hitherto unknown half of Africa; how we journeyed 1,800
miles from Nyangwe to the ocean. You have had a prefatory glimpse
of the wide wild land that lies between that Arab depot and the At-
lantic.

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391

You may now divine the nature of our struggles to gain civiliza-
tion, of our desperate battles with the cannibals, of the patience re-
quired to cross the cataract districts with our fleet, of our daily ter-
rors and griefs at the loss of dear and valued comrades during the
passage of fifty-seven falls and rapids that interrupt the flow of the
mighty river through the maritime region. I have told you nothing
about sickness, of the insalubrity of some portions we traversed, of
the intense gloom and depression we experienced in the doleful re-
gions of Uzimba and Uvinza, and of the severe fatigues we have
undergone, which have bowed our manhood and reduced our ener-
gies; but you may imagine them.

I have endeavored to take you rapidly through a few of our thou-
sand and one experiences as we struggled through the dense darkness
and mystery of the unknown into light. A few exciting contests I
have briefly described — contests with human demons who delighted
in craft, fraud, treachery and cruelty, who regarded us much as we
regarded the noble beasts that roved over the plains of Usukuma, as
so many heads of seasoned game to be slaughtered and carved, and
broiled and eaten. They attacked us with spears, assegays, poisoned
arrows and muskets, and at one time they actually surrounded our
camp with hidden nets. They drove poisoned sticks into the ground,
so that in the charge to scatter them from the neighborhood of our
camp our people might have their feet pierced with these instruments
of torture. On all sides death stared us in the face, cruel eyes watched
us day and night, and a thousand bloody hands were stretched out to
take advantage of the least carelessness. We defended ourselves like
men who knew that pusillanimity would be our ruin — that mercy
was unknown to these savages. Out of charity and regard for my own
people, and myself as well, on whom devolved the responsibility of
taking the expedition through these savage regions, I wished naturally
that it might have been otherwise, and looked anxiously and keenly
for any sign of forbearance and peace, as I saw my African comrades
drop one by one from my side in the oblivion of the terrible wilds.
We thank Heaven that these dark days are over.

Yet we had some briefest intervals of pleasure even during that
stormy period. One pacific tribe — the day after a desperate battle
with a martial tribe above, who, it seemed, had oppressed them
greatly — warned by the huge drums that sounded the approach of
strangers, turned out in dense crowds along the river banks, while
the boldest of their warriors manned their enormous canoes and bore
down on us, taking care, however, to cry out the magic word, “Sen-
nene!” which caused us to drop our guns and echo the happy word

392

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES TO THE NEW YORK HERALD

with such fervor of lungs that the thousands on the banks, who might
have been a little distrustful, instantly distinguished its hearty sin-
cerity, and repeated it with equal fervor until for a time, even after
they had ended, the forests across the river seemed to thunder mys-
teriously, “Sennene! Sennene!” We dropped our stone anchors abreast,
and near enough to the vast crowds on the banks, and invited the
warriors in the canoes to approach.

From childish shyness they would not come nearer than fifty
yards or so, and two old women — ladies, I ought to call them —
‘manned” a small canoe, and, coming straight to my boat, they
brought their tiny vessel alongside, and after an introductory laugh
offered us palm wine and a couple of chickens! Presently the warriors,
shamed out of their shyness — it was not fear — drew their canoes
alongside — great, enormous things, twice the length of our boat, and
completely hid, almost crushed, the tiny canoe of the women; but
the most pleasing sight to me, to which my eyes were constantly
attracted, was the faces of the two women, and the tiny messenger of
peace and comfort to us in the midst of our days of trial. On looking
into the great war canoes of this tribe I observed with pleasure that
there was not one spear or bow and arrow in any of them, which
caused me to confirm my opinion of their tact and delicacy, to look
more attentively at the crowds on the bank, and there was not one
weapon of war visible anywhere. Presently I observed one huge canoe
make off for the shore, load gourds of palm wine and baskets of
potatoes, and return, each man singing enthusiastically. The potatoes
were for me, the palm wine for my people.

When I asked how it happened that they were so kind to strangers
when we had fought three times the day before, they said that though
the drums above river summoned them to fight us, some of their
people had been up river fishing among the islands the day before,
and the drums had caused them to hide themselves and see what
took place. They had seen us talk to the natives, offer cloths and
beads, and had seen them refuse all proffers and fight us. “They are
always fighting us, and stealing our people, but we are not strong
enough to kill them. This morning when you left that island where
you slept last night we sent very early a canoe with two slaves — a
boy and a woman in it — with potatoes and palm wine; if you were
bad people you would have caught that canoe and made those two
slaves your own, but when you allowed it pass you, saying ‘Sen-
nene,’ we knew that you were good people, and we did not beat our
drum for war, but for peace. If you had taken that little canoe this
morning you would have had to fight us now. You killed our enemies

THE EXPEDITION ACROSS AFRICA

393

yesterday, and you did not injure our two slaves this morning. You
are our friends.”

Throughout our entire journey, unless all opportunities for friendly
intercourse were closed by furious onsets, and all minds were en-
grossed with the necessity of immediate and desperate defence, we
made overtures of conciliation and friendship. I can recall many
and many an instance when kindness, sociability and forgiveness
won many tribes from a suspicious and menacing attitude to sincere
friendship and open, candid conduct. Many tribes have, on my de-
parture from among them, implored me to return soon, and have
accompanied me long distances as though loath to part with me.
Others, in their desire to see their friend again, have brought their
medicines and idols before me and conjured me by their sacred char-
acter to tell their white brothers how glad they would be to see them
and trade with them and make eternal friendship with them; and
one king, whose friendship must be secured before any explorer can
enter the Congo Basin, outdid me in generosity with such delicacy
and tact that I looked upon him, and still regard him, as a phenom-
enon of benignity.

Appendices

A man should not swerve from his path because of the barking of dogs.
— Autobiography , 527.

STANLEY’S ARRIVAL IN ZANZIBAR, 1872 1

The bark Mary A. Way , Captain Russell, arrived at this port yes-
terday,2 one hundred days from Zanzibar. The vessel had a safe and
pleasant voyage all the way through, and the taut and clean appear-
ance she presents after so long a trip speaks well of the efficiency
of both officers and men. The Mary A. Way is the property of Thomas
P. Way, of this city, and is engaged in the spice, clove and hide
trade, Zanzibar being the chief port on the African coast for the
purchase and sale of these commodities. The vessel has been absent
for more than eight months, eighteen days of which were spent at
the African port.

Captain Russell brings along with him letters and despatches to
the editor and proprietor of the HERALD from Mr. Stanley, the dis-
coverer of Livingstone, with whom he spent most of the time that the
vessel was detained at the port. He also brings letters and messages
from Mr. Stanley to a number of private gentlemen, old friends and
acquaintances of the adventurous explorer. One passenger arrived
on the vessel, Mr. Richard M. Whitney, an American, long resident
at Madagascar.3

On yesterday a HERALD reporter boarded the bark, which is at
present lying off the Battery, in search of Captain Russell and Mr.
Whitney. The first object which attracted his attention on setting
foot on the deck was a magnificent brown dog, larger than a lion,
which was quietly sleeping on the forecastle. The mate of the vessel,
Mr. Charles O. Welch, courteously received the reporter, and, notic-
ing the look of astonishment which the latter cast at the dog, in-
formed him that the animal was a present sent from Mr. Stanley to
the editor of the HERALD. It is a mixture of the St. Bernard and
some native African breed, and the mate states that the crew on
the long voyage had come to regard him as a companion, and will
grieve over his loss as that of a personal friend.

Captain Russell and Mr. Whitney had both left the vessel in the
morning, as soon as she touched, and the mate was in sole charge.

1. NYH, Sept. 2, 1872.

2. New York.

3. Richard M. Whitney of Winchendon, Mass., was an agent of the Salem
merchant John Bertram in Madagascar. He served at times as American vice-
consul in Tamatave. Robinson to State Department, Jan. 3, 1882, Despatches
from United States Consuls in Tamatave (microfilm), III, National Archives;
Maude, Five Years in Madagascar, 169.

398

APPENDICES

Though the men were busily engaged in overhauling the vessel and
holystoning the deck, Mr. Welch spared time to accord a short inter-
view to the reporter, and gave some interesting details relative to Mr.
Stanley, of which the following is an abstract :

REPORTER — Did you see Mr. Stanley during your stay at Zanzi-
bar, Mr. Welch?

MR. WELCH — See him? I should think I did. Why, he was con-
stantly with Captain Russell during the eighteen days he remained,
and, in company with the American Consul and several other resi-
dents of the port, he dined on board the vessel.

REPORTER — Was this after he had found Livingstone?

MR. WELCH — Lord, yes. He arrived from Bagamoyo two days
after we did in a native dhow, as they call their boats there; drums
beating and the American flag flying. I was not on shore at the time,
but the captain was, and I understand there had been a great time
in the city.

REPORTER — I suppose there was considerable talk among the
residents about the expedition?

MR. WELCH — Talk! I should say there was. Why nothing else was
talked of; even the blacks seemed to have caught the general con-
tagion, and they were almost as excited as the white residents were.
We were fortunate to arrive at the time we did to be in time for the
triumphal return of the explorer, and it made us all feel good to see
the American flag flying at the gaff of the dhow.

REPORTER — How did Mr. Stanley look?

MR. WELCH — Well, he looked very worn and jaded, presenting
just the appearance that a man would after undergoing the terrible
ordeal that he had passed through; but I tell you he looked tough, too,
through all. He is a man who would not let up on any undertaking
until he had carried it successfully through.

REPORTER — And yet, Mr. Welch, some of the wise men of Go-
tham presume to doubt the authenticity of the story he tells.

MR. WELCH — Doubt the authenticity of the story! Well, that is
news to me. How people in New York presume to know more than
the British Consul at Zanzibar, the residents there, Lieutenant Daw-
son,4 of the English expedition, and Dr. Livingstone’s son,5 is more
than I can imagine. I would stake my life on the veracity of the
story. Why, Mr. Stanley was filled with anecdotes about the Doctor,

4. L. S. Dawson of the Livingstone Search Expedition. See Bridges, “Spon-
sorship and Financing of Livingstone’s Last Journey.”

5. Oswell Livingstone (1851-1892). Northcott, Robert Moffat: Pioneer in
Africa , 1817-1870, table opposite p. 328. See Seaver, Livingstone, 601, for the
reasons for O. Livingstone’s failure to seek out his father.

APPENDICES

399

and the manner in which they had spent their five months together;
and the letters he brought were recognized as genuine by all who
had ever been in communication with Livingstone. Doubt the truth
of the story! That is a good joke. I see by the papers to-day — the first
that I have seen for months — that Mr. Stanley is the lion of London
society, and I know of no one more deserving of honor than he is.
My intercourse with him was slight, as I had to attend to my regular
duties, but the captain was constantly with him, and he will doubtless
give you more information.

As the mate had his hands full of work the reporter left the vessel
and departed in search of Captain Russell, whom it was rather a
difficult job to find; but he was finally discovered at the house of
Mr. Thomas P. Way, on Lexington avenue, whither he had went on
his arrival in the city. He was delighted to see a HERALD represen-
tative and readily entered into conversation. Though a thorough
sailor. Captain Russell does not look much like one of his profession,
his appearance being more suggestive of a dashing cavalry officer
than the captain of a merchant vessel. After some formal conversa-
tion the business of the interview was entered upon and the following
is a report of the conversation :

REPORTER — I understand, captain, you are direct from Zanzibar.

CAPTAIN — Yes, sir; we are just a hundred days from the port
to-day and we had a safe and pleasant voyage all the way through.

REPORTER — How long did you remain at Zanzibar?

CAPTAIN — About eighteen days altogether, during which time we
transacted all our business.

REPORTER — Did you see much of Mr. Stanley?

CAPTAIN — I spent most of my spare time with him after he ar-
rived. He did not get in until two days after us.

REPORTER — You saw him arrive then?

CAPTAIN — I did, and I shall not readily forget the excitement
and interest which all classes manifested in the matter. It was a
gala day in Zanzibar, and every one hurried out to receive him. His
coming had been announced some time previously, but the precise
date of his arrival could not be ascertained. A sharp lookout, however,
was kept, and when the native dhow, with the American colors flying
at the gaff, was seen coming in the wildest joy was manifested. It
made us Americans proud of our country when we saw its colors
associated with so noble an undertaking.

REPORTER — Had Stanley many persons with him on his return?

CAPTAIN — He had all the survivors of the expedition — Selim, the
Jerusalem boy, and the other natives who had accompanied him. I

400

APPENDICES

suppose you are aware that the two white men had deserted him on
the journey into the interior. I don’t think their loss was very serious,
as they did not amount to much at the best.

REPORTER — Was Stanley greatly worn?

CAPTAIN — Fearfully. His hair had turned quite gray. His body
was wasted and emaciated, and he looked more like a man of forty-
five than of twenty-six. When I first saw him he was suffering from
an attack of fever and was very low. He, however, recruited wonder-
fully, and in a few days he presented a very different appearance.
He was the guest of the American Consul, Mr. John F. Webb, during
his stay, who was extremely proud of his countryman.

REPORTER — What was the feeling at Zanzibar?

CAPTAIN — Oh! a most extraordinary feeling. No event ever oc-
curred at the port which produced so profound a sensation. Among
the English residents in particular the interest taken in Stanley and
his discoveries was great, but mingled with it was a certain amount
of chagrin that an American was the first to bring relief and succor
to the distinguished traveller. This very natural way of thinking was,
however, thrown in the shade by the joy experienced at the intelli-
gence that the Doctor was alive, and the honors and attentions show-
ered upon his discoverer were given with no grudging hand. The
American residents were, of course, the first to take the initiative in
the matter, and I myself had the honor of entertaining Mr. Stanley
at a dinner given on board my vessel, which was one of the most
pleasant affairs in which I have ever participated. Mr. Stanley was
the life of the party, and the stories and anecdotes he told were
listened to with breathless attention by all present. The Sultan of
Zanzibar also gave a grand fete in honor of Stanley, at which I was
present. It was a very grand affair, the Sultan exerting himself to
the utmost to make it a success.

REPORTER — Had the English expedition arrived by this time?

CAPTAIN — Oh, yes. Lieutenant Dawson was there before we came,
and was a guest at my table. He is a perfect specimen of a gentle-
man, and was one of the first to welcome and congratulate Stanley.
When he saw the proofs that Stanley brought he knew that his mis-
sion was at an end, and being convinced that it was useless for him
to penetrate further into the interior, the purpose for which he had
been sent having been accomplished, he resigned the command of
the expedition to the second officer,6 who in turn surrendered it to

6. T. R. Henn. See his letter explaining his course of action in this affair
in NYH, Aug. 23, 1872.

APPENDICES

401

young Livingstone, and he finally broke it up, after taking such sup-
plies as he thought his father would require.

REPORTER — Did young Livingstone want to go on to the interior?

CAPTAIN — No, he did not. He is not of a very adventurous turn
of mind, and the prospect of the journey frightened him, though
Stanley urged him to go in my presence. He did not, however, think
it necessary to do so, and when Dawson gave up the command he
thought it better not to go. Stanley did not advise Lieutenant Dawson
to pursue any particular course. Dawson acted on his own responsi-
bility, and he considered his action was the most judicious course
he could adopt under the circumstances. I took the Lieutenant as
far as St. Helena on my return, where I left him, he remaining to
take the first steamer for England.

REPORTER — Did you see Dr. Kirk, the British Consul?

CAPTAIN — I saw him, but had no talk with him about the expedi-
tion. The letters he received from the Doctor, I was told, however,
gave him great pleasure, and he was deeply grateful to Stanley for
having brought them. He had been the only correspondent the Doctor
had in Zanzibar, and the sight of the familiar handwriting was a
great relief and removed the painful suspense under which he had
so long labored. The style of the composition, too, was very reassur-
ing, the contents of the letters presenting all the Doctor’s peculiarities,
and he regarded the discovery as one of the greatest achievements
of the age.

REPORTER — Did you hear anything of the complaints the Doctor
made about the treatment he had received from Kirk?

CAPTAIN — I heard Stanley speak about it, but I did not pay much
attention to the matter. I believe it was some neglect in the forward-
ing of stores that was complained of. He cannot, though, complain
of any lack of supplies for some years to come, as Stanley left him
sufficient to last for five years; and not content with this, he was per-
sonally superintending the caravan which was to be forwarded to
him immediately that it could be got in readiness. Stanley’s attach-
ment to the Doctor is very strong, and his knowledge of the interior
convinced him that if any green hand would arrange the supplies
the affair would be bungled. So, in order that there might be no
mistake, he fixed everything himself. It is not, I suppose, necessary
to give you any particulars of the journey into the interior. You
have already received all these points from Stanley himself. He is
firmly persuaded that Livingstone will successfully accomplish the
great mission he has undertaken and is convinced that he is perfectly

402

APPENDICES

safe from all danger. So thoroughly is the Doctor wrapped up in his
work that he sent letters to various persons in Zanzibar requesting
that no further expedition would be sent after him, as he has every-
thing he requires and wishes to prosecute his work undisturbed.

REPORTER — Did you leave Mr. Stanley behind?

CAPTAIN — Yes; I left him waiting to catch the first steamer for
Bombay; and as one was expected to sail in a week I suppose he
left Zanzibar on it.7 I took Lieutenant Dawson and let him off at St.
Helena, as I said before.

This terminated our conversation, and thanking Captain Russell
for his valuable information, the reporter withdrew. The letters and
dog the Captain will deliver in person, according to a promise made
to Stanley.

AN INTERVIEW WITH RICHARD M. WHITNEY 1

As stated in yesterday’s HERALD,2 a single passenger, Mr. Rich-
ard M. Whitney, arrived in the Mary A. Way on Sunday, direct from
Zanzibar. Mr. Whitney has been seven years a resident in Mada-
gascar, where he was engaged in mercantile business; and it was on
his return voyage to his own city that he visited Zanzibar. He was
formerly engaged in business in this city, and was widely known
through his connection with the large commission house of Belt &
Cilley. His character for truthfulness and reliability is highly spoken
of among his friends, who assert that he would make no statement
that would not be literally correct.

A HERALD reporter called on Mr. Whitney yesterday to get some
particulars relative to the Livingstone Expedition, which were readily
given to him, and their interest may be learned by the fact that
Mr. Whitney arrived in Zanzibar just one day previous to the return
of Mr. Stanley from the interior, after his great discovery. Mr. Whit-
ney’s residence in Madagascar has somewhat browned his complex-
ion, but he states that the climate is very healthy, although the local
society is by no means desirable. The following is the report of

7. Stanley left Zanzibar on May 29, 1872 on the steamer Africa, belong-
ing to the Hamburg firm of O’Swald, for the Seychelle Islands; from the latter
place he went on to Bombay. HIFL, 677-79.

1. NYH, Sept. 3, 1872.

2. See the preceding document.

APPENDICES

403

the interview: REPORTER — I have called, Mr. Whitney, to get some
account of your stay in Zanzibar and your acquaintance with Mr.
Stanley.

MR. WHITNEY — Well, sir, I shall be happy to afford you all the
information I possess, and as I have a sincere admiration for Mr.
Stanley and thoroughly appreciate the work he has done I shall be all
the more willing to answer any question relative to him.

REPORTER — How did you come to touch at Zanzibar?

MR. WHITNEY — The vessel I was coming home on had some
business at the port, there being a considerable amount of trade car-
ried on at the place. I had heard very little of Stanley or the Living-
stone expedition before we came to Zanzibar; in fact, I may say
nothing, and I was no little astonished when the American Consul
informed me that the correspondent of a New York paper had found
the long lost traveller. Mr. Stanley was hourly expected at the time,
the American Consul having received intelligence that he was coming.

REPORTER — How did he receive the intelligence?

MR. WHITNEY — From part of Stanley’s cavalcade which preceded
him. A number of the natives attached to the expedition had come
in a day or two previous, with the intelligence that Dr. Livingstone
had been found and that Mr. Stanley would immediately return. Dr.
Kirk, who speaks the language of the country, interviewed them, and
they gave a straightforward account of the expedition and its results,
fully confirming the intelligence that Mr. Stanley very soon after
brought. After they arrived we were all on the qui vive watching for
the first approach of the explorer.

REPORTER — Did you see Mr. Stanley come in?

MR. WHITNEY — I did; and it certainly was a great sight. When
the dhow neared Zanzibar the gun fired and the American colors
were soon visible, proudly flying from the gaff. The beach was lined
with people, native and white, who testified their delight by an un-
ceasing discharge of small arms. The guns in the Sultan’s batteries
fired repeated salutes, and, in fact, the enthusiasm was something
unparalleled. There was certainly never anything seen like it in Zanzi-
bar, and the Americans in particular were joyful in the extreme. The
intelligent native merchants were loud in their praises of the great
explorer, as they called Stanley, and looked upon his exploit as mar-
vellous. The Americans and the English were equally demonstrative
in their praises only that the English were somewhat chagrined that
the Americans had carried off the honors attached to the discovery.
They would have preferred to have found him themselves, but did
not know what way they should go about it. I saw an absurd state-

404

APPENDICES

ment in an English paper at St. Helena, claiming that Mr. Bennett
should have informed the Geographical Society, in England, previous
to taking any steps, that he was about to send an expedition to Africa.
I think it would be very foolish to do anything of the kind, as it
might have hindered the work.

REPORTER — Did you see Mr. Stanley soon after his arrival?

MR. WHITNEY — Mr. Stanley arrived about twelve o’clock in the
forenoon, and I was introduced to him the next morning at the house
of the American Consul, Mr. Webb, with whom he was staying as a
guest. All the American residents in Zanzibar were present at the
time, and it was a scene of general rejoicing.

REPORTER — How did Mr. Stanley look?

MR. WHITNEY — He looked just as a man would who had experi-
enced the hardship of a ten-hundred-mile journey into the interior
of Africa. I tell you it is a tremendous thing to go through such a
journey, and only that Mr. Stanley is a man of iron he never would
have survived. When he came in he was suffering from fever, but,
under the hospitable roof of the American Consul, he soon recovered
and regained his strength.

REPORTER — Were there any doubts entertained at Zanzibar of
the authenticity of the letters and the genuineness of the discovery?

MR. WHITNEY — Why, no; and I am perfectly astonished to find
on my return home that any such doubts exist. I cannot see that any
grounds exist for such doubts. Why, the proofs Mr. Stanley brought
to Zanzibar were of the most convincing kind, and the shadow of an
objection to them was never raised. A great many questions were
asked of the native followers of Stanley relative to Dr. Livingstone
and his habits, but it never entered into the mind of any individual
to question the truth of his discovery. Lieutenant Dawson, of the
English expedition, was so thoroughly satisfied that there was no
occasion for him to go on that he resigned his command to Lieutenant
Henn, who, in turn, resigned it to Mr. Oswell Livingstone. Oswell
considered the matter carefully over, and, on his own responsibility,
decided that he would not go on, and came to the conclusion of send-
ing on all the stores to his father and returning to England. Mr. Stan-
ley supervised the arrangement of the caravan, his knowledge of
the interior leading him to believe that it would be better to see to
the matter himself.

REPORTER — Were you present at the fete the Sultan of Zanzibar
gave in honour of Mr. Stanley?

MR. WHITNEY — I was not, and cannot tell much about it, but
I know it came off, and was pronounced to be a grand success. I
was present at a dinner given by the American Consul, to which all

APPENDICES

405

the Americans were invited, as well as the members of the English
expedition, and Mr. Oswell Livingstone. It is scarcely necessary to
say that Mr. Stanley was the soul of the party, and sat on the right
hand of the host. The dinner was a very pleasant affair and the best
of feeling prevailed. Mr. Stanley subsequently dined on board the
Mary A. Way with Captain Russell.

REPORTER — Did you hear young Livingstone talk about the let-
ters he received from his father?

MR. WHITNEY — There was a conversation took place one morn-
ing at a breakfast, or tiffin, at the American Consul’s, at which Cap-
tain Russell, Lieutenant Dawson, young Livingstone, the Consul, Mr.
Stanley and myself were present. We were talking of the letters of the
Doctor, and as near as I can recollect Oswell communicated the
contents of the letters he received, which were of public interest to
the company, but stated that there were some private matters spoken
of in the letters which were known only to, and concerned no other
persons than his father, and himself. I have seen Dr. Kirk, but had
no conversation with him relative to the letters he received, but
heard from other sources that he was perfectly satisfied that they were
authentic. Indeed, he never doubted that they were so, nor did any
one else in Zanzibar. I have spoken frequently to Lieutenant Dawson
about the expedition, as he was my fellow passenger to St. Helena,
and he never had any doubt about the matter; and I may say here
that, next to the discovery being made by an American, I know of
no one whom I would rather see accomplish the undertaking than
Lieutenant Dawson. I see he has brought additional confirmation, if
any were needed, to England. The impression I formed of Mr. Stan-
ley was that he was an honest man, and that every word he said
could be implicitly relied on. His appearance thoroughly coincided
with this, and I was no little astonished, as I said before, to find
that his integrity has been questioned. Why, if he has hoaxed the
public, he would be the greatest genius that ever lived; but it was
impossible for him to do so, and I am as sure that he has found
Livingstone as that I am now talking to you.

REPORTER — You left Mr. Stanley behind?

MR. WHITNEY — I did to my great regret, and I shall esteem the
fact of our meeting the pleasantest episode of my life. I did not think
on reaching Zanzibar that I would find a countryman so famous, and
I am delighted to find that the English people so thoroughly appre-
ciate his enterprise and daring. I know of no one who is so richly
deserving of honors and rewards.

This terminated the interview, and bidding Mr. Whitney good
evening, the reporter withdrew.

406

APPENDICES

LEWIS NOE TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN

Sayville, L.I.

August 16, 1872 1

Sir: Permit me to express a little incredulity in reference to the
story of Henry Stanley, Dr. Livingstone’s alleged discoverer. I know
the man. I know his fertile powers of invention, and more than once
I have seen his ingenuity impose upon men and impose most success-
fully. But, as I do not desire to throw discredit upon his alleged
discoveries without at least showing a fair reason for my convictions,
I will tell his story as I heard it from his own lips, from the lips of
his relatives, and from irrefragible proofs which shall be forthcoming
when desired.

Near the close of the late civil war, when a boy of fifteen, I en-
listed in the navy, and was soon afterward assigned to the United
States frigate Minnesota, Commodore Joseph Lanman, lying at Hamp-
ton Roads, Va., where I was employed as Commodore’s messenger.
A young man calling himself Henry Stanley was one of the crew.
Though he had enlisted as a landsman, I believe he was, by reason
of his marked ability, intelligence, and skill as a penman made
ship’s clerk. He was full of aspirations for adventure; told marvel-
lous tales of foreign countries, and he urged that when we should
leave the service I should accompany him on a proposed tour in
Southern Europe. Being of a romantic turn of mind, I was pleased
at the suggestion.

To hasten the opportunity of our departure, he planned our deser-
tion from the navy, secured my acquiescence in it, and by his in-
genuity it was accomplished at Portsmouth, N.H., when the frigate
had gone to the navy yard for repairs. Soon after our arrival there,
early in February, 1865, when I had been eight months in the service,
Stanley forged a pass, affixing the Commodore’s name to it, permit-
ting Stanley and myself to pass the gate of the navy yard. Once
without the gate, we took off our sailor clothing, under which we
wore suits of citizens’ clothes, that had been procured through the
aid of carpenters who were at work in the navy yard. We were now
free to go where we pleased.2

1. The Sun, Aug. 24, 1872.

2. Stanley had enlisted in the navy on July 19, 1864, for a three-year term.
He became a petty officer on the Minnesota. The desertion took place at Ports-
mouth on February 10, 1865. Farwell, Man Who Presumed , 28-30.

APPENDICES

407

We came directly to New York. The next day I returned to my
home on Long Island, to the astonishment of my parents, who, di-
rectly they were informed of my desertion, sent me back to New
York to proceed as quickly as possible to the ship. This was my
purpose, but on arriving at New York I met Stanley, and he dissuaded
me from it, telling me that disgrace and punishment awaited me if
I should go back. He then unfolded to me a plan for raising the
means necessary for us to proceed on our travels. It was for him to
enlist me in the army, he taking the bounty money; then through
his aid and connivance for me to desert, to reinlist and secure more
bounty, to again desert, and so repeat this process until he had the
money secured to enable us to go in search of adventure. But I was
too strongly burdened by a sense of guilt for my own desertion to
desire to add to it a repetition of the offence, and I declined to
acquiesce in his plan. He was angry at me for my refusal, and
finding that neither persuasion nor scolding would swerve me from
my resolution, he set to work to procure employment. At his sugges-
tion I made the same effort in my own behalf. He was more success-
ful than I. His pleasing address, engaging manners, neat penmanship,
and with all, his intelligent conversation and air of confidence en-
abled him to get a position, I believe in a law office.3

After a few days of unsuccessful effort to obtain employment, I
left New York without his knowledge and worked for a week with a
farmer, Mr. Joshua Hubbs of Hicksville, L.I. I then returned to the
city, where I enlisted as a private under the name of Lewis Morton,
in the Eighth New York Mounted Volunteers, Col. Pope, and con-
tinued in the service until after the close of the war, when I re-
ceived an honorable discharge.

Meantime Stanley made efforts in New York to learn my where-
abouts. Failing in this, he called on my parents, who informed him
that I was in the army. He at once commenced a correspondence
with me, in which he opened up a scheme of travel to the Rocky
Mountains. He urged me to join it. To enable me to do so, he again
proposed desertion. To assist me in this he promised to meet me at
some point with a suit of citizens’ clothes. As I declined to act upon
his suggestion he went to Colorado alone, where he remained until
the spring of 1866, continuing his correspondence with me, and
keeping alive the interest he had early inspired in me in reference
to travel in foreign lands. On his return, he visited my parents, and

3. Autobiography , 221, makes no reference to Stanley’s working in a law
office. Hird, Stanley , 45, assumes Stanley worked for a newspaper. See also
Appendix E.

408

APPENDICES

urged them to allow me to accompany him. His winning manners,
gentlemanly bearing, and his seeming attachment for me impressed
them so favorably that they were inclined to look upon his previous
conduct in deserting as an indiscretion for which there were palliat-
ing circumstances. Of his efforts to graduate me as a bounty jumper
I had not informed them.

My admiration of Stanley amounted to a youthful enthusiasm, and
I longed to go with him in search of romance and adventure. He
told my parents that he desired to educate me and give me the polish
that could be best obtained by intercourse with the world. He told
of diamonds, and rubies, and precious stones, and rich India shawls
and other fabrics in Central Asia, the real value of which the natives
knew scarce anything, which could be procured by us for insignifi-
cant sums of money, and could be sold at an enormous profit. He
professed to have acquired abundant means in Colorado, and was
willing to pay all my expenses for the pleasure of my companionship.
My parents were in humble circumstances, and naturally they de-
sired to promote the welfare of their son, and they gave their consent.

About the first of July, 1866, we left for New York, where he met
a gentleman named Cook whose acquaintance he had formed in the
Rocky Mountains, and who was to accompany us on our travels.4
Stanley introduced me to Cook as his half-brother. This part I was
compelled to play on our travels abroad, whenever Stanley’s caprice
suggested it. We proceeded to Boston. About the middle of July we
embarked on the bark E. H. Yarrington for Smyrna.5

Just before the vessel quit her moorings I confess I was a little
surprised, after the rose colored prospects Stanley had held out to
me, when he expressed a wish for me to work my passage on the
vessel, for which he stated he had made arrangements, because of a
special object he had in view, the nature of which he would explain
to me on our arrival at our destination. My faith was so unbounded
in his wisdom, his integrity, and his love for me, that I readily ac-
quiesced. With my previous experience at sea, I was enabled to make
myself serviceable on the voyage.

After sixty days voyage we arrived at Smyrna and to my further
surprise I found that the exchecquer of the expedition was not of
the large proportions I had supposed from Stanley’s representation.
His purpose was a prolonged tour through Asia Minor and Persia
into the heart of Asia, and thence to the coast of India, through

4. See Appendix E.

5. The E. H. Yarrington, Captain Mayo, cleared from Boston on July 10,
1866, for Smyrna. Boston Evening Transcript, July 10, 1866.

APPENDICES

409

Thibet. With what little means he and Mr. Cook had they purchased
a couple of sorry horses, a few cheap cooking utensils, and other
things to make up a meagre outfit. This being accomplished, the
whole amount of money left did not exceed the value of $5 in gold.
The two horses, such as they were, were used by Stanley and Mr.
Cook. Instead of the finely-equipped Arab horse which I was to have
to ride I was compelled to trudge along on foot, on a projected jour-
ney of thousands of miles, through barbarous, or, at best, semi-
civilized countries. A hundred dollars in gold would have purchased
everything we had in the way of an outfit — horses, arms, ammuni-
tion, utensils, and camp equippage.

With no more means left than I have stated, Stanley, with an
effrontery unexceeded negotiated with a man at Smyrna to accom-
pany us as a guide to a certain point, offering him, if I recollect
aright, equivalent to $60 a month and his expenses! The bargain was
concluded, but the day before our departure from Smyrna, the man
sensibly concluded not to proceed, and we started on our tour with-
out him.

I asked Stanley what he meant by engaging a man for this service
when he knew he would be without the means to pay him when we
arrived at the point to which the guide was to leave us, and what
he would do if the guide insisted upon payment. His reply was
characteristic: “I would tie him to a tree and blow his brains out,
as I don’t intend to have any man go back to Smyrna and let them
know how we travel.”

On our second day from Smyrna, while we were at rest, and Mr.
Cook was seated by a bunch of bushes, half asleep, in boyish sport
I set fire to the bushes to give him a scare. He was scared, and
Stanley and I had our laugh on him; but the flames went further
than I had intended. They spread into a briar hedge and soon burned
it. The inhabitants became much excited, and four or five men,
evidently invested with some kind of police authority, came up, and
after some resistance arrested Stanley and Cook. During the struggle
that occurred, I escaped and made my way to Smyrna on foot, a
distance of ten or twelve miles.

That same afternoon Stanley came back to Smyrna in search of
me, and stated that after I left he and Mr. Cook were taken to a
guard house, where their papers were examined, and after some
little delay they were released. By flattering words and professions of
love he reassured me, and I consented to go on with him again.

Soon I learned what I had dimly suspected before leaving Smyrna
— the real character of the men I had confided in. Instead of being

410

APPENDICES

a traveling companion, I found that I was to be a slave and a beggar,
and a slave too of a remorseless master. My duties were soon taught
me. They were simple; to perform any menial service he directed
and to procure the necessaries of life — black Turkish bread and fruit
— and any articles of camp equippage to add to our scanty stock by
begging, or, failing in this, by theft. The latter was not unfrequently
resorted to. Indeed, all the food we used on our route for many
weeks was what I obtained in these disreputable ways under the
guidance of my new instructor in morals. I was taught the next day
after my escape by an impressive lesson that my own will must be
subjected to his. Soon after our departure from Smyrna he said to
me in the severest tones, “Remember you are here to do my bidding.
If I tell you to cut a man’s throat, you do it.”

I was not long in learning that there was no mistaking the sig-
nificance of these words. My attempt to escape was an assertion of
the independence of my own will, and a violation of that duty which
he had laid out for me, and he could not let it pass unpunished.
Without giving me notice of his intention he asked me into a pome-
granate forest off the travelled road. He seized me, tied my hands
together around a tree, stripped my clothing from my back, and on
my bare skin scourged me with a whip which he cut from the trees,
and on which he left the sharp knots, until the blood ran from my
wounds. Stanley understands the refinement of cruelty in whipping.
Each blow caused the most excruciating agony, which continued for
hours. While he was tying me he looked significantly at his revolver,
which was lying on the ground, and said he wished me to under-
stand that I was in his power. Before he commenced his whipping
he asked me if I knew what he was going to do. I told him I did not.
Said he, “I am going to give you the d — dest thrashing you ever had.”

I then asked him what I had done to deserve a whipping. He said
that “whipping does boys good, whether they have done anything or
not.”

During the scourging, as he rested between the blows, he recalled
to me facts in our past intercourse in the navy and in New York
when I had offended him, and particularly my leaving him in New
York, and enlisting in the army without his knowledge. When he
had concluded, he comforted me by saying: “I think you are a good
boy, just the one I want for a companion. We will let the matter
drop, for I am satisfied.”

Two or three days afterward he asked me if I recollected what
he had told me on our voyage from Boston to Smyrna, that he was
going to give me a severe trial, and one which would convince him
whether I was the companion he wanted or not.

APPENDICES

411

I told him I did. He added, “You now see what I meant. It is the
way you stood that whipping that has convinced me I made a cor-
rect choice.”

About five days after the whipping, as he was removing the scabs
from the wounds, he made a further comforting statement that “I
was a very healthy boy, or else the wounds would not heal so rapidly.”

Each day Stanley made new revelations of his character. They
convinced me that he was capable, if a sufficient inducement existed,
of any crime. Having been blessed with moral and religious training
in my youth it was hard for me to believe that one who could speak
in such pleasant tones as he had been wont to before the departure
could consent to commit the crimes he did, and make a young boy
who had confided in him as the soul of honor accessory to them.
Abhorring his character as soon as I comprehended it, my thoughts
were again on escape. But escape in such a country, from such a man,
for a boy of seventeen, penniless and friendless, ignorant of the lan-
guage, manners, and customs of the people, seemed like an impos-
sibility. He had taken from me my arms before whipping me, and
had not returned them. I had tried to escape once, and quick upon
that effort I had been most infamously scourged. After this he had
frequently given me the kind assurance that if I attempted to escape
again, he would shoot me down like a dog. I was convinced that he
meant what he said and I made up my mind to continue on the travel
until some deliverance should be vouchsafed to me.

It came in an unexpected manner. When we were some fifteen
miles distant from Chihisar, a squalid mountain hamlet about 300
miles from Smyrna, Stanley remarked, as he had frequently done
before, that their cheap horses would not hold out for their journey
much further, and to make better progress we must have new horses.
Knowing he had no means, I asked him how he was going to obtain
them. His reply was, “I will show you how.”

He did so, and in a brief time convinced me that his genius was
equal to highway robbery. Perceiving a Turk in advance of us in
possession of two horses, he said to me, “I am going to have those
horses, and to help me to get them I want you to do as I tell you.”

Mr. Cook was at this time some distance in the rear and not
within sight. We accelerated our pace and overtook the Turk, who
was leisurely riding one horse and leading the other. Stanley, who
had learned some of the language from a phrase book, soon engaged
the Turk in conversation, the nature of which I did not then under-
stand, though he told me afterward. As he related it to me he had
asked the Turk if he didn’t want to buy a girl, and represented to
him that I, though dressed in boy’s clothing, was really a girl. The

412

APPENDICES

Turk was incredulous, but Stanley insisted upon it, and finally said
that the Turk might inspect my person and satisfy himself. Both
then dismounted, and the Turk approached me with smiles, appar-
ently with the hope of finding a girl in breeches, and Stanley follow-
ing him, seized a favorable opportunity, raised his sabre, and, with
all the force he could muster, struck the Turk a blow on the head
which I thought would kill him. Fortunately, the poor fellow had
within the fez he wore a kind of thick pasteboard stiffening, which
stopped the force of the descending sabre sufficiently to prevent it
proving fatal.

The Turk was staggered by the blow, but did not fall. Two other
strokes followed in quick succession, which I think he warded off,
and then they closed, seemingly for a death struggle. The Turk
fought with the desperation of a man who knew that his life was at
stake. With a drawn dagger he tried to reach the heart of his an-
tagonist, and soon seemed about to obtain a mastery over him. Stanley
struggled to free himself, but finding he could not, he called out to
me, “Shoot him, Lewis; shoot him, or hell kill me.”

My experience with Stanley had taught me the prudence of obey-
ing orders. I raised the gun, levelled it at the breast of the poor Turk,
and pulled the trigger. The rifle failed in its intended work. That
morning, after shooting at a mark, Stanley had failed to reload it,
and by this fortunate omission I was spared the guilt of shedding
an innocent fellow being’s blood. Stanley continued to cry out “Kill
him! kill him!” and then as the only resort I approached them, clubbed
the Turk with the butt of the rifle, and Stanley again was free. The
whole conflict was quicker than I can narrate it, and was as desperate
as a death struggle between two powerful men.

With Stanley free, and I there to assist him, the Turk was at a
disadvantage. He retreated back in the direction from which we had
come. Stanley’s fingers were cut inside by grasping the Turk’s dagger
while in the midst of the struggle, and were bleeding profusely. But
to allow the Turk to escape might hazard our own safety, and Stanley
rushed to his saddle bags, took out his revolver and fired two suc-
cessive shots at the retreating Turk, then two or three rods distant.
He missed his mark, and the Turk continued his retreat to the top
of a small hill some forty rods distant. By the escape of the Turk,
the anxiety of Stanley was increased, for he saw that he must himself
be a fugitive. His effort was to secure his immediate escape. He
mounted one of the Turk’s horses, and was about to start when he
found that the horse’s feet were entangled in the bridle of the other.
To disengage him, I had to cut the bridle reins and also rope by

APPENDICES

413

which one horse was attached to the other. He very hurriedly di-
rected me to gather up our blankets and utensils and to follow him.

Just at that moment Mr. Cook came up, and with a cry, “Ho, for
the mountains,” Stanley galloped off, Mr. Cook following. As quick
as possible, I gathered up what few things I could and mounted
the remaining horse. It was with difficulty that I could get him to
move, for the Turk kept calling to him from the hill and he seemed
resolute in going the other way. It was only by means of striking
him with a sabre that I finally got him under control. I galloped off
after Stanley and Cook who had left the highway and moved to the
south toward the mountains. We ran our horses a distance of fifteen
miles, when they were exhausted and we were compelled to encamp
for the night.

But in the meantime the Turk had not been idle. He collected a
force of eight or ten men and started in hot pursuit of us; and just
before dark, when Stanley thought that all was safe, we were startled
by the yells of the Turks, who captured us, bound us with lariets,
conveyed us to Chihissar, and there held us prisoners for four or five
days, during which we were subjected to cruel torture.

Each day we were drawn up over the limbs of trees by ropes and
lariets around our necks to compel us to give them money. At other
times they laid our heads on blocks and sharpened knives before us
and by signs made us understand that we must give them money or
they would cut our throats. But, as we were penniless, of course we
could not accede to their demands. They refused to believe we were
without means because it was usual for foreign travellers to be abun-
dantly provided.

The first night of our imprisonment I was taken out by three of
the Turks and treated in a shocking manner. At last, tired them-
selves of thus torturing us to no purpose, the band took us to Afium-
Kara-Hissar, a city about four hours’ travel from Chihisar, where we
were again imprisoned, and a charge of highway robbery was pre-
ferred against us before the Cadi.

But, fortunately, the excesses of our captors in committing out-
rages upon us and robbing us of what little we had — our arms, our
passports and blankets, and our few extra garments — opened an
avenue for our escape, and Stanley’s genius was quick to take advan-
tage of it. As he himself expressed, “Boys, I’ve got you in this scrape,
and I’ll get you out of it.”

He did it most ingeniously. When we were accused of robbery,
Stanley, in a spirit of injured innocence, made a counter accusation,
and said that we not only had not robbed, but that we had ourselves

414

APPENDICES

been robbed, and that the truth of his statement could be verified
by examining the persons of our accusers. Sure enough, underneath
their garments were found our papers and property, and the Cadi
was convinced that Stanley’s story was true. At once they were put
under arrest and afterwards conveyed to Broussa, a provincial city,
nearly a day’s journey from Constantinople, where, after some delay
and many adjournments, the Turks were convicted of robbing us of
our valuables and a large amount of money which we never pos-
sessed. Our stories were dictated by Stanley. They were consistent
with the circumstances, as they were proven, and everybody seemed
convinced that we were wholly guiltless and our captors wholly guilty.

My own testimony was directed, if I recollect aright, wholly to the
outrage committed on me personally. So far as I concealed a part of
the fact of Stanley having been the original aggressor, I have this to
say in extenuation; I was but a boy of seventeen, friendless, in a
strange land, destitute of means and almost of clothing. I had been
deceived, wronged, and had been subjected to a course of abuse and
outrage by Stanley to teach me that he was my master, and fear so
operated upon my mind that I dared not disobey his orders or direc-
tions. Another consideration that influenced me was that if I told
the truth, I, as well as Stanley, would be subjected to trial and pun-
ishment, unless, in the mean time, I was assassinated for betraying
him. At my present age, and with more experience, I probably
should have had the courage to tell the whole truth.

While the trial was pending at Broussa, we went two or three
times to Constantinople, reaching there at first destitute of means,
ragged and forlorn. But Stanley’s brilliant genius was equal to the
financial emergency. He appealed to the Hon. E. Joy Morris, Ameri-
can Minister to Turkey, and so fully did he enlist the sympathies of
the gentleman in our behalf, and so plausible a story did he tell, that
Mr. Morris advanced from his private funds an amount equal to
several hundred dollars, Stanley giving therefore a draft for the
amount on his father, whom he represented was a wealthy merchant
in New York. The draft was forwarded for collection only to be re-
turned protested, and with the intelligence that no such man as
Henry Stanley’s father could be found.6

In Stanley’s interviews with Mr. Morris I was studiously kept in
the background, and I had no opportunity to communicate with him
at all. Stanley obliged me to sign a statement that I had received
one-third of the amount Mr. Morris had advanced. But my third
went into Stanley’s pocket, and that is the last I ever saw of it.

6. See Appendices F and G.

APPENDICES

415

With a fictitious draft sent to America, Stanley felt that the air
of Constantinople would not be conducive to his health. Without
waiting for Mr. Cook, who was still at Broussa awaiting the termina-
tion of the trial, we, without any knowledge on the part of Mr. Mor-
ris of our intention to return to Europe, took a steamer for Marseilles,
France, and thence proceeded to Liverpool. Here he left me in the
house of an uncle and aunt of his people in humble circumstances,
while he proceeded to Wales, where he was born and where he had
always lived until at the age of fifteen years he came to America. It
was from his relatives that I learned his early history, and learned,
too, that he possessed the same characteristics as a boy that he has
since exhibited as a man.7

His aunt told me that his real name was John Rowland, and he
was so called by his relatives in my presence. I remained for some
weeks with his uncle and aunt, and was most kindly treated by them,
though they were illy able to bear the burden of my supoprt. I fre-
quently urged Stanley by letter to send me means to reach my home,
but without success, and was unable to leave Liverpool until I re-
ceived means from my parents.

It was while I was at Liverpool that Stanley spoke to me of Dr.
Livingstone’s explorations in Africa. They seemed to be an object of
great interest to him. He expressed a desire to go into Africa himself,
and said he should aim to do so as a correspondent of the Herald ,
and thereby make a story and a sensation, and gain both fame and
money.

The story of his travels he has told. He may have succeeded in his
search. If he has, he will receive due credit for his enterprise. If
he has not, he has the ingenuity to fabricate a plausible story which
will gain him a passing fame. Though, as he told me himself, he
never went to school a day since he was fifteen years of age, he has
picked up a large fund of information. He is, as I have already
stated, a ready and skillful penman, and can write in many styles,
from a rapid current to an elaborate round copy hand. I have re-
ceived letters before and since our eventful tour, and I have also
photographs of him taken at different periods of his life. By flattery
and honeyed words he has sought to prevent me from exposing him,
and I have only postponed this statement until, by the prominence
he should give himself, I could make the exposure more effectual.

To sum up his character, Stanley is a daring adventurer, bold and
unscrupulous, but intelligent and specious. His manners are those
of a quiet man. In disclosing his infamy to the world, I have but a

7. Thomas and Maria Morris. See Autobiography, 55-68.

416

APPENDICES

single object and purpose, and that is, as far as I can, to prevent the
subjection of others to the outrage and wrong I was compelled to
submit to at his hands. More than once he has threatened to kill me
if I exposed him. With his cruel and revengeful nature I believe he
would not hesitate to carry his threat into execution, if a favorable
opportunity occurred in which he could do it with impunity. And I
am not without my fears of assassination. Indeed, I should confidently
expect it were we to meet without the bounds of civilization or in a
sparsely-settled country where crimes would not be quickly discov-
ered or where the avenues of escape were open.

AN INTERVIEW WITH LEWIS NOE 1

The remarkable disclosures of Mr. Louis H. Noe of Sayville, L.I.,
contained in his communication published in THE SUN of the 24th
inst., determined us to send a reporter to visit Mr. Noe at his home,
and have a personal interview with him. Our reporter readily found
the residence of Mr. Noe’s parents, which is situated in the village,
and shortly after Mr. Noe himself came in. The residence is a plain
and comfortable two-story house, and fairly compares with the old-
fashioned Long Island homes. The reporter met with a ready welcome,
and soon was engaged in conversation with Mr. Noe on the subject
of his visit. Noe himself is a tall, spare young man, of about 23
years of age, with black eyes and hair, dark complexion, an aquiline
nose, and a black moustache, not heavy. He is modest in demeanor,
but converses freely and intelligently. While he denies having any
personal animosity toward Stanley, he says that it is due to the world
that the real character of the man should be known, as illustrated
by conduct with which he was personally familiar. He felt confident
of Stanley’s identity, based upon the statements of his travels in Asia
Minor, which had been incidentally alluded to in the public prints in
connection with the published statements of his alleged discovery
of Dr. Livingstone.

He produced a copy of Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper of July
13, in which was contained a portrait of Stanley copied from a
photograph by Abdullah Brothers, Constantinople. The reporter asked
him whether the portrait resembled Stanley.

1. The Sun, Aug. 29, 1872.

APPENDICES

417

“Yes, some,” said Noe, “but I have a photograph of him taken by
Abdullah Brothers which is an exact likeness.”

“Let me see it,” said the reporter, “and a comparison of it with
the printed portrait will show whether there is any resemblance.”

The photograph was produced bearing the imprint of “Abdullah
Brothers, Photogrepes de sa Majeste Imperiale le Sultan, Pera, Con-
stantinople.” It is an ordinary carte de visite of a young man in a
standing position dressed in a naval officer’s coat. A comparison of
the picture with that published in the illustrated papers showed some
points of general resemblance, but the expressions were so different
that one would hardly suspect they were intended to represent the
same person.

“I notice,” said the reporter, “that Stanley has on a naval officer’s
coat; how did that happen?”

“Oh,” said Noe, “that happened in this way: Stanley, as I have
stated, was in the navy during the war. He was ship’s clerk, and he
was always inclined to put on the airs of a navy officer. On arriving
at Constantinople we were ragged, and, of course, had to have some
clothing as soon as we could get the means to procure it. My impres-
sion is that the means to pay for our clothing were derived from
money obtained by Stanley on the fictitious draft on his supposed
father in New York; and then, to make himself look as distinguished
as possible, he had a naval officer’s suit made. You see the gold lace
on the ends of the sleeves. But when it came to the buttons he found
himself embarrassed. He had no American navy buttons, and in this
strait he had to use Turkish buttons. If you will look close you will
see the crescent and star on the buttons.”

The reporter looked closely and saw that the buttons were Turk-
ish, as stated.

“That, however, was a kind of mild fraud,” said Noe. “But I have
other pictures of Stanley. Here’s one sent me from — I’ve forgotten
where — some place in or about Egypt — I think. It was sent after I
had returned home, and it shows him as he appeared in his Oriental
rig.”

Noe produced the photograph referred to, also a carte de visite
bearing the imprint of “Ch. Nedey.” On the back is written in Stan-
ley’s handwriting, “Burburra, Soumale Land, Jan. 1, 1869. Still your
friend, Khan Bahadoor, alias Stanley.” 2

2. Stanley spent from November 1868 until February 1869 in Aden on a
mission for the Herald. There had been rumors that Livingstone was coming
out of Africa and Stanley had gone to Aden to seek news of his whereabouts.
A trip to Berbera, on the Somali coast, would have been an easy venture

418

APPENDICES

In this picture Stanley is in a sitting posture, with loose, baggy
Turkish trowsers and a jacket. On his head is a turban, such as are
commonly seen in Saracen scenes. In his mouth is a meerschaum
cigar holder with a cigar. Nearly in front of Stanley is seated a little
negro boy, apparently ten years old, whose only garment is a breech
cloth. Behind the two is a cadaverous negro woman or man, also
seated. The group makes a decidedly novel picture.

“Here’s another picture,” said Noe, “taken when he was a boy in
Wales. I think he said he was thirteen or fourteen years old — I am
not certain though. You see that at that time he evidently had not
been much in society and must have been in moderate circumstances,
judging from his dress.”

This picture is also a carte de visite, and has the imprint of “J.
Laing, photographer, Castle street, Shrewsbury, and at 3 Queen street,
Wellington, salop.” It represents an ungainly, loutish boy, seated in
an awkward posture, with an evident consciousness of the awful
responsibility resting upon him of having his picture taken. His gar-
ments are ill-fitted to his person, and the whole picture is suggestive
of awkward uneasiness.

“Have you got any more pictures?” asked the reporter.

“Yes,” said Noe, “I have one taken when he was still a young man
and before we went on our tour. It shows him very much as he
appeared when he was in the navy.”

Noe here produced a larger photograph — a cabinet size — in which
the expression of the face is much more clearly defined. It represents
a young man of about twenty-one, with a manifest decision of char-
acter and firmness of purpose, and with gray eyes, having a cold,
sinister, and even vicious look.* * 3

“Really,” said the reporter, “you have got quite a picture gallery
of Stanley. You say he is a Welchman. Do you know whether he
speaks the Welch tongue?”

“Oh, yes,” said Noe; “he always wanted to keep from me the knowl-
edge of the fact that he was Welsh. But after his return from Wales,

from Aden. Stanley apparently sent a despatch about this visit to Aden to
the Herald; in the issue of July 2, 1872, when the Herald expedition after
Livingstone was in the forefront of the news, a letter of Stanley’s of February

9, 1869, was printed. The heading of the letter is given as the “Island of
Zanzibar,” a change no doubt made to stimulate its news value. The letter
itself is of little interest; it merely restates what little was known of Living-
stone in Africa at that date.

3. Autobiography, opposite pp. 69 and 167, has pictures of Stanley at ages
fifteen and twenty. Farwell, Man Who Presumed, opposite p. 48, has Stanley
at seventeen.

APPENDICES

419

having learned in the mean time that I had exposed him, he com-
menced a tirade against me with his uncle and aunt in Welsh. This
uncle spoke up, saying: ‘Speak English, so that the boy (meaning
me) can understand what you say. I don’t want anything said so
that Lewis cannot take his own part.’ ”

“What part of Wales was he from?” the reporter inquired.

“That I do not know,” said Noe, “for I am not familiar with the
geography of Wales at all. But I have two letters from him, received
while I was in Liverpool with his uncle and aunt waiting an oppor-
tunity to get home, and which were written to me in Wales. Here
they are. One is dated ‘Denbigh, Vale street, December 20, 1866/
and the other I can’t make out because a word is written across it;
but as near as I can make it out it is ‘Bokedelwydden Village (I
am not sure about the third and fourth letters), near Saint Asaph,
Dec. 25, 1866.’ His uncle and aunt told me that it was a mountainous
region there. In that last letter he wrote to me to come on to Wales
and see his folks, and urged me strongly to do so — indeed, he in-
sisted upon it. He had then heard through a member of his uncle’s
family that I had told of his conduct to me, and when I showed
them his letter urging me so strongly to come to Wales, his uncle
told me not to go. He said if John — that is what they always call
him — if John got me in the mountains there, with his present feel-
ings against me, I would never get out alive.”

“Have you any objection to giving the names of Stanley’s uncle?”
asked the reporter.

“Not in the least,” said Noe. “His name is Thomas Morris, and he
then lived — this was in the fall of 1866 — at 18 Davies street, Liver-
pool. Mr. Morris is a good, kind-hearted man; and I hardly know
how I should have got along until I received money from home, had
it not been for him and Mrs. Morris.”

“You say,” said the reporter, “in your letter that Stanley and your-
self and his other companion, when you left Smyrna, had not more
than five dollars. How did he suppose it possible that he could travel
through the heart of Asia to India without any means whatever?”

“He proposed to procure means,” said Noe. “He opened up his
plans to me as we travelled along; and after what I have related in
respect to his manner of getting horses, you will not be surprised
that he should seek to procure money in an equally dishonest way.
He said that we would not always have to travel in the way we were
travelling; that as soon as we got to Erzeroum, a city some nine
hundred miles on our route from Smyrna, he should get up a story
of being robbed of a letter of credit, and get means there to go on

420

APPENDICES

to Tiflis in Persia, of course using fictitious drafts, I suppose, on
which to negotiate the loan. By the time the fraud would be dis-
covered, he calculated that we would be beyond the frontier of Asia
Minor, too far in the interior of Persia for the banker to feel disposed
to go to the expense of chasing us up.”

“You say in your letter,” said the reporter, “that Stanley and your
party claimed to have been robbed of valuables and a large amount
of money. Have you any evidence of that except your own state-
ment?”

“Yes,” said Noe: “I have here a copy of the Levant Herald, con-
taining a letter written by Stanley to the editor on our arrival in
Constantinople, in which he states that we were robbed of all our
money, valuables and clothing to the tune of 80,000 piasters. He
says, in the same letter, that when the Turks were searched, after
he had accused them of robbing us, only 40 piasters were found on
them. That may have belonged to the Turks themselves; but I know
we had no money left at the time we were prisoners.4 But here is
a handbill he sent me, in which he tells of a still bigger story of
his losses.”

Noe here handed the reporter a printed handbill, in the words fol-
lowing :

The American Traveller,

HENRY STANLEY,

who was cruelly robbed by the Turks on September 18, 1866, and
stripped, by overwhelming numbers, of his arms, passports, letter
of credit, and over $4,000 in cash, will lecture on his

TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES IN TURKEY
AND

LIFE IN THE ORIENT! !

on evening, at in the inst.

Doors open at 7 o’clock. Lecture commences at 7\ o’clock.

Mr. Stanley has served in the American Navy from January,
1862, till the fall of Wilmington, at which he was present, in
January 1865.

He then took a grand tour through the interior of Asia Minor,
from which he has just returned.

During his lecture he will appear in the costume of a Turkish
naval officer.

4. The letter from Stanley, dated Oct. 11, 1866, is reprinted in The Sun,
Aug. 30, 1872. In addition, the New York Times, Feb. 5, 1867, has a despatch
from its Constantinople correspondent describing the episode.

APPENDICES

421

He will also show to the audience a Saracenic coat of mail,
needlework by a Turkish maiden, Turkish Fez, and the elegant cap
of a Greek pirate, a Turkish Chibouque, a piece of skull from the
tomb of Sultan Bajozet, commonly called “Lightening” or “Thun-
derer,” a whetstone from Mount Olympus, near the ancient city of
Troy, of which Homer and Virgil sung about 2,000 years ago.

There will also be on exhibition a Firman, signed by the present
Sultan of Turkey, Abdul Azziz. Also, a passport signed by our Sec-
retary of State, William H. Seward.

Mr. Stanley will repeat the Moslem call to prayer after the man-
ner of the Muezzin, in the sacred Arabic language used by
140,000,000 people.

The lecturer will close the exercise of the evening by singing
a Turkish song a la Turque . . .

“How did you get this?” the reporter inquired.

“Stanley sent it to me after I returned home,” said Noe, “as he did
his photographs. This handbill was printed in America, and was in-
tended for use here. Here is one of the tickets to the lecture.”

Noe here produced a ticket in the words following: LECTURE on
TRAVELS AND ADVENTURES IN TURKEY, AND LIFE IN THE
ORIENT, by HENRY STANLEY ADMIT ONE, TICKETS TWENTY-
FIVE CENTS.

“You see,” said Noe, “that in the handbill he speaks of his service
in the navy. He don’t mention the way he left the service.”

“No,” said the reporter, “he would hardly be apt to state that. That
is a point I wanted to ask you about. You mention the desertion of
Stanley and yourself from the Minnesota at Portsmouth, N.H. Have
you any evidence of that besides your own statement?”

“Yes,” replied Noe; “undoubtedly the records of the Minnesota
will show the fact, and also the records of the Navy Department.
But in addition to that, I have a letter from Stanley, in which he
alludes to it.”

“Have you any similar evidence to sustain the charge of his get-
ting money from Mr. Morris, the American Minister at Constantino-
ple, on a worthless draft on his supposed father in New York?” asked
the reporter.

“Oh, yes,” said Noe. “He told me so himself, and he states the
fact in letters to me. Mr. Cook also knows the fact from Mr. Morris.
If anybody were to ask Mr. Morris whether Stanley had borrowed
money from him, giving a draft for it on his father in New York,
which came back with a statement that there was no such man as

422

APPENDICES

Stanley’s father to be found, I think Mr. Morris would corroborate
my statement, though I never spoke to the gentleman in my life.”

“What letters have you got from Stanley?” asked the reporter.

“Well, I have got a good many,” said Noe. “Here is one to my
sister, Mrs. Davis, dated New York, April 19, 1865, in which he tries
to vindicate himself from an accusation which my folks made of
deceit on his part. You see, after I enlisted in the army without his
knowledge, he came to our house for the first time with an extract
cut from a newspaper, in which it was stated that a young man was
found drowned bearing my description, and the name he told me to
assume after our desertion, and he was certain it was I. My folks
told him that I was in the army and gave him my name and address
— Louis Morton, Eighth N.Y. Mounted Volunteers. That was the
name he wanted to enlist me under, when he asked me to be a
bounty jumper, and Morton is what M stands for in his middle name.
He calls himself now Henry M. Stanley.5 My sister insinuated that
he had made up the story about the boy being found drowned and
got it printed, and this letter is a denial of the imputation. Here is
another letter to my sister dated New York, May 9, 1865.

“You will notice that they are two different handwritings, one bold
and careful as a copy hand and the other delicate and fine, more like
a lady’s. The next letter is also addressed to my sister, and is dated
Black Hawk City, Colorado, Sept. 4, 1865. The next is to me from
Black Hawk City, dated Oct. 19, 1865, and encloses a long diary of
his travels from New York to Colorado, which I also have here. Then
there is one to my sister again, dated Black Hawk City, Oct. 21, 1865.
Here is one to my mother dated Black Hawk City, Jan. 26, 1866.
The next is to my sister, dated Central City, Colorado, April 29, 1866.
These are all he wrote during his absence at the West at that time.
Then he came on East, and we started on our journey to Asia Minor.
The next letter is dated Boston, Mass., July 26, 1866, just before
we sailed,6 and is addressed to my sister. The two I find next in
date are the ones I have told you about, and were written to me from
Wales while I was in Liverpool; one is dated Denbigh, Vale street,
December 20, 1866, and the other Bokedelwydden Village, near St.
Asaph, December 25, 1866. A few days after he wrote to my mother
a long, closely- written letter from Liverpool, dated Jan. 12, 1867, in
which he gives a long account of our journey, and in it endeavors

5. In 1869, Stanley signed his name, at least in one instance, as Henry
Morelake Stanley. Balch, “American Explorers,” 279, 281. In 1884 Harry John-
stone dedicated his volume, The River Congo, to “Henry Moreland Stanley.”

6. But see Appendix C, note 5.

APPENDICES

423

to smooth over his conduct to me. Then he writes me a letter dated
on board the steamer Damascus, Jan. 18, 1867, off Londonderry, Ire-
land. He was then, I suppose, on his way to America; and that spring
he was out West again, for his next letter was dated Headquarters
Department of the Missouri, Cheyenne Camp, Kansas, New Mexico,
April 15, 1867. The next is from the same region, though no place
is mentioned, and he dated April 30, 1867. Then I have another in
which he speaks of being with Hancock’s command fighting Indians,
but there is neither place nor date, but it was written about that
time. After that he left the West, came East, and went to Europe, and
my last letter from him is dated Paris, Jan. 1, 1868.”

“You have quite a stock of correspondence,” said the reporter.

“Yes,” said Noe, “there are a good many letters, and it may be
there are more I can find. I gathered these up within a few days.
All his letters to me while I was in the army I destroyed, because
I could not carry them around with me.”

The reporter read over the letters, when the conversation was
renewed.

“I notice,” said the reporter, “that in many of these letters and in
the diary he quotes Scripture and talks more or less of piety.”

“He is excellent on that,” replied Noe. “His pious talk was one of
the things that gave my parents and brothers and sisters confidence
in him. But he can swear and break the Commandments as easy as
he can quote the Bible — in fact, a good deal better.”

“But what is his object in so many of these letters in professing
love and affection for you?” inquired the reporter.

“First,” said Noe, “it was to induce an attachment for him so that
I would accompany him on his travels; and after I had done so,
knowing that his abuse of me might cause me to betray his secrets,
he flattered me and praised me in the hope that I would keep my
mouth shut.”

“What reason have you to suppose, as you have stated in your
letter, that Stanley has not found Dr. Livingstone?” inquired the re-
porter.

“Nothing,” said Noe, “except that he told me that he meant to go
to Africa as the correspondent of the HERALD, to get up a big story
and make a sensation. I believe that he has imposed on the HERALD
the same as he has imposed on others. He can tell the biggest stories
and in the most plausible way I ever heard, and make people believe
them, too.”

“But,” said the reporter, “the receipt of Dr. Livingstone’s diary and
letters have been acknowledged by his friends in England, and do

424

APPENDICES

you suppose they could be imposed upon by fictitious handwriting
professing to be Dr. Livingstone’s?”

“Yes, I do,” said Noe. “Look over those letters and you can see
half a dozen different handwritings, so different that you would not
suspect they were written by the same man. If Stanley was able to
get hold of any of Dr. Livingstone’s writing, either before he went
to Africa or after he got there, he could imitate so well that it would
trouble anybody to detect the fraud.”

“There is another point I wish to get a little further information
on,” said the reporter. “You say that at Constantinople Stanley made
you sign a statement that you had received one third of the money
he had got from Mr. Morris, the Minister to Turkey. How was that
brought about?”

“That happened in this way,” said Noe. “After having got the money
from Mr. Morris on the draft, Stanley was very much agitated, and
at night he could not sleep. I retired and was soon in a sound sleep.
Stanley, however, sat up and was writing. About midnight he woke
me up and said, ‘Lewis I want you to sign this paper.’ He read it to
me. It was a certificate that I had received one-third of the money
that he had got on the draft. I replied that I had not received it yet.
Being within the bounds of civilization, I felt disposed to parley a
little over the matter. His reply was, ‘It don’t make a d — d bit of
difference whether you have or not — I want you to sign it.’ My re-
luctance took him aback a little, in view of the promptness with
which I had been accustomed to obey his commands, and there was
silence for a minute or two. I then said to him that he had not made
Mr. Cook sign any such paper. ‘Well,’ said he, ‘I intend to make him.’
I said I did not believe Mr. Cook would do it. He said that Cook
would do it or he would blow his brains out, or any other person’s
who didn’t do as he commanded in this regard. His pistol was then
lying on the table. Then there was another interval of silence. He
then jumped up and, with a look of intense rage and a voice of
thunder, said, ‘Louis, are you going to sign that paper?’ I said, ‘I
will if I am obliged to.’ Then he said, ‘I command you to do it; if you
don’t, I’ll serve you as I would Cook.’ I arose, and after reading it
over myself I signed it. “There was one mistake,” Noe added, “in the
printing of my letter in THE SUN. I am made to say that Stanley
had the manners of a ‘quiet man.’ It should read ‘gentleman.’ ”

Much more was said in the conversation with Mr. Noe in reference
to the details of his acquaintance with Stanley, but they are hardly
of sufficient importance to print. The reporter left Mr. Noe and his
family most favorably impressed with their respectability, honesty,
and candor.

APPENDICES

425

AN INTERVIEW WITH HARLOW COOK 1

Dr. Livingstone has, undoubtedly, had more than one man’s share
of the public attention. He has been buried and resurrected time
and again. He has furnished a small mouthful for the gentle croco-
dile, and many columns for the capacious newspapers. One day the
world has had him chopped into fine bits by ebon-hued barbarians;
the next, paddling up the Nile in his little canoe. One thing and
another has he been doing for years, till at last the people were
contented to have him resting by the banks of the river for whose
sources he had so long sought. Then Stanley, the adventurous, made
a $50,000 voyage, at The Herald's expense, to stir up the bones of
the oft-buried explorer, and share with him popular notice and the
honor of being an Africa penetrator.

Now that Stanley has been in full measure successful, at least of
gaining notoriety, lo! forth steps an overgrown boy, who blubbers
out a tale of personal grievances, and seeks to give his own name
eminence by casting mud at that of The Herald reporter.

This person’s name is Lewis H. Noe, of Saybrook, L.I., and a con-
siderable part of his story was given in THE TIMES of Tuesday,
creating no little excitement inasmuch as it boldly charged Stanley
with committing many crimes, and with showing a disposition to
commit the rest, under favorable circumstances. The New York Sun
gave birth to the article. Why, it is needless to say, since the friendly
fellow-feeling existing between that sheet and The Herald is too well
known. Of course the Sun was not, as Noe undoubtedly was, jealous.

A TIMES reporter, on reading the startling and unequivocal utter-
ances, was profoundly moved with contempt for the writer, and
disbelief in his words. What should one think of a creature who says :
“And I have only postponed this statement until, by the prominence
he should give himself, I could make the exposure more effectual.”

The reporter was also moved with a desire to prove whether the
Long Islander was a liar or Noe. He sat down to commune with
himself, and argued in this wise :

There were but three persons in the party, of which Noe was one.
The others were Stanley and “a gentleman named Cook.” Stanley
was in England. Noe was on Long Island or in The Sun office. There-
fore, Cook must be in the neighborhood of Chicago. Therefore, be-
cause the reporter well knew there could be no three great travelers

1. The Chicago Times, Aug. 31, 1872.

426

APPENDICES

or three great anythings, but at least one of them might be found
hard by the great city of the west.

Patient inquiry proved his reasoning entirely correct, and without
loss of time he was seated in a Chicago, Burlington and Quincy
coach, whirling along toward Yorkville, a suburban village about 50
miles to the southwest. A train off the track, and vexatious delay
subsequent therefrom, served but to give relish to the chase, and in
high spirits the reporter ascended the rickety stairs leading to the
sanctum of the Yorkville News, and softly entered.

At the table sat a gentleman of some 30 years, bearing so strong
a resemblance to the great Dickens that the reporter started with
surprise as he looked up.

“Is the editor, Mr. Springer, to be seen?”

“No, sir; he has gone to Bristol.”

“Is Mr. Cook now connected with The News?”

“My name, sir, is Cook.”

Very good. Better than seeing the editor, since Mr. Cook was the
very individual whom the reporter wished to chat with, as he took
occasion to inform him.

Reporter — You have seen the letter of one Noe, regarding Stanley,
have you not?

Cook — Yes; I read it in THE TIMES on yesterday.

R. — And you are the person referred to as the gentleman met in
New York?

Cook — Yes, I suppose I am.

R. — Good. If you will believe it, I have come all the way from
Chicago hither to talk with you confidentially on that very letter.
When I read it, I didn’t believe it. And I don’t now. Do you?

A look of surprise, but no quick answer.

R. — And knowing that you could settle the doubts in my mind,
I came straight to you. You were with Stanley a considerable time,
were you not?

Cook (musingly) — Yes; a considerable time.

R. — Of course knew him intimately, traveling so far together?

Cook — Like a brother.

R. — Then can my soul bide in peace; for you can tell me all about
it, and whether Noe has said the truth or a lie, and —

Cook — Yes; but —

R. — And I shall be satisfied at last.

Cook — But I don’t exactly —

R. — Did Stanley ever do all those things Noe charges?

APPENDICES

427

Cook — No; but (rousing more energy) who are you?

R. — Oh, me? Why, thought you knew me.

(Handed him a card, which he looked at, but without evincing
decided satisfaction. )

Cook — But what is your business, I mean?

R. — My business; of course! Am a reporter on THE TIMES.

Cook (with an elevation of the eyebrows) — Ah! and THE TIMES
wants to know about this thing, eh?

R. — Exactly.

Cook — Well, I must think over it.

Here Cook is quite deeply engaged in thinking. Meanwhile, the
reporter learns that he does not doubt the genuineness of Stanley’s
discovery of Livingstone, and is quite out of sorts at Noe’s “peaching,”
or rather lying. When he returns from the realms of thought the
conversation continues:

Cook — I hardly know what I can say to you. I do not want to tell
what I can at this time for more reasons than one. I have written
both Stanley and Noe; the former, to see how he thinks I can best
aid him by my side of the story; the latter, to find out his motive.

R. — Then you consider Stanley to have been slandered?

Cook — Basely slandered. Noe’s statements are not at all in ac-
cordance with what he told me, nor with what Stanley told me.

R. — What motive could he have?

Cook — Spite, and jealousy of Stanley’s good fortune. He was al-
ways envious, because Stanley, being the most gifted, took the lead
in everything.

R. — These are serious charges to make for such reasons.

Cook — He had others, too. Both he and Stanley, in their letters to
me since, have mentioned a quarrel they had in London, after they
left me in Constantinople, and were on their way home. I forget the
particulars, but Noe was very wrathy, and I suspect this is the out-
growth of that. It is too personal, and shows too much spite to be
of much weight.

R. — Noe gives names of places and dates, and makes a story
seemingly straight, though.

Cook — Yes, the piece is too well written for him. He is not smart
enough to write in any such style. I have no doubt The Sun reporter
got hold of him and made him say anything to suit his taste; then
enlarged on the statements and made a mountain out of it. Any lie
to blacken Stanley was plainly the policy of the writer.

R. — What kind of a character is Noe?

428

APPENDICES

Cook — A weak, dish-water kind of a boy he was when we went
abroad. No backbone to him, nor character at all.

R. — Strange that Stanley should make a companion of such a one.

Cook (with a laugh) — Companion! Stanley never did. Noe was our
servant. Stanley helped him once in the navy because he knew the
boy would do anything for him, and might be useful in such a voyage
as he was even then contemplating. What Noe says about intimacy
with Stanley is absurd. He was a chit of a boy, and with no signs
of a man about him. Stanley was young but manly, and easily 50
years ahead of Noe in everything. But, as I said, I must wait till I
hear from Stanley before I tell of these things. Then I may give
them to you.

R. — And you may not.

Cook — There is some money in it for me, I think, and I ought
to look out for it.

R. — Certainly. It is every man’s duty to turn an honest penny.
Now, I want you to decide just how much what you have to tell is
worth to you, and then we can talk about how many honest pennies
do you hope to turn? And while you are making up your mind, you
can, at least, tell me if that absurd desertion business is true.

Cook (abstractedly) — Not according to what either of them told
me. Stanley did not desert. I will tell you how that was, since I have
begun. You see, Stanley’s time was out, and he was free to leave the
Minnesota. He wanted Noe to go with him, as he was full of his
European trip, and it could not be undertaken alone. He had charge
of the books on the Minnesota, and Noe was in arrears to the ship
to the amount of $60. For this the officers were going to hold him
till he worked out its equivalent. Stanley could not wait, so he fixed
up the books, and got Noe off. That was all of it. I am sure there was
no desertion, for Stanley immediately went to New York and entered
a prominent lawyer’s office, having resolved to study for the bar. He
would have been more cautious if a deserter. Noe just manufactured
that or the Sun reporter did it for him.

R. — Noe says he was introduced to you as Stanley’s half brother.

Cook — A cool statement indeed, as I knew of him from Stanley
long before I met him in New York. When Stanley and I made our
plan to trip it around the world, Noe was counted in as a servant
from the first. Stanley said he was anxious to go, as he himself
afterward avowed. I never heard of the half-brother arrangement. It
must have been a secret union, unknown to any but Noe.

R. — But the poor boy had to work his passage.

Cook — He worked no more than we all did. Stanley and he under-

APPENDICES

429

stood the ship, and I wanted to. So we would turn in and help once
in a while for the sport of it.

R. — Pretty rough to have to foot it through a barbarous land of
scorching sand.

Cook (laughing heartily) — Walk over there. He would look pretty
doing it; or any other man. That is made from whole cloth. He had
the same fare as the rest of us.

R. — But he makes your fare out as pretty poor. Only $5 in the
crowd after buying a scant outfit. How is that?

Cook (laughing yet more) — Of the same stamp as the other. It is
likely we would start around the world without any funds. It is true
we meant to go as cheaply as we could with comfort; but we had
enough for all our purposes as far as we could see, and we had
counted the cost. I cannot see why Noe should tell so false a tale.
If we had been poor, as he says, it could not reflect on Stanley’s
character. It shows up the weak, senseless side of Noe, that is all.

R. — Stanley’s bargaining for a guide, when he had no money to
pay with, how was that?

Cook — He did at first think of having a guide. But the price was
too high, and Stanley too fond of doing it all himself, not the lack
of money, that made us go without him.

R. — Did Stanley say that he would blow the guide’s brains out?

Cook — Not to my knowledge. If he did, it was to impress Noe,
who was fool enough to take down a dose of that kind.

R. — Noe says he was scourged. The lashes seem to have cut deep
into his soul.

Cook — The whining little pup. It was a wonder Stanley did not
whip him, for he was so impudent, and Stanley so hot-tempered. But
all that is like a farce to me, who saw it. And as for his being a help-
less baby of nineteen, unable to run away from us when in the
midst of Asia, and being threatened with death! Ha, ha! it is too good
even to deceive people who are ready to take up any evil against
a man.

The interview was progressing finely. The thinking-cap, as to how
much the information was worth, had not yet come off, and it
would have pleased the reporter had it never come off. But the inter-
viewed began to suspect he had dropped a remark or two more than
he intended and suddenly became reticent, referring to the fact that
he must await advice from Stanley.

In vain did the reporter try to convince him that the interest
would blow over before ever Stanley would get his letter, and that,
financially, the thing would be a wreck. Mr. Cook had an object or

430

APPENDICES

two in view, where he could use such information as he possessed.
The reporter tried to get at the minor facts, but it was rather plain
that a good deal had already leaked out, and mum was the word.

R. — Well, have you decided how much the facts I want are worth
to you?

Cook — Yes. For a complete account of our travels, my acquaintance
with Stanley, our plans, and the sudden end put to them by robbery,
and so on, I should want $100.

Reporter was silent a few moments, trying to be a good judge of
the value of money on one side, and foolscap sheets on the other.
Were there no lower terms, or was a compromise as to the amount
of information among the possibilities?

No, there was no argument allowable. To give part would be to
take the freshness from the whole. As Johnny Coon might say, “one
hundred or nothing” was his determination.

Reporter did not know, but would see. Where did the robbery
mentioned take place?

No knowledge gained on that point. Other pleasant topics were
then introduced, and at a decent suburban hour the reporter and
Mr. Cook went to their respective beds, and took a good sleep over
the matter.

Next morning all was fair, but reticent. To cut a long story as
short as it can be properly cut, what follows is the rest of what was
obtained without the desired pecuniary value to Mr. Cook. The re-
porter assured him, after it was done, of his sorrow to have taken
the piece from his mouth unwillingly, but that he was obliged to do
it, as he would not abate a jot or tittle from the original sum.

Mr. Cook welcomed him to all he had procured, perhaps not
imagining how much that was, and thus freely given its use, the
reporter could not fail to as freely give it to the readers of THE
TIMES, who are at present interested in anything concerning Stanley.
This is Mr. Cook’s yarn as it was wormed out.

“Stanley’s first appearance before the public was during the late
war, as correspondent of The Herald. Though then a mere boy, his
graphic descriptions of naval engagements won for him a distin-
guished place among the literati of the army. He was at this time
clerk in one of the departments on the war ship Minnesota, having
entered the service as a landsman. As Noe says truly, Stanley was
promoted for his aptness and skill as a penman. The way he came
to get on the Minnesota was not quite common. He was on a trip
to England, during war times, and getting out of funds wanted to
come back. He imposed upon the credulity of the captain of a rebel

APPENDICES

431

cruiser to take him to New Orleans, his wonderful memory enabling
him to describe the streets and places so exactly that the captain
could not doubt but he was brought up in that place. Stanley prom-
ised to play spy, to pay for his passage. The vessel anchored off
Hampton Roads, and Stanley was stationed on guard to prevent any-
one else from deserting. He quietly took a boat from the ship’s side
and sculled coolly up to a United States steamer lying near. The
information he gave induced the captain to take him on board, and
then began his navy career. This Stanley told me, and Noe corrobor-
ated it.

“After the war Stanley went into a law office in New York. He did
not desert, nor did he try to get Noe to jump bounty, nor anything
of the kind. If he had, I should have known it, for Stanley told me
of all his doings. We were very intimate, naturally, being thrown
together in places tending to make us closest friends.

“Well, Stanley found law too musty. He resolved on seeing the
west. I was traveling in Colorado. One day, in the spring of ’66, at
Mohawk City, I was reading a local paper, when an article in it
struck my attention. I inquired who the writer was, and found Stan-
ley to be the author.

“I struck up an acquaintance with him, and the result was that
we joined hands for a voyage round the world. This was prevented by
an unforeseen circumstance, occurring after 8,000 miles of it had
been made. We were not going, as Frank Leslie's said, to join the
Cretan Insurrection, though sympathizing with the movement. Stan-
ley had seen enough of Colorado. On the way out he had made
himself notorious, and shown his character, by making a man twice
his size kneel and ask his pardon for something said reflecting on his
character. He was the hottest blooded man I ever saw. He never
stopped for consequences. He put a pistol to the man’s head, and
said: Retract, d — n you, and the big fellow flopped down and re-
tracted. After a year in Colorado we started on our memorable trip.
To show our recklessness, we determined to take a skiff and row
down the Platte river, the banks of which were infested with Indians,
while the river itself was full of snags, eddies, and shallow spots.
Several parties had gone down, but none had got through alive, they
told us at Denver, the head of navigation even for canoes.

“This and other of our plans may seem quixotic. But they were
not with such a man as Stanley to lead. I admired his fearlessness
then, and do more admire him now, after what he has achieved.

“When we left Denver to try the perils of the Platte, we had a
definite plan to go to Boston, thence to Smyrna, going overland

432

APPENDICES

through Asia, and passing through Turkey, Armenia, Georgia, Cash-
mere, Bokhara and other countries. Our objects were experience and
information for writing a book, comprehending our travels, and giv-
ing those facts hitherto unknown to civilization. Our idea of writing
the book is now postponed indefinitely.

“It was on the 6th of May, ’66, that we started from Denver for
the Missouri, via the dangerous Platte. The mountain snows had
melted and swollen the river, and the prospect was not promising.
But we argued that if we could not go down the Platte we could not
go through Asia, and our career had better find its end in American
waters than on barbarian soil. Our skiff was flat, and drew but eight
inches of water, many places in the bed being not six inches deep.
After upsets and mishaps enough we reached a station of United
States troops, and were taken for deserters from Fort Laramie. I never
saw Stanley come out as he did then. He walked toward the door of
the hut we were in, together with the commander of the post and
others, and motioned me to follow. Commander said;

“ ‘Shall I put you under arrest?’

“ Tes,’ said Stanley promptly, while his hand was on his revolver,
‘if you have men enough to take me.’ The glance of his eye cowed
the commander, and we passed on. We got to St. Louis all right,
and then went east. Noe joined us, and we set sail for Smyrna. After
a 51 days’ voyage we reached there. Noe’s account of our outfit and
doings is not at all true. We had everything provided for our comfort.
Noe never complained when we were together. Then we were robbed
by a band of stragglers, but after a tedious confinement, when they
found we could get no ransom money, were released, though stripped
of everything. This compelled us to give up the rest of the trip. I
staid in Constantinople, while Stanley and Noe started for England.
There they quarreled.

“This attack is a malicious thing, and I shall take measures to
refute it; as I said before, when I hear from Stanley. Whether Noe
will answer my letter I can not tell.

“As for Stanley’s character I can vouch. I knew him intimately a
year and a half, and men who were side by side in the face of death
are wont to know each other well. I found nothing to justify the
words of Noe. His story is ‘too thin,’ as they say. Stanley is short
and quick and not easy to forget an enemy, but he is also firm and
true as a friend.”

It was time for the reporter to take the return train to Chicago.
Mr. Cook drove him to the depot, and was greeted by his friends
with queries :

APPENDICES

433

“Seen that piece in THE TIMES on Stanley?”

“How is it that air feller that went with you, Harlow?”

“Is that true about the man you traveled with?” etc. To all of
which he was obliged to give answer.

So the reporter was satisfied. The word of Mr. Cook, who is a
gentleman, and of unblemished reputation, can surely outweigh
the evidence extorted from a weak-minded, envious, spiteful, un-
truthful boy by an unscrupulous and jealous New York journal.

Chicago, through THE TIMES, submits these facts to the considera-
tion of the easterners in particular. If they want to know something
responsible on subjects of interest, let them come to Chicago.

INTERVIEW WITH EDWARD JOY MORRIS 1

Atlantic City, N.J., August 31, 1872

Among the many prominent Philadelphians who own summer cot-
tages at this charming seaside suburb of the Quaker City is Mr. E.
Joy Morris, ex-United States Minister to the Sultan of Turkey. After a
long period of honorable service he now lives here in quiet retire-
ment, failing health having compelled him to remove from the active
sphere of public life, with which he has been for many years associ-
ated. As his name has been mixed up with the marvellous fabrication
which the long-haired Long Island philosopher and inventor, Louis
Noe, has given to the world, I called upon him this morning to ascer-
tain what he knew about the case, and was most cordially received.

Mr. Morris is small in stature and slight in frame; but the delicate
face and the high, open brow give evidence of a rare intellect and
a keen perception of human nature in all its phases. His cottage
fronts on the sea; and when I arrived I found the ex-minister reading
a copy of the HERALD containing the account of the search expedi-
tion to sleepy Sayville, and he was laughing heartily at the narra-
tive.2 I explained to him the purpose of my visit, and he readily
consented to give me all the information he possessed relative to
Mr. Stanley and his false friend Noe. Sitting on the veranda of the

1. NYH, Sept. 7, 1872. Edward Joy Morris (1815-1881) of Pennsylvania,
American Congressman, diplomat and author. He was minister to Turkey from
1861 to 1870. DAB , XIII, 206.

2. See NYH, Aug. 29, 1872. The account is devoted to poking fun at Noe
and contains little of value relating to Stanley.

434

APPENDICES

cottage, with the roar of the breakers ringing in our ears, a tale was
unfolded of travel and adventure, “hair-breadth escapes,” “moving
accidents by flood and field” and desperate undertakings in which the
hero of the Livingstone expedition was the leading, and indeed it may
be said, the only character. Pictures of Oriental life and romantic
journeyings into unexplored countries made the narrative seem al-
most like a fable, but Mr. Morris certifies that every particular of the
story which he tells is true to the smallest detail.

Before commencing Mr. Morris expressed his regret and indigna-
tion at the occurrence of the circumstances which made my visit
necessary, saying, “My God, sir, I am shocked that any attempt has
been made to diminish the laurels Mr. Stanley has so justly earned,
and I exceedingly regret that my name has in any way been con-
nected with the story. It has been used without authority from me,
for I would be the last man to attempt to cast any stigma upon the
man I am proud to call my friend, and whom I would defend to the
last, with all my influence and power. There have been private
dealings between Mr. Stanley and myself, which concerned only our-
selves, and I do not see why outside parties have interfered with the
business of two gentlemen, for the purpose of hashing up a sensation.
Mr. Stanley is not here to defend himself, being absent, receiving
the honors which he has so justly earned; and the attempts to injure
him behind his back are, to say the least of it, malicious and cow-
ardly. Now, sir, after this expression of opinion I am ready to answer
any questions.

REPORTER — You have read the story of Louis Noe, Mr. Morris.
I would like to know how far your knowledge of circumstances will
substantiate him, and, in beginning, I would ask, when did you first
meet Mr. Stanley?

MR. MORRIS — I first met Mr. Stanley, or at least heard of him,
in October, 1866. I was then at my country residence in Bujukdere,
on the Bosphorus, and while there I received intelligence from Con-
stantinople stating that three American travellers, named Stanley,
Noe and Cook, had been barbarously and cruelly treated and robbed
of all their effects by a band of Turks in Asia Minor. In the advance
of the arrival of the travellers at the Turkish capital Stanley sent an
account of the occurence to the Levant Herald, a paper published in
English, in which the particulars of the attack, the capture, the rob-
bery and the outrages which succeeded were all fully narrated. I
lost no time in taking the necessary steps, when the tidings reached
me, for the protection and relief of my countrymen when they should
arrive. I forgot to state that in the meantime the Turks who were

APPENDICES

435

the perpetrators of the outrage had been captured and conveyed,
strongly guarded, to Broussa, a small town near the Sea of Marmora.

REPORTER — Did you see the Americans on their arrival?

MR. MORRIS — I did; the American Consul General and myself
were both waiting to receive them when they arrived, and of course
they immediately repaired to the Embassy when they got into the
city.

REPORTER — What appearance did they present?

MR. MORRIS — A most miserable appearance, sir. If ever the con-
dition of men presented the traces of cruel treatment theirs did. Mr.
Stanley’s own plight fully corroborated his story. He had been stripped
of all his clothing, and though he had been enabled to procure some
outside covering by the generosity of Mr. L. E. Pelesa, agent of the
Ottoman Bank at Afiund-Karahissar, he had neither shirt nor stock-
ings on when he came to me, and he showed other evidences of
great suffering. I relieved his more pressing necessities and advanced
him a loan of money to procure an outfit for himself and his com-
panions. I considered it to be my duty to do this, both as American
Minister and as an American who was bound by the tie of nationality
to stand by my countrymen in distress. I gave Mr. Stanley a check
on my banker and he drew the money — £150. The first thing he did
was to repay the agent of the Ottoman Bank the amount advanced
by him, and then he took his companions to a clothing bazaar, and
both he and they procured the clothing of which they were so much
in need.

REPORTER — What security had you for your loan?

MR. MORRIS — I had no security, nor did I ask any. The money
was advanced without condition of any kind. I see it has been stated
by Noe that the amount was given in consequence of a draft which
Stanley offered, payable by a person in New York. This is false; no
draft was given to me at that time, nor was any promise of a repay-
ment made until subsequently. I advanced the money as a loan, asked
for no security, nor was there any offered. Some time after Mr. Stan-
ley inconsiderately did give me a draft, but I looked upon this as
altogether superfluous, and did not attach much value to the act,
though it may have been well meant. The draft proved valueless,
but it is unnecessary to enter into details of a transaction which has
been long satisfactorily settled between Mr. Stanley and myself, and
which does not, as I said before, concern any persons outside our-
selves. I may state, however, that the action of Mr. Stanley was
superfluous in another way, as Mr. Cook, Stanley’s fellow traveller,
came to me after the money had been sent and assumed all responsi-

436

APPENDICES

bility connected with the loan, stating that if the money was not
recovered from the Turkish government he would personally indem-
nify me, giving me his American address.

REPORTER — Had you in any of those transactions seen or spoken
to the young man, Noe? He states that he has never spoken to you?

MR. MORRIS — I have certainly seen him, and spoken to him as
well, though he was not so conspicuous as the others during the time
they remained.

REPORTER — What impression did you form about Mr. Stanley
at the time?

MR. MORRIS — I regarded him as a young man of great courage
and determination; his countenance showed this, it being stern, al-
most to serenity, but with nothing sinister about it.

REPORTER — Did Noe, at any time during the stay, bring any
charges of cruelty against Stanley.

MR. MORRIS — None that I recollect of, though he was at perfect
liberty to do so. The statements he makes about his being in dread
of assassination from the hands of Stanley, while in Constantinople,
are entirely too absurd to be believed. He was as safe in Constanti-
nople and as much his own master as he is now at Sayville.

REPORTER — Was the story of Stanley, which Noe now asserts to
be false, found to be true?

MR. MORRIS: Wait a moment, we are coming to that. As stated
before, the Turkish outlaws were taken to Broussa, on the Sea of
Marmora, and after some time had elapsed they were placed up on
trial. As there was no American Consul at the place, I obtained from
Lord Lyons a promise that the British Consul, Mr. Sandison, should
watch the trial and attend to the interests of my clients, Stanley,
Cook and Noe, who were all present as witnesses at Broussa.

REPORTER — Was Noe a witness?

MR. MORRIS — Certainly; he appeared in common with the others.
The Turks were placed upon trial and attempted to defend them-
selves, but the evidence against them was overpowering. Some of
the effects of Stanley and his party were found upon their persons,
including $300 which the party carried, and they were convicted
and sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.

REPORTER — Did Noe swear to all the facts?

MR. MORRIS — He did ; and his sworn statement will , if I mistake
not, be found in the archives of the State Department. I never was
more astonished in my life than I was when I heard that he now
states that everything he related at Broussa, while under oath, was
entirely false.

APPENDICES

437

REPORTER — Probably Louis does not scruple to add perjury to
the long list of other offences of which he is guilty, according to his
own confession.

MR. MORRIS — You may call it anything you please, but he cer-
tainly testified to the narration of Stanley, in common with Cook,
and upon the strength of that evidence the Turks were convicted.

REPORTER — Were any counter charges brought by the Turks?

MR. MORRIS — I do not recollect any. If any such attempts were
made the evidence to the contrary was too strong and they were
abandoned.

REPORTER — What steps did you institute in the meantime to
obtain restitution from the Turkish government?

MR. MORRIS — I had Stanley and the others draw up an inventory
of the effects which had been lost, and they attested to the losses
upon oath as being in every instance correct. I then forwarded the
claim to the Turkish Minister, including the money advanced by
myself, which of course was included among the losses. The entire
amount, as near as I can recollect, was about twelve hundred dollars,
and the claim was prosecuted on our part with the greatest vigor
and pertinacity.

REPORTER — Did Stanley and his friends remain in Constanti-
nople after the trial?

MR. MORRIS — Not long. Stanley and Noe left for England, and
Cook remained some time behind settling affairs. Before separating
an agreement was entered into between them and me that if I re-
covered any money it was to be sent to Cook, as, I believe, it was
he that bore the expenses of the journey to Smyrna. Soon after Cook
left also. I urged the claim time after time upon the Turkish gov-
ernment, but did not meet with much success, as there was no
disposition shown to pay, and at length I was about to abandon
the prosecution of the claim in despair when the Turkish Minister
of Foreign Affairs, Saferet Pacha, called upon me at my residence
and offered to compromise the case by giving a smaller amount,
alleging that the Sultan did not wish the shadow of a difference to
exist with the United States over the affair. I had some conversation
with the Grand Vizier, Ali Pacha, about the same time and to the
same effect, and I accepted the proposition in the amicable spirit in
which it was offered. The money was paid, and I first took out of
it the £150 which I had lent. According to my agreement, I was to
have deducted interest, but I did not do so, merely taking the exact
sum. The balance of the money I sent to Cook. I forgot to say that
when I thought the money could not be recovered, I sent instructions

438

APPENDICES

to my lawyer in Philadelphia to communicate with Cook and remind
him of his promise to repay. This was done, and Cook acknowledged
his indebtedness, but at the same time, stated that he wished to
know if I had exhausted all reasonable efforts to recover from the
Turkish government. Of course, when the claim was allowed, no re-
payment on his part was necessary.

REPORTER — Did any of the money go to Stanley?

MR. MORRIS — Not a cent. I received a letter from Noe, in which
he desired to have a part, but as I did not wish to be dealing with
too many parties I sent the money, as I said, to Cook; but Stanley
did not finger any of it, and if Noe was treated with any injustice
Cook was the person he had got to look to, not to Stanley or me.
This closed the transaction at the time, and I heard nothing more of
the parties for some years.

REPORTER — When did you see Mr. Stanley again?

MR. MORRIS — During the last year of my official residence in
Turkey.

REPORTER — Would you please state under what circumstances?

MR. MORRIS — In that year a distinguished American clergyman3
called upon me at the Embassy and asked me did I remember any-
thing about a person named Stanley. I answered in the affirmative,
and he then stated that Mr. Stanley had desired him to call relative
to a long-standing debt of £150, which, he believed, was owing to
me, which had never been settled and which he was desirous to pay.
I told the clergyman (who is now, I think, a professor in Dickinson
College) that the matter had been long settled and that I had been
paid. The gentleman further stated that Mr. Stanley desired to call
upon me, and I replied that he was at perfect liberty to do so. The
same evening Mr. Stanley and the clergyman, who were both stop-
ping at the Hotel de Byzants, called and by invitation remained to
dinner. The two gentlemen had come on from Egypt together, and
the clergyman had an admiration which almost amounted to ven-
eration for the character of the HERALD correspondent.

REPORTER — Was Mr. Stanley much changed in his appearance
and manner?

MR. MORRIS — Wonderfully. The uncouth young man whom I first
knew had grown into a perfect man of the world, possessing the ap-
pearance, the manners and the attributes of a perfect gentleman.
The story of the adventures which he had gone through and the
dangers he had passed during his absence were perfectly marvellous,

3. Probably Henry Harman, Professor of Greek and Hebrew at Dickinson
College, 1870-1896. Morgan, Dickinson College 1783-1933, 329; Autobiogra-
phy, 246.

APPENDICES

439

and he became the lion of our little circle. Scarcely a day passed but
he was a guest at my table, and no one was more welcome, for I
insensibly grew to have a strong admiration and felt an attachment
for him myself. Instead of thinking he was a young man who had
barely seen twenty-six summers you would imagine that he was
thirty-five or forty years age, so cultured and learned was he in all
the ways of life. He possessed a thorough acquaintance with most of
the eastern countries, and, as I took an interest in all that related
to Oriental life, we had many a talk about what he had seen and
what I longed to see. He stated to me that he had a sort of roving
commission for the HERALD, but that he had exhausted all known
countries and was at a loss to understand where he should go next.4

REPORTER — Did you help to enlighten him?

MR. MORRIS — I think I did. I said to him, “Stanley, what do you
think of trying Persia? That is an unexplored country, and would
well repay a visit if you could get back with your life; but as I know
you do not fear danger no consideration of personal peril would, I
think, deter you.” Stanley thought over the proposal, and rapidly
came to the conclusion he would go. I busied myself in procuring
him letters of introduction to the Russian authorities in the Caucasus,
in Georgia and in other countries through which he would have to
pass. He saw the Russian Ambassador at Constantinople in person,
who was so well impressed with him that he made extra exertions
to facilitate his progress to the mysterious home of the Grand Llama.5
I had some time previous to this had a Henry rifle sent me from a
friend in New York, as a specimen of American art, and this I pre-
sented to Stanley, with my best wishes for the success of his under-
taking.6 He started on the desperate enterprise some time after, and
my table thereby lost one of its most entertaining guests. When I
say desperate enterprise I mean it, for Persia is to a European a
practically unexplored country; and, in consequence of its weak gov-
ernment and the marauders with which it abounds, a journey to Zanzi-
bar or Unyanyembe would be a safe trip compared to it. How Mr.
Stanley accomplished the task he undertook the columns of the
HERALD will tell. I received a letter from him, while on the way,
narrating the hospitable manner in which he had been entertained
by the Russian authorities, and the way in which he had astonished
them by the performances of his Henry rifle. His journey through
the Caucasus and Georgia was a sort of triumphal march, though he
was looked upon as a lost man by all who knew anything of the East.

4. Stanley was, of course, concealing his mission.

5. Stanley never visited Tibet.

6. HIFL, 79, calls the gift a Winchester rifle.

440

APPENDICES

The route he took was an entirely new one, as he went in a kind of
zigzag way to Thibet, and he must have a charmed life to have come
through so much peril in completely safety. After this affair I re-
turned home, and I did not hear of Mr. Stanley again until I heard
of him as the discoverer of Livingstone.

REPORTER — Were you astonished at hearing of the latter fact?

MR. MORRIS — Not in the slightest. I would be astonished at no
feat in the line of travel that he would accomplish. He is a bom
traveller, and I used to say to myself at my table in Constantinople,
“Here is a man who will yet achieve greatness, and leave his mark
behind him in the world.” He has all the qualities which the great
explorers possessed — Mungo Park, Humboldt 7 and Livingstone him-
self— a hardy frame, unflinching courage and inflexible perseverance.
If such a thing were possible that I were forced to become a member
of a band to undertake some forlorn hope, some desperate enterprise,
I know of no one whom I would so readily select as the leader of
such an undertaking as Henry Stanley. I receive his narrative of
the discovery of Livingstone with implicit faith, and from my knowl-
edge of him and his character I am lost in wonder that his story should
be for an instant doubted. That he has found Livingstone is, in my
opinion, as great a certainty as that you are now in Atlantic City.
The perils of a journey into the interior of Africa would have no
terrors for him, as he, like Nelson, does not know fear in the ordi-
nary acceptation of the term.

REPORTER — Then your knowledge of the antecedents of Stanley
leads you to believe in the truth of his story?

MR. MORRIS — Most undoubtedly, and I may again say that Mr.
Stanley is my friend, and any testimony I can offer in his favor will
be gladly given.

Thanking Mr. Morris for his courtesy the reporter withdrew, more
than ever impressed with the opinion that Noe is not, nor ever has
been, anything but a fraud, a traitor and a liar.

INTERVIEW WITH EDWARD JOY MORRIS 1

The story of Lewis H. Noe in reference to the antecedents of
Henry Stanley was one so detailed and circumstantial that it could

7. Alexander von Humboldt (1769-1859), naturalist and explorer in South
America and Asia. See Schultze, Alexander von Humboldt; JRGS 29 (1859),
cii-cxii.

1. The Sun , Sept. 5, 1872.

APPENDICES

441

be easily disproved if not true. In respect to the giving of the fic-
titious draft to the Hon. E. Joy Morris, late United States Minister to
Turkey, it was suggested by two or three journals the statement of
Noe could be refuted, if not true, by an inquiry of Mr. Morris. And
to settle any doubt on the question, a reporter of THE SUN paid a
visit to Atlantic City, N.J., where Mr. Morris has been passing the
summer with his family. He found Mr. Morris residing in a tasty
cottage in Pacific Avenue, but a short distance from the beach. The
reporter was shown into the library. On the table were copies of
newspapers published in modern Greek, and several works in the
Turkish, Persian and Arabic languages. Evidently Mr. Morris is a stu-
dent in fields unusual for an American. Soon the gentleman entered.
He is about medium height, rather spare in form. He appears to be
about fifty years of age. His hair, side whiskers, and moustache are
blonde, his nose aquiline, and his eyes a light blue. He has broad,
high, and full forehead, and impresses one as a gentleman of large
culture, extensive reading, and close observation. An extreme promi-
nence of what the phrenologists call the organ of ideality would in-
dicate that Mr. Morris is a gentleman whose tastes are aesthetic, and
that many of his highest pleasures are derived from walks among
poetry and the fine arts, and a contemplation of the beautiful in nature.

Mr. Morris received the representative of THE SUN with urbanity
and politeness. He stated that he was exceedingly sorry that the
controversy in reference to Mr. Stanley had arisen, as the fact stated
by Noe, which brought his own name forward, was one which he
had regarded as settled long since, and so far as he was concerned
was never intended to be mentioned again.

“But,” continued Mr. Morris, “as silence on my part when asked in
reference to the matter would be construed unfavorably to Mr. Stan-
ley, I may as well tell the affair, and then state what I regard as
extenuating circumstances in his favor.”

“But,” said Mr. Morris, “I presume that all I shall tell you will be
published before you return. A Gentleman from the Herald visited
me on Thursday on a similar mission, and I gave him a full account
of my acquaintance with Mr. Stanley.”

“There has nothing appeared as yet,” said the SUN reporter, “and
as the Herald is generally prompt to publish anything it learns in
reference to Mr. Stanley, I presume the reporter must have lost his
notes.” 2

“Another point that the gentleman wished to be informed on,”
said Mr. Morris, “was the residence of Mr. Cooke, who accompanied

2. See the preceding document.

442

APPENDICES

Stanley and Noe in the Asia Minor tour. He said they desired to
visit him.”

“If they had inquired at the SUN office,” said the reporter, “they
could have got the information, as we have several letters in the
handwriting of Mr. Cooke.”

“Well,” said Mr. Morris, “to begin at the beginning. In the summer
and fall of 1866 I was residing at Bu-Yukdere, the summer residence
of the diplomatic corps, about fourteen miles distant from Constan-
tinople, on the Bosphorus. In the fall of that year Mr. Stanley pre-
sented himself at my house, and there recounted the story of the
robbery of himself and companions. He said that they had lost all
their means, travelling equipage, clothing, &c., and that they were
in great destitution. The fact was apparent, for Mr. Stanley had no
shirt and no collar, and nothing but his outer garments (for I don’t
think he had any socks), and he looked more like a beggar than a
foreign traveller. He passed the night at my house, and I gave him
some clothing. In the course of our conversation I questioned him
about the necessities of himself and companions, and in the morning,
without his naming any sum himself, I gave him an order on my
banker, Mr. Azarian of Constantinople, for 150 English pounds. Stan-
ley made no particular promise of repayment, and I gave him the
money as a matter of charity, trusting that some time he would re-
pay me.

“He then voluntarily offered to give me a draft for the amount
on his father, who, he said, was a lawyer at 20 Liberty St., New York.
He made it out and handed it to me. He then went to Constantinople.

“Were Cooke and Noe present at this interview?” asked the re-
porter.

“No,” said Mr. Morris, “they were not with him at that time. With
this money, as I understood, they bought some clothing, for when I saw
Stanley next at Constantinople he was well dressed.”

“In a navy uniform,” asked the reporter.

“Yes,” said Mr. Morris, “a kind of semi-navy officer’s coat and
vest, with gold lace on the sleeves, and Turkish buttons, the same
as seen in the picture. I understood from Stanley that it was his in-
tention to return direct to America. He left Constantinople unex-
pectedly to me, and without calling and taking leave. I thought it
rather strange in view of the manner in which I had befriended him,
that he should not at least come and announce his intended de-
parture and take leave; but on further consideration I did not think
it was remarkable, in view of the general traits I had observed in
him. He was brusque and even rude in his manners, and I came to

APPENDICES

443

regard his abrupt departure without calling on me as wholly con-
sistent with his odd ways. Noe went with him. Mr. Cooke remained
behind, as his presence was necessary at Broussa to give further
evidence at the trial of the Turks, who were charged by them with
the robbery.”

“What amount did Stanley tell you they had been robbed of?”
asked the reporter.

‘While he remained in Constantinople,” said Mr. Morris, “I told
him that he must make out a statement of their losses on paper,
naming each article separately, and carrying out its approximate
value, which statement he must deliver to the Secretary of Legation,
and must make an affidavit of its correctness, and that the state-
ment must be made in duplicate. All this was done. Mr. Brown is
since dead, and, by the way, I will say that he always suspected Stan-
ley, and had no confidence in him whatever.”

“Do you recollect what Stanley said he had lost — what amounts
of money and what articles of property?” inquired the reporter.

“Yes, generally,” said Mr. Morris, “there were various articles of
clothing, guns, & c. Then I recollect particularly he stated that they
had three cartridges boxes in which they had $300 in American gold
— each box holding $100. I thought it very strange that they should
be traveling in Asia Minor with American coin.”

“Did he say anything about a letter of credit?” asked the reporter.

“Oh, yes,” said Mr. Morris; “that was a matter that seemed rather
strange also. He spoke about a draft that he had on a merchant in
Tiflis, in Persia, of which he had been robbed. I asked the particulars
about it and he said that it was a draft drawn in his favor by a cor-
respondent or merchant in Maiden Lane, New York, having rela-
tions with a Tiflis house. I suggested that as the draft had not been
recovered from the robbers, he had better write to Tiflis and inform
the party on whom it was drawn of its loss, and thus prevent the
person who had possession of it from collecting it through somebody
who should personate Stanley. I thought it a rather remarkable
circumstance that a New York house should have commercial rela-
tions with Tiflis, and was only able to account for it upon the sup-
position that there were large exports of wool from Pote on the
Black Sea, which came from Caucassus and Georgia, and thought it
not improbable that through this trade to the United States commer-
cial relations might exist between an extensive New York house and
a concern as far distant as Tiflis. The fact of these wool exportations
gave color to his statement.”

“Do you recollect the amount of the draft?” asked the reporter.

444

APPENDICES

“I know it was a very large sum,” said Mr. Morris — “over a thou-
sand dollars, considerably, and I don’t know but two or three thou-
sand. The way the conversation arose about the draft was this: He
told me of the $300 in American gold that they had lost, and I re-
marked that they had not money enough to more than carry them
to Tiflis. He then said that they had provided for that contingency
by this draft, upon which they were to realize when they reached
there.”

“Can you recall the amount of the losses as claimed by Stanley?”
asked the reporter.

“My impression,” said Morris, “is that the amount collected was
equal to $1,200 or $1,500. Stanley, as the representative of the party,
made out this detailed statement, as I have mentioned before, and
signed it. I don’t know whether Cooke and Noe signed it or not. I
will not say positively that it was verified under oath, but I feel con-
fident that the verification was in the nature of an affidavit. I know
that my instructions to the Secretary of Legation were to take the
statement and have it properly authenticated. Cooke remained for
two or three weeks, if I recollect aright, after Stanley and Noe had
gone, and with a knowledge of the claim that I was to make on the
Turkish Government for the losses they had sustained, as stated in
Stanley’s statement. Cooke never intimated that the statement was
not correct, and never until Noe’s statement did I suppose there was
the least question as to the claim having been made in good faith.
Indeed, I can hardly believe now that it was a fraud, and I will explain
why. First let me say that Cooke told me that in case Stanley did
not repay the loan I had made he would pay it. I suppose that he,
knowing that Stanley had committed a wrong in giving the draft to
me on his father, felt conscience-stricken, he being a recipient of a
portion of the money, and that knowing that the draft was worthless,
he was in duty bound to see that I was reimbursed. My impressions
of Cooke were that he was an honorable and trustworthy man, but
possessing rather negative traits of character. It was generally under-
stood that he was the treasurer, and bore the expenses of the party.
Soon after the robbery a Rev. Mr. Van Lennep, residing at Smyrna,
wrote to me about it. The trial of the Turks on the charge of robbery
took place at Broussa, and the proceedings confirmed Stanley’s story.
Through the courtesy of the British Ambassador, Lord Lyons, the
British Consul at Broussa, Mr. Sandison, who had resided in Turkey
perhaps twenty-five years, at my request attended the trial. He was
conversant with such proceedings, and my impression is he speaks

APPENDICES

445

the Turkish language fluently. I believe that the Rev. Mr. French, an
American missionary, was also present at the trial, which resulted in
the conviction and sentence of the Turks. This result fortified Stan-
ley’s statement, and it seems to me to be almost impossible that Noe’s
charge of highway robbery against Stanley can be true without the
fact having been brought out on the trial. At any rate, I put in a
claim in their behalf against the Turkish Government, and it was for
some time discussed between me and the authorities, off and on,
until somewhere about the month of August, 1867, when the then
acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, Safvet Pasha, came to me and said
that they did not wish to have a shadow of difficulty with the Ameri-
can Legation, and in a spirit of amity they were willing to settle this
claim if I would consent to a reduction, and he offered, I think,
20,000 or 30,000 Turkish piasters less than the original claim. Safvet
Pasha and I were personal friends, and he was a strong friend of
mine in the Ministry. Liking the spirit in which he had approached
me on this subject, I said that in the same spirit I would reciprocate
the friendly feeling he had shown, and I accepted the offer. He told
me that in a few days he would give me a draft on the Ottoman Bank
for the money.”

“Stanley in his letter to the Levant Herald stated that their loss
was 80,000 piasters,” said the reporter.

“I don’t think the claim presented amounted to so much as that,”
said Mr. Morris. “Twenty-three Turkish piasters are equivalent to an
American dollar. Eighty thousand piasters would be considerably
over $3,000. Allowing for the reduction, I think the amount received
from the Government was equal to $1,200 to $1,500.”

“What was the result of the draft for £150 that Stanley gave you?”
asked the reporter.

“That,” said Mr. Morris, “I sent to Mr. Perkins of Philadelphia, who
had the care of my property interests during my absence. He sent
it to New York for collection, and it came back protested, with the
statement that no such man as the drawer could be found. Before
Stanley left he directed me, if I succeeded in recovering anything
from the Turkish Government, to send it to Mr. Cooke, whose address
he gave me. Mr. Cooke asked me to reimburse myself for the loan
and interest out of the money collected, or in case of Stanley’s failing
to pay or my inability to collect anything, he would himself pay me.
When I got the money I took out the £150 and the loss by exchange,
charging no interest, and sent the residue of the amount collected
to Mr. Cooke. My directions were for him to aportion it among the

446

APPENDICES

party as it should be, as I didn’t want to deal with more than one
person in reference to it. I subsequently got a letter from him ac-
knowledging the receipt of the money.”

“When did you next hear from Stanley?” inquired the reporter.

“I never heard anything of him,” said Mr. Morris, “until one day —
I don’t recollect the year, but I think 1869 or 1870 — I know it was
after the Abyssinian war — a gentleman, Prof. Herrman or Harriman
of Dickinson College, called upon me at the legation, and after some
conversation, he stated that he had been travelling with a gentleman
named Stanley, who had confided to him the fact that I had once
done him a great kindness, which he had requited in a most dis-
creditable manner, and Mr. Stanley had requested him to call upon
me and pay the amount I had loaned him, with interest in full. I told
the gentleman that was all settled — that I had collected the amount
of their losses from the Turkish Government and had reimbursed
myself. He was surprised to learn it after what Mr. Stanley had stated
to him, and then he said that Mr. Stanley was desirous of having an
interview with me to make personal apology, and he asked me if
I had any objection to seeing him. I said I had not, and I would be
glad to see him. Mr. Stanley at that time was stopping at the Hotel
de Bysance. He called on me and after some pleasant conversation
he asked me if I still had the draft. I told him that I believed I had.
I regarded it as so much waste paper, and did not know but I had
thrown it in the waste basket; but on looking in my secretary drawer,
I discovered it among some loose papers. I told him also that I had
paid myself out of the amount I had received from the Turkish Gov-
ernment. He asked me if I had any objection to his destroying it.
I told him I had not and he took the draft and tore it up.

“He said in extenuation of his act that he was at the time in a
state of destitution, and did not know what to do. He asked me if
I had spoken of the matter to the people. I did not care to tell him
much about the currency which the fact had obtained, but it was
pretty well known in Constantinople. I think he asked me then if I
would give him a writing stating that he was not liable to me in any
way, and was satisfied with his conduct. I told him I had no objection,
and I did give him some kind of writing, and very likely it may be
produced some time. I will say that I found Mr. Stanley then a
changed man, much more frank and loyal in his bearing. He was
changed in his manner and was riper in his mind and character, and
I became very favorably impressed with him. He was at my home
frequently, and was very entertaining in his accounts of Abyssinia.”

“You say,” said the reporter, “that Stanley sent Prof. Herrman to

APPENDICES

447

you after the Abyssinian war with the statement that Stanley had
authorized him to pay you the amount of the draft. That must have
been as late as 1869. Here is a letter from Stanley to Noe, dated
April 30, 1867, in which he says, ‘Full compensation has been awarded
us for goods received and for the abominable outrage on you.’ ”

“It is possible,” said Mr. Morris, “that Stanley knew I had been
paid when he sent Prof. Herrman to me. After that I got him letters
from the Russian Ambassador, Gen. Ignatiff, to the civil and military
authorities of Caucasus, and to the members of the diplomatic corps
at Tehehran, in Persia. He subsequently went on a tour into Cau-
casus, Georgia, and Persia, and wrote very interesting letters. I was
sorry to have heard these accusations against him, for I felt that if
he had succeeded in finding Dr. Livingstone — I was in doubt at first
whether he had — his antecedent career ought to be forgotten. As for
myself, I have none but the kindest feelings toward him, and never
had, though, of course, I was disappointed when I learned from Amer-
ica that he had given me a worthless draft, and particularly as I had
not asked him for a draft at all.”

The reporter thanked Mr. Morris for the statement he had made,
and with a polite good-by took his departure.

STANLEY TO JAMES GORDON BENNETT

NO. 8 DUCHESS STREET, PORTLAND PLACE, LONDON

SEPT. 13, 1872 1

Dear Sir — Your agent in this city to-day kindly sent me three copies
of a newspaper published in the city of New York, bearing the dates
respectively of the 24th, 30th and 31st of August of the present year.2
It would be a difficult matter for me to describe the conflicting emo-
tions I felt during the perusal of certain articles found therein. My
first feelings were those of profound astonishment at the discovery
of so debased a character as this wretched young man, Noe, turns
out to be. He proclaims himself the victim of a foul and unnatural
outrage, gives his name in full, with his present address; he dwells

1. NYH, Sept. 26, 1872.

2. The Sun of Aug. 24, 1872 contained the letter of Noe of Aug. 16; The
Sun of Aug. 30 and 31 contained editorials and other information against the
character of Stanley and his meeting with Livingstone.

448

APPENDICES

fondly on the disgusting details which unmanned him; offers himself
up voluntarily to public scorn and contempt, and deliberately stamps
himself as the greatest moral idiot in existence. I then felt regret at
discovering the fact that there was a newspaper in the city of New
York which could lend itself for the publication of such a disgusting,
immoral letter as the one purporting to be written by Lewis H. Noe,
and exhibit a morbid delight in every circumstance and detail of this
most shameless story.

To enter upon a detailed refutation of the various charges and ac-
cusations falsely levelled at me by this eccentric youth would be
undignified and unworthy of me; it would but serve to bring the
contemptible newspaper and its unmanly correspondent into greater
prominence than they deserve. I content myself with simply asserting
that the statements of this man Noe, in so far as they refer to me,
consist of a series of the most atrocious falsehoods that the most
imaginative villain could have devised to the detriment of any one
man’s reputation.

They are oft-recurring questions to me, “Wherein have I incurred
any man’s hostility? Why should people attack my private character?
How have I injured any person so much as to induce him to villify
me in this manner?” It is with the utmost confidence that I can
reply that, intentionally, I have never injured any living man.

In the summer of 1866 I took this boy as a kind of companion,
who was to make himself generally useful. A few miles east of
Smyrna the young rascal set fire to a valuable grove belonging to
some Turks, who were so enraged at the incendiary act that myself
and companions were in danger of our lives; upon which, after molli-
fying the anger of the natives, I punished the young villain with a
few strokes of a switch, a far lighter punishment than he deserved,
as any sensible man will at once admit. Near Chihissar the chief of
a gang of brigands which infested the environs of Ofium-Karahissar
insulted him, upon which, in my indignation, I struck him with my
sword. He immediately raised such an outcry that I was compelled
to order my companions to mount and hurry away; but, in our ig-
norance of the country, we rode direct into the neighborhood of the
robbers’ den, and were consequently captured without much trouble.
The indignities and outrages which the ruffians subsequently visited
upon a member of our party need not be repeated here, but I may
mention that I was the one who was instrumental in relieving my
party from all apprehensions of a worse fate. Now possibly this boy
— now a man in years at least — remembers the slight flogging I ad-
ministered to him, and, stung by the memory of it, has proposed to

APPENDICES

449

himself that the author of it, having in some way distinguished him-
self by the discovery of Dr. Livingstone, might now be made to feel
his resentment, and proceeds to do so by investing him with a Satanic
character; with all the attributes of a “bold and unscrupulous, daring,
but intelligent and specious adventurer.” Positively, if I thought the
young wretch who wantonly set fire to the Turk’s grove near Smyrna
and endangered his own and our lives was insane, I think him ten
times more so now by hurrying into print, to glory in his shamelessness
and make public what the most debased courtesan in any great city
would never have published. But enough of this abominable fraud,
with his series of absurd fictions. Let me dilate a little on the accusa-
tions levelled at me.

About the Livingstone letters you know yourself, sir, as well as
your former agent, that I was utterly ignorant of the commission
you gave me at the Grand Hotel in Paris before you delivered to me
instructions regarding it. Captain Francis R. Webb, late Consul at
Zanzibar, now residing at Salem, can tell you, as an impartial witness,
how I set about the work you requested me to perform. Mr. Spalding
and Mr. Morse, both of whom are at this present moment in New York,
can also add their testimony to it. Mr. John Bertram, the great merchant
at Salem, can also inform you, whether or not he honored the drafts
I drew on you. Dr. Kirk, also — with whom I have at present an un-
pleasant difference about the aid he says he freely gave Dr. Living-
stone, but which I say that he did not give so freely as is generally
believed — can inform you whether or not he saw me at Bagamoyo
preparatory to marching for the interior. Also the Journal des
Debats of Paris states that Mr. de Vienne, then Consul of France at
Zanzibar, acknowledges to have seen me on that island preparing
my expedition. Apropos of Mr. de Vienne, it is said that this gentle-
man “described me as rather eccentric in my way of doing things;
that I refused everybody’s advice and was consequently reduced to
my own resources.” This gentleman unconsciously gives me high
praise by saying so; for it seems to me that I thus avoided the rock
upon which the English Livingstone Search Expedition split. Lieu-
tenant Dawson had too many advisers, and therefore failed. Had he
not acted according to the advice of Dr. Kirk, Lieutenant Dawson
had surely succeeded. When Mr. de Vienne says that I refused every-
body’s advice he refers to my having refused Dr. Kirk’s advice to go
up the Rufiji River, which was a round-about way of going after Dr.
Livingstone, which no sane man would have adopted.3

3. Stanley was in the midst of his quarrel with Kirk.

450

APPENDICES

I have stated that I found Livingstone in Ujiji, just returned from
the Lualaba; that I obtained two letters from him, one addressed to
“James Gordon Bennett, Esq., Junior,” and the other addressed to
“James Gordon Bennett, Esq., New York Herald;”4 that to neither of
these letters have I put pen or pencil; that I neither interpolated nor
suggested one word, phrase or quotation to Dr. Livingstone while he
was writing them; that I knew not what he had written until he had
finished writing them and handed them to me, asking me, “Will
those do?” That I delivered them to your agent, whom I met at Mar-
sailles, precisely as the letters were written by Dr. Livingstone. What
I have stated above I will adhere to until Dr. Livingstone shall himself
come to England and publicly proclaim the fact himself. As for the
authenticity of the other letters which I brought with me Lord Gran-
ville, of the Foreign Office; 5 J. B. Braithwaite, Livingstone’s Solici-
tor; 6 Thomas Steele Livingstone, the Doctor’s eldest son; 7 Miss
Janet Livingstone, the Doctor’s sister; 8 Miss Agnes Livingstone,9 Cap-
tain Black, of the Peninsula and Oriental Company,10 Mr. James
Young, of Durris House, near Aberdeen; 11 Dr. John Kirk, Her Brit-
tanic Majesty’s Consul at Zanzibar; Rev. Horace Waller, the Doctor’s
friend, have one and all come forward to testify to their authenticity.
In the letters to his children Dr. Livingstone speaks of things with
which no living person, least of all an American newspaper cor-
respondent, could possibly be cognizant of. In his letter to the Foreign
Office the Doctor writes of countries that were wholly unknown to
any one east of the Lake Tanganyika, that no fancy, however fertile,
could have imagined. Again, the Queen of England advised by her
Ministers, has signified her approbation of my conduct by sending

4. The letters are given in NYH, July 26, 1872, July 27, 1872, Aug. 24, 1872.

5. Earl Granville (1815-1891). See Fitzmaurice, The Life of Granville George
Leveson Gower Second Earl Granville.

6. J. Bevan Braithwaite (1818-1905), a Quaker friend of Livingstone. J.
Bevan Braithwaite. A Friend of the Nineteenth Century (by his Children),
especially 193-99, 222.

7. Thomas S. Livingstone (1849-1876). Northcott, Moffat, table opposite p.
328; Seaver, Livingstone, 115, 468.

8. Janet Livingstone ( d . 1895). See Fraser, Livingstone and Newstead,
179; Seaver, Livingstone, 16, 36.

9. Agnes Livingstone Bruce (1848-1912), Livingstone’s daughter. See Bar-
tholomew, “Mrs. Livingstone Bruce and the Scottish Geographical Society.”

10. Thomas O. Black, an agent in India for the Peninsula and Oriental
Line. LLJ, II, 6.

11. James Young (1811-1883), manufacturer and inventor. He was an old
friend of Livingstone and used his wealth to aid the explorer. Boase, Modern
English Biography, III, 1,574-1,575; Seaver, Livingstone, 25, 466; PRGS 5
(1883), 354.

APPENDICES

451

me a gold snuff box enriched with over sixty diamonds,12 and a
letter of thanks, signed by Lord Granville; she has also received me
most graciously at Dunrobin Castle, the seat of the Duke of Suther-
land, and has taken the opportunity of thanking me in person. Now,
is it possible that the British Ministers could be so thoroughly de-
luded as to advise Queen Victoria to send me such a testimonial, or
to receive me in person through any appearances whatever other than
genuine? Can any imposture, however consummate, however daring,
hope for such success?

I might ask, also, how was it possible that I could have obtained
the “Lett’s Diary,” full of observations and geographical notes, which
I delivered over to Miss Agnes Livingstone, and which precious prop-
erty lies now in the strong room of a Glasgow bank? How come I
possessed of the Doctor’s chronometers and watches, for which I have
the receipt from Admiral Richards,13 of the Hydrographic office,
London.

But if, after the receipt of this letter, there may be unbelievers still,
my advice to them is to form another expedition for Central Africa
and find out from Livingstone himself whether the letters I brought
are genuine or not. Then, perhaps, if they live to come back to tell
their story, they must bear witness to my veracity at least, if to
nothing else. In the meantime, sir, I would ask whether you ever
found cause to repent of your confidence in me, or had reason to sus-
pect in the least my truthfulness and integrity? If you can consci-
entiously answer “No!” I shall feel amply rewarded and need no more.

P.S. I have omitted to mention the fact that I have seen in an
American newspaper some account of an article which has appeared
in an Omaha paper derogatory to me. This Omaha paper can only
be the Omaha Herald ,14 whose local editor — “Little Mac” by name
— I kicked publicly for slander and threats.15 This local editor had

12. See the amusing reference in Bennett, “Stanley and the American Con-
suls at Zanzibar,” 57-58.

13. George H. Richards (1819-1876), hydrographer to the Admiralty. Boase,
Modern English Biography , III, 138-39; Clowes, Royal Navy, VII, 564-67, 574.

14. The Omaha Herald denied this, affirming it had always supported Stan-
ley. NYH, Oct. 1, 1872.

15. F. M. MacDonough, editor in 1872 of the Nebraska Watchman, replied
to Stanley’s charges in The Sun. He gave his version of the fight (see Intro-
duction) with Stanley and went on to say he never had believed Stanley had
found Livingstone since “I knew that his Colorado letters to the Missouri
Democrat were written in a one-horse newspaper office in Omaha.” The Sun,
Oct. 21, 1872.

452

APPENDICES

me brought up before the Mayor, Charles Brown,16 for assault and
battery. The jury returned a verdict of “Not guilty,” and “Little Mac,”
besides suffering the indignity of a vigorous kicking in his rearward
parts, was compelled to pay “costs.” If any one doubts this let him
examine files of the Omaha Republican ; let him ask Governor Butler,
of Nebraska;17 Major Balcombe,18 Judge Strickland,19 Mayor Brown,
and he will receive a complete confirmation of the fact. It is but
natural, therefore, that the Omaha Herald should bear me a grudge.

LEWIS NOE TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN
Sayville, L.I., Sept. 30, 1872 1

Sir: The Herald of the 26th inst. contains a letter from Henry M.
Stanley, dated the 13th, which attempts to reply to the charges made
by me against him in my communication published in THE SUN
of Aug. 24. 2

“A short horse is soon curried,” and I can dispose of Stanley’s reply
in a very brief space.

I stated in my letter referred to :

1. That Stanley was a deserter from the United States Navy in
1865, and induced me, a boy, to desert with him.

2. That he forged a pass while the frigate Minnesota was lying
at Portsmouth, N.H., by which we were enabled to pass the gates of
the navy yard.

3. That he tried to induce me to become a bounty jumper.

4. That a year afterwards he falsely represented to my parents
and myself that he possessed the means to go on an extended tour
in Asia, and induced my parents to consent to my accompanying him.

5. That on learning at Smyrna the desperate character of the jour-
ney he had projected — he being utterly without means — because I

16. Charles H. Brown, sometime mayor of Omaha. Sorenson, Omaha , 278-
80.

17. David Butler, Governor of Nebraska, 1866-1871. Olson, History of Ne-
braska, 130-31, 150-59.

18. St. A. D. Balcombe (d. 1904), editor and owner of the Omaha Republican.
Sorenson, Omaha, 430-31.

19. Silas A. Strickland (d. 1878); in 1876 he was U.S. District Attorney
for Nebraska. Ibid., 343-45.

1. The Sun, Oct. 9, 1872.

2. See the preceding letter.

APPENDICES

453

attempted to leave him soon after starting, he most cruelly whipped
me on my bare back.

6. That he compelled me to beg and steal the food and supplies
we used during some three hundred miles of our journey.

7. That he attempted to murder an old Turk whom we overtook
on the route, with a view to robbing him.

8. That though he failed to kill the Turk, he robbed him of his
horses, and made me an accessory to the crime.

9. That he committed perjury at Broussa and at Constantinople.

10. That he gave a worthless draft on a suppositious father in
New York to the American Minister at Constantinople, the Hon. E.
Joy Morris, in exchange for money equal to several hundred dollars,
which that gentleman kindly loaned him from his private means in
our distress.

11. That he clandestinely left Constantinople, taking me with him,
purposely avoiding to inform Mr. Morris of his intention to leave,
or where we were going.

12. That he represented himself to be an American when he was
a Welchman, and had always lived in Wales until he was fifteen years
of age.

13. That his real name is John Rowland, and that Henry Stanley
is an alias that he assumed after coming to America.

These are the baker’s dozen of charges I preferred against Stanley,
and I think they were sufficiently explicit. He meets them by a gen-
eral denial. He says :

The statements of this man Noe, in so far as they refer to me,

consist of a series of the most atrocious falsehoods that the most

imaginative villain could have devised to the detriment of any-
one’s reputation.

Dodging the issues I presented by a sweeping denial (except in
two instances which I shall refer to further on), he attempts to dis-
tract attention from his rascality by surrounding himself with a blaze
of glory for having found Dr. Livingstone. I never raised any issue on
that point except upon the probabilities. I could neither positively
affirm nor positively deny the success of his search because, fortun-
ately, I did not enjoy the pleasure of accompanying him. Once such
luxury is enough for a lifetime. Learned men in Europe doubted
that Dr. Livingstone could have written the letters attributed to him
in view of the geographical situations described therein. Others doubted
because the style of language used in those letters was, in many in-

454

APPENDICES

stances, regarded as wholly unlike that which Dr. Livingstone would
use. I stated facts showing Stanley to be a heartless scoundrel, with
the genius to conceive and the skill to execute a gigantic fraud; and
I will add that nothing which has yet been published has satisfied
me that the so-called Livingstone letters are not bogus.

In respect to the first and second charges I made I have Stanley’s
own handwriting refering to the facts, which leave no doubt as to
their truth; and undoubtedly the records of the Navy Department will
furnish corroborative evidence.

As to the third I have nothing beyond my own statement, which
will be reiterated under oath whenever Stanley desires to raise that
issue.

The fourth can be proven by every member of my family and by
his own letters in my possession.

As to the fifth charge, Stanley says in his letter to the Herald,
speaking of me :

“The young rascal set fire to a valuable grove” and “I punished
the young villain with a few strokes of a switch,” &c.

The “valuable grove” was a clump of wild briars of no value and
the fire did no damage, as the land surrounding it was barren and
rocky. Stanley saw me set them on fire, was cognizant of my in-
tention to do it, and he laughed heartily over the fright it caused
Mr. Cooke. The “few strokes of a switch” was a merciless whipping,
inflicted after he had tied me to a tree, so that I was in a condition
of utter helplessness. But I thank Stanley for corroborating my
charge as far as he has, though I have a letter of his in which he
states as much.

The sixth charge Mr. Cooke can confirm if he will.

The seventh and eighth charges Stanley confirms in part, and a
passage in one of his letters to me furnishes another link to corroborate
the truth of my statement. In his letter to the Herald he says:

When near Chi-Hissar, the chief of a gang of brigands which
infested the environs of Affium-Kara-Hissar insulted him (meaning
me) upon which, in my indignation, I struck him with my sword.
He immediately raised such an outcry that I was compelled to
order my companions to mount and hurry away; but in our ig-
norance of the neighborhood, we rode right into the robber’s den,
and were consequently captured without much trouble.

Stanley omits to mention that in the confusion he mounted one
of the Turk’s horses, and ordered me to mount the other; and also

APPENDICES

455

that the “chief of the gang of brigands” was an ex-cadi of Affium-
Kara-Hissar. But as this is the first time Stanley has ever published
the fact he struck the Turk a blow with his sword, and thus caused
our capture, I am much obliged for that confession in corroboration
of my statement.

The ninth charge — perjury — is well sustained. Minister Morris
required that Stanley make out a detailed statement of our losses,
to be sworn to by him, that a claim of damages might be put in
against the Turkish Government. This Stanley did, and, as appears
by Mr. Morris’s statement to the reporter of THE SUN, he included
$300 in American gold, a draft on a mercantile house in Tiflis, and
a variety of articles of value, making up some 80,000 Turkish pi-
asters in value as the amount of our loss. When he made that affi-
davit Stanley knew that the gold and the draft never existed except
in his imagination. He was also guilty of perjury at Affium-Kara-
Hissar in suppressing the truth that he was the original robber, and
that the robbery by the Turks, small as the extent was, was in re-
taliation.

The tenth and eleventh charges are corroborated by his own letters
and also by the statement of Minister Morris, as published in THE
SUN. Not only did Stanely [sic] have no father at 20 Liberty street,
on whom the worthless draft was drawn by him, but I will add that
he had no father anywhere; and if his uncle and aunt, Mr. and Mrs.
Thomas Morris, of Davies street, Liverpool, are to be believed, he
never had a father anywhere. This last fact I should not have alluded
to (as I do not believe in visiting the sins of parents upon their
children) but that he has chosen to characterize my statements as
a “series of atrocious falsehoods.”

The twelfth and thirteenth charges can be proven by Stanley’s uncle
and aunt, and by his own letters, which I have in my possession.
They have been proven by Mr. Evans,3 who knew John Rowland in
Wales and knew Henry Stanley in Africa, and who says that they
are one and the same person. And if Stanley will visit Denbigh,
St. Asaph, or Bodelwydden, in Wales, the members of his family and
numberous acquaintances there will be able to remove any lingering
doubts which may exist in his mind as to whether he was born in
Wales or America, whether his mother tongue is Welsh or English,
whether his name is John Rowland or Henry Stanley; in fine, whether

3. An E. B. Evans had written to a British newspaper that Stanley’s real
name was Rowlands; he also gave details on his early life. Stanley called the
letter “all bosh” and denied knowing Evans, concluding that his name was
“plain Henry M. Stanley.” The Sun, Sept. 2, 1872, Sept. 9, 1872.

456

APPENDICES

I have written a “series of atrocious falsehoods” or whether he is a
first-class extemporaneous liar.

I trust that he will make the visit and publish the result in the
Herald.

STANLEY TO EDWARD KING

VILLAGE OF KAGEHYI, LAKE VICTORIA NIYANZA

May 19, [1875] 1

Kagehyi is a straggling village of cone huts, twenty or thirty in
number, which are built somewhat in the form of a circle, hedged
round by a fence of thorn twisted between upright stakes. Sketch
such a village in your imagination, and let the centre of it be dotted
here and there with the forms of Kidlings who prank it with the
vivacity of Kidlings under a hot, glowing sun. Let a couple of war-
riors and a few round-bellied children be seen among them, and near
a tall hut, which is the chiefs, plant a taller tree, under whose shade
sit a few elders in council with their chief. So much for the village.
I am sure you will know it if you come this way! Now outside the
village, yet touching the fence, begin to draw the form of a square
camp, about fifty yards square, each side flanked with low, square
huts, under the eaves of which place as many figures of men as you
please — for we have many — and you have the camp of the Anglo-
American expedition commanded by your friend and humble servant.
From the centre of the camp you may see the Lake Victoria, or that
portion of it I have called Speke Gulf, and twenty-five miles distant
you may see table topped Magita, the large island of Ukerewe, and
toward the northwest a clear horizon, with nothing between water
and sky to mar its level. The surface of the lake, which approaches
to within 100 yards of the camp, is much ruffled just at present with
a northwest breeze, and though the sun is glowing hot under the
shade it is agreeable enough, so that nobody perspires or is troubled
with the heat. You must understand that there is a vast difference

1. NYH, Aug. 12, 1876. The letter was reprinted from the Boston Morning
Journal. Edward King (1848-1896), an American newspaperman and author,
was an old friend of Stanley’s; he had seen Stanley off in Paris in 1869 when
the explorer left on his Livingstone quest. DAB, X, 387-88; HIFL, xix-xx.
See also Edward King, “An Expedition with Stanley,” Scribner’s Monthly 5
(1872), 105-12.

APPENDICES

457

between New York and Central African heat. Yours is a sweltering
heat, begetting languor and thirst; ours is a dry heat, permitting
activity and action without thirst or perspiration. If we exposed our-
selves to the sun we would feel quite as though we were being baked.

Come with me to my lodgings now. I lodge in a hut but little in-
ferior in size to the chiefs. In it is stored the luggage of the expedi-
tion which fills one-half. It is about six tons in weight, and consists
of cloth, beads, wire, shells, ammunition, powder barrels, portman-
teaus, iron trunks, photographic apparatus, scientific instruments,
pontoons, sections of boat, &c., &c. The other half of the hut is my
sleeping, dining and hall room. It is as dark as pitch within, for
light cannot penetrate the mud with which the wood work is liberally
daubed. The floor is of dried mud, thickly covered with dust, which
breeds fleas and other vermin, to be a plague to me and to my poor
dogs. I have four youthful Mercuries, of ebon color, attending me,
who on the march carry my personal weapons of offence. I do not
need so many servants to wait on me, but such is their pleasure.
They find their reward in the liberal leavings of the table. Did they
not minister to me they know they would have to subsist on their
rations, and black youths have such capacity of distension in their
stomaches that would shame the veriest glutton in Europe. If I have
a goat killed for the European mess half of it suffices for two days
for us. When it becomes slightly tainted my Mercuries will beg it and
devour it at a single sitting. Just outside the door of my hut are
about two dozen of my men, squatted in a circle and stringing beads.
A necklace of beads is each man’s daily sum wherewith to buy food.
I have now a little over 160 men. Imagine 160 necklaces given for
food each day for the last three months; in the aggregate the sum
amounts to 14,400 necklaces; in a year it will amount to 58,400 neck-
laces. A necklace of ordinary beads is cheap enough in the States,
but the expense of carriage makes a necklace here equal to about
twenty-five cents in value. For a necklace I can buy a chicken or a
peck of sweet potatoes or half a peck of grain. I left the coast with
about 40,000 yards of cloth which, in the States, would be worth
about twelve and a half cents per yard, or altogether about $5,000;
the expense of porterage as far as this lake makes each yard worth
about fifty cents. Two yards of cloth will purchase a goat or a sheep,
thirty yards will purchase an ox, fifteen yards is enough to purchase
a day’s rations for the entire caravan.

These are a few of the particulars of our more domestic affairs.
The expedition is now divided into eight squads of twenty men each,
with an experienced man over each squad. They are all armed with

458

APPENDICES

Snyder’s and percussion-lock muskets. A dozen or so of the most
faithful have a brace of revolvers in addition to their other arms.

We have had four battles since we left the coast. The first occurred
in Ituru with a desperate set of savages, rivalling the Apaches in
ferocity and determination. The battle lasted three days. I lost twenty-
one men killed. Their loss was thirty-five killed and some hundred or
so wounded. Twice we made a clean sweep through their country,
burning and destroying everything we came across, and would have
liked to exterminate the wretches had not my mission required my
duty in another direction.

On water we were as successful as on land; but, as God is my
judge, I would prefer paying tribute and making these savages friends
rather than enemies. But some of these people are cursed with such
delirious ferocity that we are compelled to defend ourselves. They
attack in such numbers and so sudden that our repeating rifles and
Snyders have to be handled with such nervous rapidity as will force
them back before we are forced to death; for if we allow them to
come within forty yards their spears are as fatal as bullets. Just
think, I had twenty-one men killed in one day and but one wounded!
The spear makes a frightful wound, while their contemptible looking
arrows are deadly weapons. I have for the sake of experiment sent an
arrow almost clean through a bullock at twenty yards, and the arrow
head is so barbed and gashed that if a man is wounded a large piece
of tortured flesh must be cut out ere it is extracted. We had a narrow
escape lately. We were but twelve in our boat’s crew, the savages
several hundreds. As they came down to attack I ordered the boat
to be shoved off, which was done so rapidly that with the impetus
they had given it they were themselves carried into deep water, and
only myself in the boat. I had to keep the beach clear of the rascals,
and I emptied my elephant rifle, double barreled shot gun and re-
volvers at them, while the men swam with the boat off shore in a
water infested with crocodiles. None of us, thank fortune, were in-
jured, but each of us had some narrow escape to relate from whizzing
spears and arrows.

Since I left Zanzibar I have travelled 720 miles by land and 1,004
miles (by computation) by water. This in six months is good work.
Over 100 positions settled by astronomical observations — for you
must know that from the very day I got my commission I strenu-
ously prepared to fit myself for geographical work, in order that I
might be able to complete Speke, Burton, Baker and Livingstone’s
labors, which they left undone. Now Speke’s work is done. What he

APPENDICES

459

commenced I have finished. I do not know whether you comprehend
the drift of this expedition, but I will explain.

You must know that Speke, in 1858, came to the southwest end of
Lake Victoria, and from a hill near the lake he discovered the vast
body of fresh water. Having gazed his fill he returned to England and
was commissioned to find its outlet. In 1861 and 1862 he marched
from Zanzibar to Uganda,2 when he saw the lake again. At the Ripon
Falls he saw the lake discharge itself into the Victoria Nile, and went
home again imagining that he had done his work. If his work was
merely to find the outlet of Lake Victoria he completed his task, but
if his task was to discover the sources of the Nile he had but begun
his work. He went away without discovering the feeders of Lake
Victoria, which in reality are the Nile’s sources. Extreme southern
sources, I mean. Then Baker came to Central Africa and discovered
Lake Albert. He voyaged sixty miles on the lake, and he ran home also
without knowing everything of the lake’s sources. Burton went to
Tanganyika, saw it, and returned home without knowing its extent,
outlet or affluents. Livingstone came next to the chain of lakes west
of Tanganika, and died nobly in harness. Well, we are sent to com-
plete what these several travellers have begun. While they are content
with having discovered lakes, I must be content with exploring these
lakes and discovering their sources, and unravelling the complica-
tions of geographers at home. It is a mighty work, but a fourth of
that work is already done. Until I can say I have done the half, I
bid you farewell.

STANLEY TO EDWARD KING
N YANG WE, MANYEMA
Oct. 31, 1876 1

Just recall to mind the time when I related in your ears what Liv-
ingstone spoke of Nyangwe. Just think, if you can, of what I gave
you as my opinion of that old, brave explorer, and glance at the

2. The test reads Ugawa.

1. NYH, Oct. 14, 1877. The letter is reprinted from the Boston Morning
Journal. The original of the letter is in the Houghton Library, Harvard Uni-
versity—bMS Am 1518 (2077).

460

APPENDICES

name of the town or depot at which I write from. It is in east longi-
tude 26 deg. odd and south latitude 4 deg. 16 min. It is not far
from the ocean, east and west of this sable continent. Well, two or
three days ago I reached here after a quick march of forty days. Liv-
ingstone took a much longer time to reach it, but what of that; I
do not wonder at it at all. He was aged and broken-hearted, but
though my hair is fast turning gray I am young. I have been all the
time I have been here reminded of the old man Livingstone, and I
wonder more than ever as I begin to grasp in my mind the difficulties
he labored under, at the terrible determination which animated him.
Pity, not unmixed with admiration, is the prominent feeling in my
mind. Poor Livingstone! I wish I had the power of some perfect
master of the English language to describe what I do feel about him.
I wish I could say verbatim what the Arabs say of him, and tell you
of the anxious looks the amiable natives of this region cast toward
the road leading from the Indian Ocean, looking wistfully for news
of him. But he will never return to be greeted by his dark children
of Manyema.

Do you know, King, that I have a faint idea people in England and
America did not quite understand the man? Of course, they have not
said in plain terms that the man was a “humbug,” but it is strongly
impressed on me, somehow, that they think he did not write as he
really felt — which must be, that they felt, in plain English, that he
was something of an old hypocrite. God forgive them for such vile
thoughts. In this prosaic age I have not heard of or seen a man more
worthy of honor from his white brothers, and I am certain I will die
in that opinion. Perhaps you are also of the above number, and
therefore I will stop; only I will say this much: Were you in my
place to-day I think you would entertain the same high opinion of
this matchless man as I have.

This place is the farthest reach of Livingstone; it is also the place
whence Cameron struck southwest in company with some Portuguese
traders. They were both eager to follow this river, but circumstances
opposed them. I have discovered what these were, and I am fully
resolved to take advantage of my discovery, to settle this question of
the Lualaba forever. If I do settle it, there should be no blame at-
tached to either Livingstone or Cameron that they left the task for
me to do. Indeed, I feel rather grateful to Cameron, for if he had
followed this great river to the ocean I should be inclined to ask him,
should I ever meet him, like Baker asked Speke — “Why was this
laurel wreath not left for me to pluck?”

APPENDICES

461

If I fail and am driven back I have some comfort, and I may ask,
“Why they blame me and not blame my predecessors?” But don’t
imagine I am going to be driven back. I can die, but I will not go
back. I anticipate trouble and many disagreeable things — possibly
the digestion of myself in some cannibal’s stomach — but I cannot
picture to myself the idea of me standing, hat in hand, explaining
personally to the proprietor of the NEW YORK HERALD why I came
back without fulfilling my promise. There is one thing which I must
tell you of. I have not boasted of what I was going to do. I remember
distinctly to have written from Ujiji — “I do not know what is left for
me to do. I shall be better able to tell you when I reach Nyangwe.”
Meaning, of course — if you don’t know it — that whatever task Cam-
eron had left me to do I would try to do, for until I came here I was
sure a gallant fellow like him would do his very best to follow the
river.

Should I live to reach the ocean I cannot imagine what part of
it I shall come out at. This Lualaba is not the Nile. I will stake
every hope on that. It has not such an altitude as Livingstone gave
it by 1,000 feet. I can only make it out 1,454 feet above sea level.
Livingstone has got it somewhere about 2,300 or 2,400 feet, which
is a wide difference. It is the same way with the Tanganika and Lake
Victoria. Speke and I agree pretty nearly. Granted that it is not the
Nile, what river is it? It may be the Niger; if not the Niger then
certainly the Congo. Suppose the former, when do you think I could
reach the western ocean? In 1879 or 1880, unless it was clear sailing
down the river? Mungo Park, I know, lost his life on that famous
river and Stanley may lose his. I hope not, but I am quite ready for
anything.

It is a curious thing how the climate of Africa so tries the temper
of a man that he does not care very much what will become of him.
He is so worried and tortured and annoyed that he begins to feel
by and by, after some months of it, that the best thing for him
would be eternal, dreamless rest. I dare say, if I could fly over to
New York and enjoy one good meal, that I would instantly abandon
such melancholy ideas, but as I must “bore through,” like an auger,
before I can enjoy that satisfactory meal, and as I must “bore
through” for many months to come, I find myself dwelling on
such melancholy things oftener than is consistent with courage or
manliness.

Let us drop the subject. The event or result will decide all. The
unknown half of Africa lies before me, involved in mystery. It is

462

APPENDICES

useless to imagine what it may contain, what I may see, what won-
ders may be unfolded. I am eager for it. I feel myself straining like
on a leash. I have solemnly told my people that “God has written
that this year the great Lualaba and the unknown half of Africa
shall be revealed.” I am a prophet — at least I am imbued with a vast
amount of enthusiasm just now — but I cannot tell whether I shall
be able to reveal it in person or whether it will be left to my dark
followers.

In three or four days we shall begin the great struggle with this
mystery, but first I thought it would be a relief to me if I could sit
down and begin telling you a few of my thoughts and shake hands,
mentally, across the great gulf which separates the friend of my
soul from me. God bless us all.

STANLEY TO EDWIN ARNOLD
Undated 1

You may lay as much stress as you please upon the fact of having
discovered the Shimeeyu, the extreme southern source of the Nile
so far ascertained. The Thames approaches to the Shimeeyu in vol-
ume, breadth & length. Even should the Albert extend 1° S of Equator
it cannot have a feeder extending any distance South as the Tan-
ganika is in the way.

Extreme reach of the Shimeeyu is in S. Lat 5° 13' which is nearly
the paralel of Ujiji.

I have discovered a group of Islands — uninhabited — which I have
called Telegraph Islands, the principal of which is Levy Island, about
12 miles from Bennett Island, Lat 2° South.

Fortune so far has followed me. Pray dear Sir that it continues . . .

P.S. What was it the D.T. said long ago about my meeting with
Gordon’s people — the singular meeting — four or five days apart — one
from Egypt — the other from the far South-East — flush of valuable
discoveries which he sends home to the dear D.T.

Bellefonds is my courier.

I am in perfect health thank God. The Nile Source atmosphere
makes me more strong & increases my energy.

En Avant Gentlemen.

1. PM. Edwin Arnold (1832-1904) was chief editor of the Daily Telegraph
at this time. DNB, XXIII, 58-60.

APPENDICES

463

STANLEY TO EDWARD LEVY
UJIJI

August 13, 1876 1

I must congratulate you and Mr. Bennett upon the Success which
has hitherto attended your Joint Expedition. The Discoveries made
by it begin to crowd on you, because we have lately been in the
midst of a region where they might have been looked for.

Your leaderwriter on the subject of the Alexandra Nile need have
no fear or hesitation, but boldly assert & declare so far as is con-
sistent with the Contents of my letter, and in my opinion he cannot
do better than — for his own satisfaction — imagine those Nyanzas out
of the way altogether, and the several Niles then would be one great
continuous river taking its principal rise a little West of Southwest
of the position given to Alexandra Nyanza.

This is no sensation, nor Nile madness, for I assure you I do not
care so much about the sentimental glory of discovering the Nile,
except as it conduces to the glory of those who sent me. I am clear-
headed enough to perceive that of all previous travellers I have
gained supreme vantage, and authority by my systematic & exact
explorations. I do not — like Speke, Baker or Livingstone — rush into
interesting corners, but I soberly begin at the extreme South source,
the Shimeeyu, & follow it from its natal marsh to the Lake Victoria.

I then circumnavigate this recipient of sources and search for the
river which supplies it principally. I discover it to be the Kagera &
explore it up from the Lake, following its course, sounding & meas-
uring it, with all its erratic water basins, and after about 200 miles
of its course have been thoroughly examined during which it does
not appear to lose any great quantity of its volume, I set on foot
systematic inquiry, which lasts over an interval of five months and
find it creates Lakes above still higher and that a very large river
comes to the Alexandra from the W.S.W. direction.

Very well — I do not then rush away home to tell the news, but I
continue South to find out where the Tanganika’s waters flow to, be-
cause if by accident my predecessors were wrong in the altitude of
the Lake, it might be that the Tanganika supplied with its efflux an
affluent to the Nile of greater importance than the Alexandra Nile
even.

1. PM. Edward Levy-Lawson (1833-1916), son of Joseph Moses Levy, owner
of the Daily Telegraph, and later owner himself. DNB, XXIV, 331-33.

464

APPENDICES

But what is the result? The Tanganika has no outlet as yet (strictly)
and its altitude is too low to have connection with the Nile. I thus
have cut off conjectures & their cause — by this rounding these lakes
overland & by water — for nothing can come from South of Tan-
ganika.

To complete my right and title what have I still to do? I must
cross Tanganika to Manyema — and from Nyangwe take an E.N.E.
course to hit and cut off all water supply to that intermediate region
lying between the north of Tanganika and the south of Albert Nyanza.
If at some distance from the spot I discover the watershed separating
what the Lualaba basin receives and what must be received by a
river lying East — that river must be an affluent of the Nile waters. If
this Nile affluent has a general course in the direction of the region
between Tanganika and Albert — that such an affluent is the Alex-
andra Nile.

Ask yourselves which would you do were you in my place — follow
the Lualaba to a known point & complete Livingstone, or strike up
towards this interesting point, & discover the Nile source? One road
only can be taken for the goods will not last longer. Then which?

I will tell you a secret idea of mine — judge for yourselves whether
it be a good one.

I think that were I to strike from Nyangwe on a N E by N course,
to Munza’s discovered by the German Schweinfurth, I would resolve
both Nile and Lualaba, for as I travelled North all streams to my
right must be received by the Nile, all to the left by the Lualaba.
The distance is only 540 geographical] miles, and according to my
rate of travel could be traveled in 5 months — provided there are no
obstacles of a serious nature.

It is time that another difficulty would present itself then. We
should be far from aid, with diminished resources, and my home &
my people’s home lie opposite ways. My people would wish to return,
I should want to go on North to join Gordon.

By going down the Lualaba along the right bank I should be com-
pleting Livingstone, & settling the Nile so far as this river has any
relation to it. I should be going towards home and the Falls of Yellala
are 660 miles from Nyangwe. On reaching the Falls I should have to
equip my men anew for their return journey to Zanzibar, or take
them down the Congo to be sent round the Cape or through the
Mediterranean to Zanzibar. An expensive job.

Or I could travel down the Lualaba to Fungeno, a known point,
360 miles in 110 days, then return to Nyangwe, Ujiji and Zanzibar in
person — saving expenses — but considerably tasking my own strength.

However I have to look cheerfully forward to Nyangwe and at that

APPENDICES

465

spot I shall consider all these things and resolve on the best course.
I hope that five months from Nyangwe in any direction will be able
to settle everything & finish our journey of Exploration with honor
& credit to all concerned.

P.S.

We have obtained a signal triumph over Cameron, the Protege of the
R.G.S., whose attainments were said to be vastly superior to those
of Burton, Speke or Livingstone & Baker — if Markham2 was to
be believed. At the Lukuga, he simply sounded the water at the end,
and then vanished from the scene only taking the Chief’s word that
the “River went to Rua.” Possibly he would have been more careful
had he suspected a “damned penny a liner” for a successor in that
locality.

By crossing the Lualaba and striking off in a wrong direction he
has left the question of the Lualaba where Livingstone left it.

EDWARD POCOCK TO HIS PARENTS

ZANZIBAR

Sept. 24, 1874 1

I hope this will find you in good health, as it leaves us all in the
best of health at present. We arrived here yesterday, after a fine pas-
sage. This place is much better than Aden. It is beautiful weather,
something like England in summer, if you wasn’t to see the blacks.
There is plenty of oranges and all fruits. We are staying at the
American Consul’s. Plenty of good grub — good beef. I expect we
shall be here about a week and then we shall start for the river2 and
try it, and then back to Zanzibar again, so we can write again. Africa
is not half so bad as people make out — it is most beautiful; you can
walk about with a jacket on and don’t sweat. I have just enjoyed
myself with a piece of sugarcane. We have nothing to do whatever
— get coolies to wait on us for everything we want. The place is
swarmed with cocoanut trees. We will send our photographs next
letter. All you want here is to keep steady and not drink; you can
then get along all right.

[P.S.] Direction of meals: Coffee at six A.M.; breakfast, ten; tiffin,
two; dinner, five; tea, half -past six. All teetotalers.

2. Clements R. Markham.

1. NYH, Jan. 7, 1875.

2. The Rufiji, see Stanley’s despatches, documents 12 through 14.

466

APPENDICES

EDWARD POCOCK TO HIS PARENTS
ZANZIBAR, EAST COAST OF AFRICA
Oct. 22, 1874 1

We had fifteen days’ cruise in the boat up the River Rufiji, about
200 miles along the coast. The boat handles first rate, and Mr. Stan-
ley is very pleased with us and her and the way we sail her. The
first morning we were out Ted had the fever. He was taken in a
minute, and laid down about one hour and a half; he got up as fresh
as ever. It is just the same as the ague. I have not had a pain since

1 left home. We sailed up the coast and anchored at Darra Salaam
on the 2d.

3d. Started at daybreak up coast.

4th. Started at daybreak; anchored at Rawley Island.

5th, Sunday. Arived in mouth of River Rufiji; anchored at Sani-
zore.

6th. Started at seven A.M. up river. Fresh water four miles up;
hippopotamus and alligators in great abundance; thickly populated
with good-tempered people, most of whom ridiculed the idea of us
wanting to see the river. The chiefs came off to barter for physic;
they are Arabs, the men which buy and sell the slaves; they thought
first we were English men-of-war’s men. We passed thirty villages in
one day. Chief Jumbe came to see us; his tribe is called Mtupe.

7th. Went up so far that the river was like a ditch at the foot of
the mountain. We soon went back with the tide, which is a very
strong ebb-tide; no flood-tide. About ten miles up the river is very
much like Burham reeds, very high, where the native people came
to look. Anchored at the island of Similine.

8th. Started anchor at seven A.M. Chased from three to five miles
by a hippopotamus.

9th. From the river went to the isle of Konde, in another part,
which is haunted with wild boar; a beautiful place, like a prairie.

10th. Left Simbo; wind south-southeast, light. There are several
ways into this river; one is about half a mile wide; channel deep.

11th. Visited Choguin, a little island; plenty of wild chicken; enor-
mous turtle.

12th. Started at eight A.M. toward Mafia Island; got milk, eggs, and
fowl, then proceeded to Choguin; anchored at sunset; went on shore
to bathe.

1. NYH, Jan. 7, 1875. Pocock gives Lufiji in place of Rufiji in his letters.

APPENDICES

467

13th. Mr. Stanley went on shore to sketch the place, and then we
got under way to go home; wind southwest by south; under way all
night. Came to anchor off Burgamoya.2 Layed all night; this place is
opposite Zanzibar, on the mainland; it is about thirty miles. Thank
the Lord, the river is done! Although a fine place, it is very unhealthy
about the many marshy parts; but we have no more to do and we
have our health first rate. Me and Ted have to take the boat with
goods and people a distance of thirty miles. Mr. Stanley is so pleased
to think he can trust us. I pay the slaves we have to work for us
cleaning the boat out or anything else that is to be done. The men
work all day very hard for twelve pice, that is three annas — four
and a half pence. The people here are all fasting for fourteen days on
account of the new moon. I cannot say if we shall go away before
the next mail. If so the letters will be forwarded over to us. We shall
stop on the mainland three weeks before going in the interior.

FRANCIS POCOCK TO HIS BROTHER
ZANZIBAR, EAST OF AFRICA
Oct. 22, 1874 1

I write with a light heart to send you good news, and that is we
are enjoying the best of health, and I hope this will find you all the
same. We arrived here on the 21st of September. Since then we have
had a cruise of fifteen days to the River Rufuji, which is 200 miles
south of Zanzibar. I cannot tell you all that occured in the river; but
we went about 120 miles up to the foot of a mountain. It took us
three days to get there. We were ten miles farther up the first day
than other white men had been. On the second day Chief Jumbe (his
tribe called Mtupe) came to barter, brought chicken and rice, plenty
of cocoanut, eggs, goats and fruit, and plenty of fights, too. There
were thousands to see us, with spears and arrows. One of the chiefs
was coming off in our small boat, and Ted sounded the bugle. He
jumped overboard flying, afraid of it, but there were thousands look-
ing through the reeds, all ready for a spring had we not hoisted the
flag. There is a great deal of slave trade done here, and the Arab
masters thought we were an English man-of-war boat. We were six

2. Bagamoyo.

1. NYH, Jan. 7, 1875. F. Pocock also writes Lufiji for Rufiji.

468

APPENDICES

days on the river, which is thickly populated with a good sort of people
at the lower part, and all of whom ridiculed the idea of our wishing
to see the river. We were chased from four to five miles by an hippo-
potamus— a very large one. It was a hot chase. We fired two bullets
at him, which glided off him. He seemed to come on top of the
water like a leopard on shore. When he got close enough we put
two bullets in his breast, which made him turn. They are very numer-
ous in the Rufiji, as well as alligators. After we had explored the river
we went to several islands along the coast. Further south, one we
went to was strewn with wild chickens and enormous turtles; another
with goats; another with coral and crabs. It is very dangerous on
the coast, so many reefs and sands. Me and Ted take the boat to the
mainland, a distance of thirty miles, with goods and people for the
journey.

Mr. Stanley is much pleased with us in the way we handle the boat.
He is a good man to be away with. We share just as he does in every-
thing. We get on proper here. Ted blew the bugle to the Sultan of
Zanzibar. He was very much pleased. We went to an evening party
on Monday evening, and shall go to-night on board Her Majesty’s
ship Thetis,2 where Ted will perform. We have plenty of everything.
We have just the same as Her Majesty’s service and the American
Consulate, where we are staying.

FRANCIS POCOCK TO HIS PARENTS

SECOMIA

May 15, 1875 1

I told you I think it will be December before we reach Ujiji, be-
cause Colonel Gordon is going to lend us a steamer as far as she is
any use, and some men as far as Ujiji. The weather on the road
was very changeable, which is the cause of so much illness. You
think it thunders very heavy in England, but it is nothing to this. It
shakes everything fearfully, and when it rains it is a complete deluge.
It is now the wet season. Between the showers the sun is enough to
burn the hair off your head; but we don’t have to be out. I have had

2. H.M.S. Thetis, Captain Thomas Ward, was active against the slave trade
in East African waters from 1873 to 1877. Clowes, Royal Navy, VII, 264,
278-79.

1. NYH, Aug. 14, 1876. The expedition was then at Kagehyi.

APPENDICES

469

three months’ rest, with the best of food; but it is not like the food
in England. Rice is a great luxury. There is plenty of meat — goats,
sheep and bullocks — but it does not do to eat too much meat. You
can buy two sheep for a piece of cloth six feet by three. The cloth
is sheeting. Money is of no use — beads, cloth and shells. For one
strand of beads, which cost one farthing at home, will get about one
gallon of sweet potatoes. Bananas are not very plentiful here. We
get plenty of good fish. The natives of this part do nothing but lie
and walk about all day. The women till the ground. The men wear
strings of shells around their arms, and brass wire around their legs,
and beads around their waists, and a goatskin slung across their
shoulders. That is a fine dress; but most of them are quite naked,
but none without a weapon of defence. They dance and sing, and get
drunk on their beer, called pomby. This village belongs to the Sultan
of Zanzibar, and there is one man, a slave of his, called Songoria.2
During the time Mr. Stanley was away I had several presents, such
as rice and sheep. I took food with him, which is a great honor to a
black man to feed with the Mosonga, or white man.

I can’t get on with the language much. Mr. Stanley can speak it
as well as he can English; but there is a fresh lingo about every
twenty miles, which all our men cannot understand. The captain of
our men can talk all of them.3 He is such a nice man; he is like a
father. When we were in a desert he went twelve miles among wild
beasts for water for the white men, a turn I shall never forget. I
dreamed the other night that I was at home eating fine things, but
I awoke and found myself in Central Africa. We have been 4,975
feet above the sea. We are now 1,308. That is the position of the
lake.4 It is splendid water here, which is very healthy. This is an
awful country to forget; you lose all understanding. If you want to
remember anything you must write it down. I am sure poor Ted’s
death was not in my mind one hour. It is the way with everybody.
Of course a thought crossed my mind very often, but not to think of
it. The Lord gave me strength to bear with it. There is so many
changes that you can’t think of everything. My dear parents, I am
not certain of this letter reaching you from here, so that I will not
write to any one else until we get to Uganda. If this should get home
first, you must send it round to the family. If I write to one and not
the other, it will not be right; but I will write again when there is
better conveyance. The letters that go from Uganda go down the Nile

2. Sungoro Tarib.

3. Manwa Sera.

4. Lake Victoria is 3,720 feet above sea level.

470

APPENDICES

and through Egypt, so that I shall be sure of them going home. When
you write send long letters, for only a few words would come very
acceptable. I have not seen or heard a white man since we left the
coast. That was on the 1st of November. Give my love to all. Kiss
all the children for me. I will write more next time. Tell Harry to
save me a piece of cake. I have no more to say just now, so I must
conclude with love to all. I am your affectionate and loving son.

FRANCIS POCOCK TO HIS PARENTS
LAKE VICTORIA NIYANZA
undated 1

I dare say you think it strange not hearing anything of me. I am
afraid you will hear too soon of my dear brother. I will not enter
upon that, as you will know all about it. We received your letters
the day after we left the coast, and were very glad to hear such news.
Since then I have seen some changes, I can tell you. Sometimes
without food, sometimes with plenty; sometimes wet weather, at
other times dry, it is a feast or a famine with everything. I have had
the fever about twelve times; but, thank God, I have got over it. I
have not had it now for two months. I am now more used to the
country. I have good health now to what I did.

We had rough times of it after poor Ted’s death. What with fighting
and long marching, it almost turned me up. We arrived here on
February 27, after a journey of 103 days from the coast. When I
saw the lake my heart leaped within me at the sight of the water.
We were coming over a large hill, and one of the natives ran back
to me and said, “Banal banal” (which is “Sir”) “margey! (water)
margey!”2 The master was behind, so that I saw it before him. I
am the third white man that ever saw the inland sea,3 it is 1,026
miles around it, plenty of fish and crocodiles, hippopotami and birds
on the shores. Plenty of islands. Me and Ted had one each, Barker
one and many others, which will be on the map when issued.4 Mr.
Stanley was fifty-seven days gone in the boat to find the source of
the Nile. He has been successful in his undertaking. Where Ted died

1. NYH, Aug. 14, 1876. Pocock was at Kagehyi.

2. Bwana. Maji.

3. Pocock was the fourth European — after Speke, Grant and Chaille-Long.

4. See Map II and TDC, I, 226.

APPENDICES

471

was the very spot where the Nile flows from. It was strange that he
should say what he did. In about fifteen days after that we crossed
the south arm of the Nile in the boat — the first English boat ever
there. When the natives at the lake saw the boat and three white
men they were surprised. They are quite wild; they are naked, but
civil. We travelled 170 miles where no other white man ever was.
That was where we had to fight. You will hear of it in the papers.

Dear parents, after we leave here we go to a beautiful country
called Uganda. Mr. Stanley stayed fifteen days with the King while
going round the lake. In fact, all the countries are healthy we are
going to. We have a steamer waiting for us, with Mr. Gordon, at
Lake Albert Niyanza. Our work is over one-third done; the worst is
over; all the countries we go to now have plenty of food, cheap. I
have plenty to tell you when I come home, if God spares me to come,
which I hope He will. Frederick Barker died on April 25. I was left
with 166 men. I was in charge all the time Mr. Stanley was away,
but when he was gone I had no one to talk to or to ask advice. When
Mr. Stanley came back he was very much pleased the way I had
discharged my duty. He told me all about the trip in the boat, and
many other things. He says we shall be home in about eighteen
months. All the letters you or anyone else has sent will be forwarded
on to Ujiji, so that I shall get them there, but that will not be before
December. Dear parents, wait with patience, and you will see me
come home with honor. I expect it seems a long time to you, but it
seems like yesterday to me. I am in good health and happy. My
thoughts are ever on you all, and my prayers are for you. I have
had trouble, but I have borne up against it. Mr. Stanley says: “Frank,
you are the coolest man and the happiest I ever saw.” I don’t know
the exact time we shall leave here, but the King of Uganda has sent
eighty canoes and 500 men to take us to his country. He is a Chris-
tian. Mr. Stanley said he was sorry to leave him; he is so fond of
a white man. There is a French officer at his place, and Colonel
Gordon further on, with several white men with him.

My dear parents, were you to see the hut I am now sitting in writing
this you would say, How can you live there? but to-morrow we shall
leave here, perhaps for no house at all. I have just had my evening
meal of tea, boiled beef and banana. In my hut there are no less than
nine black boys around me, asking me questions about England, and
the boy that held Dr. Livingstone’s hand is my servant and is as
faithful as any Christian,5 and a little boy, a slave, but now free. As

5. Majwara. See Gray, “Livingstone’s Muganda Servant,” 119-29; H. B.
Thomas, “Livingstone’s Muganda Servant — A Postscript.”

472

APPENDICES

soon as he came with me I set him free. I saw him pulled from his
mother. He is about nine years old, quick and honest. His name is
Benjamin.

My dear parents, keep my dog, Sailor, and I will pay for him
when I come home. I should like to have him here to keep the natives
away. They are afraid of the white man’s dogs, but all our dogs are
dead. I dare say you think it unkind of me not to say anything about
my dear brother; but God’s will be done, and I hope he is at rest.
What can I say or think? All I can think I wish he was with me now.

I cannot explain to you all just now; but I hope to tell you in per-
son some day. Mr. Stanley has made some great discoveries. I can
tell you it is not all pleasure in Africa, but I hope it will soon be
over, and we shall return. Remember me to everybody, and look for
me in May, 1877.

P.S. My dear parents, I thought when I wrote the other sheets they
would be on their way by this time, but the letters only go when
there is a caravan going to Unyanyembe with ivory, so I can’t say
when this letter will reach you. Since I wrote the other I have had
a trip of twelve days [in] the boat with ten men, to get canoes to
convey our caravan by water to Uganda, which is only five days,
and by land twenty. I went to an island called Ukereweway,6 about
120 miles round it. The King is very great. I went to him. When I
went near the natives were surprised to see a boat. There were thou-
sands who never saw a white man or a boat. I was the first white
man ever there. I was followed everywhere by hundreds of them.
They were around the boat all day, and if I wanted them to move
away I only had to get out of her. Men, women and children are very
near all naked. They are a fine race of people — the King as fine a look-
ing man as I have seen in Africa. When I went to him he sat on a
large stone with, I should say, 2,000 people around him, all armed
with something. I went with nothing in my hands nor my men, so
that he should think we were friends. He had me to sit down beside
him and my boy to speak at our feet. He looked at me and smiled;
he touched my hair, and then wanted me to show it all.

When I took off my hat the people all laughed, but I did not mind
that, as it would not do to get out of temper. Then he looked at my
shoes, which surprised him very much. He laughed and talked
about my dress. He had about twenty fathoms of light brass wire
round his legs and large rings on his arms, beads on his neck and a

6. Ukerewe.

APPENDICES

473

fine cloth— nothing on his head — that is the custom. A fine made
man; he stands six feet or more. His name is Lukongu. He and his
people are very kind. As soon as I asked him about the canoes he
said I should have fifty the next day, but I had to stop six days for
them to be repaired. He gave me two fine bullocks; he sent me milk
night and morning (it was fine milk) eggs and bananas, which are
very plentiful; for miles it is nothing but banana trees. The women
brought me flour, but not like that at home; sweet potatoes and to-
bacco. I gave him presents — a gold ring and an Albert chain, a black
necklace and some cloth. I gave him a rug — one color one side and
another the other. That surprised him more than all. When I re-
turned I had forty-seven canoes, but they went back the next day
and the master with them. Dear parents, I have no more to say
about the King. I remain your affectionate son.

FRANCIS POCOCK TO HIS PARENTS

UGANDA, LAKE VICTORIA NIYANZA, CENTRAL AFRICA

August 14, 1875 1

I dare say you think the time long since we left home. Twelve
months yesterday we left our native land. I wrote a letter two
months ago, but I cannot say which will be home first. We have
crossed the great lake in canoes to escape a savage country. We ar-
rived at the lake on February 27, 1875, and did not leave until June
19. We then conveyed some goods and men to an island in the sea
uninhabited, where I was left in charge again until the remainder
of the men came. We then worked from one island to another until
we fell in with some Uganda canoes that was sent to find the white
man during the time Mr. Stanley was surveying the lake, and he
went to an island to buy food. They took the oars out of the boat
and told him to perish in the Niyanza. With our canoes and the
Uganda we went there to fight, and killed about forty or more, and
not one of us got a scratch. We returned to camp, on a small island
near it, with joy. Our comrades had made ready with songs and
shouts. The next day we went to the main land, where food was
abundant. Bananas are the main food of the natives. They keep cattle,
but seldom kill one, because they are their riches. They brought the

1. NYH, Aug. 14, 1876.

474

APPENDICES

white men milk, eggs, coffee, &c. As soon as we landed the natives
all ran away.

The King of Uganda is a fine man. Mr. S. and Robert,2 his boy,
brought up in the mission at Zanzibar, almost made him a Christian.
Mr. S. leaves me here to-morrow to visit him — five days’ journey.
I have lent Robert my Bible to read to him. My dear parents, you
would like to see our camp. It is built like a street through the forest
of banana trees. There is hardly anything else here but them and
tobacco, which serves for grass. If Africa were all like this I could
live in it for years. Our food for the white men comes from the King.
Some parts of the country grows sweet potatoes and other things
which are very nice. I never ate fruit in England so nice as bananas.
Eat as many as you like, they never hurt anyone. All our men live
on them. I weigh nearly twelve stone; my health is good; I am strong
and fat. If you were to see me now you would say I was a negro. I
have not had fever since April, and then very slight. I can speak a
little of the lingo, and I have better health than Mr. Stanley. There
is not one man in the caravan but will do anything for me, through
not beating them, and not playing with them, but keeping them in
their place. If a man steals I punish him accordingly — that is when
I am in charge; but when the great master, as he is called, is in
camp, he does as he likes. As soon as Mr. S. returns from the King
we shall travel across to the other lake — Albert Niyanza — eight day’s
journey; and if the steamers belonging to Colonel Gordon are not
finished their work and taken to pieces we shall make good way on
our journey. I long to get to Ujiji to hear from you, and if the Al-
mighty spares me to come home, I can tell you plenty I have seen
— men of all colors, some savage, others more quiet. The people of
Uganda go on their knees to us. They bring food for nothing. Dear
parents, you must tell all the people the news.

Tell Harry and all that are not married, if they got spliced while
I am away, to save me a piece of cake, and to find me a wife. Tell the
people all round that I send my respects. I cannot write, as I have no
more paper or envelopes. I hope to spend a better Christmas than
last, for I never saw it rain so hard as it did on the eve. We lay in
camp on Christmas Day, but that made no difference. All day we
were drying clothes. Plain rice — we had not meat for six days — for
dinner.

2. Robert Feruzi. Feruzi later served with Stanley in the Congo. On his re-
turn to Zanzibar he became one of the principal Africans in the service of
the Universities’ Mission. See Jones-Bateman, “Our Work in Zanzibar Town,”
41; Central Africa 4 (1886), 190; Maurice, Stanley’s Letters, 141.

APPENDICES

475

That was in the country of Ugogo. Don’t forget to make some wine,
if possible. We expect to be home about Christmas, 1876. My
thoughts are ever on you all. Brothers and sisters, remember me
always as I do you all. Pray for me that I may come home and reap
the harvest of hard marches, lonely nights and hot days, savage tribes
and hard beds. Dear parents, I thought of sending some money, but
I find it will not pay. If you could find a friend to lend you a few
pounds, my money shall pay it back. If I do not come, you will have
the money that is due to me. George sent me a beautiful letter. You
must tell him to give my respects to all friends. I remain your loving

and affectionate son.

FRANCIS POCOCK TO HIS PARENTS
ANGLO-AMERICAN EXPEDITION, CENTRAL AFRICA
April 18, 18761

My heart yearns to you and home. It is now one year and five
months since I heard a single word from you. I received your letters
the day we left the Coast. Since then Mr. Stanley received some
papers from Colonel Gordon at Gondokoro, in Egypt, and that is all
we know about our homes. God only knows what has happened.
There is no one knows the Pococks here or Cookham Woods. I wrote
a letter to you and Bill when we arrived in Uganda. Mr. Stanley
was gone to the Sultan. Three months I was left alone with the goods.
We were in Uganda five months — a land flowing with milk and honey.
We then went to the Albert Niyanza through Unyoro, escorted by
2,000 Waganda sent by the Sultan. We thought of seeing some white
men at the Albert Niyanza; we reached there and saw the lake, but
had to retreat in great haste. We marched for sixteen days from two
o’clock in the morning until sunset — hungry and thirsty, weary, foot-
sore; and when we halted we had no bed, but lay on the ground. I
became very sick from fever, which I thought would have carried
me off. But my time was not come. On the road we passed a fine
mountain crowned with snow,2 and many beautiful streams feeding
the Niyanza.

1. NYH, Aug. 14, 1876. The expedition was in Sukuma territory.

2. Gray points out that Stanley may have missed seeing the snow of the
Ruwenzori; in TDC, I, 427, Stanley does not use Pocock’s information. John
Gray’s letter in UJ 18 (1954), 77.

476

APPENDICES

I cannot say anything about the people. All I know, they are bad.
They train large dogs to fight like tigers. We left Uganda on January
1, 1876, and returned to Uganda on the 17th. When we reached
Uganda the Waganda left us and we travelled on to Karagwe. We
crossed the Kagera River, the main source of the Nile, and drank of
its waters. When we reached Karagwe we fell in with some Arabs
— a lucky hit. We discovered a lake here eighty miles by thirty.
There are also hot water springs near the fall of the Kagera River,
the springs, six in number, boiling. We left Karagwe in March for
the Wilderness of Nine Days. While we were at Karagwe I visited
the King, to show him the boat. He asked me was we English? I said,
“Yes.” He said, “Speke was English, and he was a good man; so you
must be good also.” Speke travelled here fifteen years ago; his name
is all the rage in Uganda and Karagwe. We are now in the country
of Usambiro — good people and plenty of food.3 We have been nearly
a month in Wilderness, with but little food. An Arab has travelled
with us to here; he leaves us here for Unyanyembe, and we go to
Ujiji — about one month’s march. The Arab will bring our letters to
the Coast. I hope when we reach Ujiji to find some letters and papers
from home. I am sometimes lonely. I have no one to talk to but black
people. Although I can talk Swahili nearly as well as English, I can’t
find anything in their company to amuse me. There is no comfort
in this part of the globe — hot sun and cold nights. We have crossed
rivers and swamps, up to our waists in mud and water, for days
and days. Then, when we reach camp, there is no kind sister to make
your bed; but a nigger would throw down a lump of grass as you
would to a pig. Then our food is like cattle food in England. It con-
sists of dried beans and peas, and Matama corn, such as donkeys
eat. What would I give now for an old crust such as you give to sailors
or some pudding, properly cooked. But no one knows about that here.
If you cannot eat, go without.

But, thank God, I enjoy good health. It is now three months since
I had fever. I am strong and fat. In some places white men are
thought cattle, in another they are great. There are many tribes of
fine men, dressed in embogu bark cloth.4 Many are naked; many are
dressed in skins put about their shoulders. Many have long hair,
others plait it in a thousand plaits, with beads sewn on; while the
people of Uganda shave all off, and carry two spears and one shield,
and the people of Karagwe use bows and arrows, and the people of

3. Busambiro, a Sukuma chiefdom.

4. Mbugu. See Roscoe, The Baganda, 403; Felkin, “Notes on the Waganda,”
729.

APPENDICES

477

Usui use one spear with which they spear a man or an ox — they
don’t throw it — while the people here use guns.

My dear parents, I have no doubt you think me lost; but no, I am
still alive and hope to see you all. I can not write to all, and you are
at the head, so you must cuppa salaam ymugo5 — that is, give my
love to all the family. Kiss the children and give them my blessing.
Names are too numerous to mention.

My dear parents, be comforted and fret not for me, for I have a
good Providence over head, in which I put my whole trust. No one
knows of going to church here — every day is alike. The natives lay
about all day and at night sit by a great fire. Some houses are grass,
some are mud, with sticks. I often think, Are all well? Yes, they
can’t get ill in such a country. There is plenty of food, plenty of doctors
and medicine. Here there is nothing but wild people, bad food and an
unhealthy country, hard marching through mud and water or hot
sand. Are all well in grain at Ashford? I remain your loving and
affectionate son.

FRANCIS POCOCK TO HIS BROTHER
UJIJI, LAKE TANGANYIKA, CENTRAL AFRICA
July 20, 1876 1

It is a long time since I received your interesting letter. I was glad
to find and to hear I had such friends that took such an interest in
my welfare. Your letter contained words that at the time my tongue
could not thank enough. I handed the letter to Ted without saying
one word — my heart was full — and Ted handed it back to me with
tears of joy in his eyes, and said, “Brother, we are not forgotten.”
We were then in the bush, and all the letters received there were
good letters of comfort and joy. But since then I know nothing. That
was in November, 1874.

The countries we have travelled through contain some curious
people. About five or six days after Ted’s death we had a fight in the
country of Uturu — the people, a fine race of men and women, entirely
naked. We arrived in camp in the afternoon. The natives brought
food to barter for beads. We and our men made trade with them,

5. Wape salaam zangu.

1. NYH, May 7, 1877.

478

APPENDICES

and our guide from the neighboring tribe made brotherhood with
the Sultan, and all went on well. One of our men was left in the
road, sick. He had a small piece of red cloth on, through which
he lost his life at sunset that evening. The next morning men were
sent back to seek him. The next day they returned and reported that
they saw where he was murdered, the footprints of the people in
the struggle and a piece of the red cloth. We decided on marching
the next morning, but, persuaded by the chief, we stopped. The people
were very kind and brought a bullock. It was killed and eaten before
we knew their custom. This is to make friends by giving the animal,
and if certain parts of this are not returned they fight.2 But nothing
seemed wrong until one of our men was shot in the arm with an
arrow, and another was run through with a spear and killed. Their
arrows were coming in the camp. It was time to defend ourselves.

For four days we were fighting; we lost twenty- three men and ten
muskets. But the loss on their side was great; they had no guns, but,
brave fellows, they fought well for three days; then it grew too warm
for them. They were to be seen running to their villages among rocks,
while a few hung about close to our camp. Our men were very ex-
cited, and began setting fire to their villages, looting their stores.
Parties were sent to plunder and set fire to the houses; they did so,
too, for our camp was soon loaded with food, such as matama, peas,
beans, ground nuts, millet, maize, chickens, eggs, goats, sheep and
two bullocks, pomby (beer made of matama), honey, matama flour,
bows, arrows and spears. On the fourth day, in the evening, there
was none to be seen — not a man! At the first of the fight the savages
were as thick as bees in a hive, and as fast as they were shot down
they were carried away. On the morning of the fifth day, about two
o’clock, we mustered the men and crept away through bush and
swamp and encamped in a fort constructed by nature as if for shelter
for us. The massive heaps of granite stone on all sides protected our
weary bodies from the cold east wind, and all fear was gone.

We had found a good harbor. The next day we entirely lost the
savages, or they had lost us. Soon after leaving camp Mr. Stanley
saw a road, and this was the very road we wanted; but the natives
would not disclose the secret of this road from the first. In an hour
after finding the road we came to a river — an arm of the Nile, with
a current like a sluice, but narrow and deep. We put two sections of
the boat together after getting a rope across. This was done by a
man going far above the crossing place; he thus managed to reach

2. Compare this with Stanley’s account, document 18.

APPENDICES

479

the other side with a small line. We bent on the boat cable, rove
through a coil of wire, and in three hours the whole caravan was
on the other side, and in three days more we reached Magonga
Tembo (Elephant Back) — for such is the name of the village, also of
the prince, and these few lines are all I can say at present about
the skirmish with the Uturu. I am no penman to explain anything
with pen and ink, therefore I hope you will excuse me for this at-
tempt. If I have the good fortune to come back I can tell you more.

Mr. Stanley left here on the 11th of June to explore the lake, and
has not returned yet.

I have been sorry a thousand times I could not see you before leav-
ing home, but I hope to see you on some fine day in May, 1877. I
little thought of having such a journey as this when you left us at
the factory. I little thought that Ted said “Goodby,” then, for the
last time; but God’s will be done! I have no doubt his death was felt
at home very much by all; but what must I have felt to leave a
brother in such a country that we dare not say our heads were our
own for an hour?

The natives were around us like wolves the night he died, thinking
something was amiss; but they could not find out his grave. We
had to bury him in the dark under a mambu tree3 in the camp; Mr.
Stanley performed the service, with the Wanguana kneeling around
him. But the next morning we heard no more the sound of Ted’s
bugle — it was gone, and that was very sad. Our people were awak-
ened to a fresh day’s toil and trouble by a native’s muffled drum
instead. In the time of “Mabruki” — such was my brother’s African
name — his morning bugle call was always loud and strong, and many
smiles from the Wanguana greeted him, for he was the favorite of
all in camp. Even now I often hear the people of an evening, sitting
around the camp fire, talk of “Bana Mabruki,” what a merry fellow
he was.

If Harry is married I hope he won’t forget this poor castaway;
truly castaway we are from the world. No white face to be seen, but
all black and savage.

My dear brother, I hope you are not at a loss for some one to
make your street lively at night. There is plenty of noise here at
night, though different from the noise at home. Here I hear always
the roar of the sea on the shore of wild Tanganika, or some poor
wretch screaming for mercy who is being beaten by a slave dealer.

In my opinion they think it a fine deed to beat a poor, ill-fed

3. Perhaps a misprint of mango, or of mbuyu (the baobab).

480

APPENDICES

woman, with a child sucking at her breast. The cruelty carried on here
is dreadful to look at and to hear of. The Wali of Ujiji4 only a few
days ago put a poor creature to death for staying in the fields after
work was over. He thought that she wanted to desert. He only
thought so.

The Arabs come to our house and ask me all sorts of things about
the slave trade, and want to know why do the English try to put
down the slave trade. “They say why don’t you buy and sell slaves,
and make yourselves rich, as we do?” I told them English people had
a better way of getting rich than buying and selling people like goats
and cows. I asked, “Was man made to be bought and sold in that way,
and was man made to toil in chains, carry donkeys’ loads, sleep in
the open air like dogs, to be lashed like horses, while you sit inside
and receive the worth of their labor, and not return enough food for
them to eat — no, not half enough?” They say, “English people are
good, but why should they stop the slave trade and ruin us” (the
Arabs)? If I offend or please by my plain speech I don’t know, but
I am English, and you know an Englishman’s blood is not quiet at
slavery; therefore he cannot help saying what he thinks, and in such
a country as this it makes him feel proud he has such a home as
England to boast of. But, my dear brother, we will return to another
subject.

We left Karagwe on March 25, and arrived here on May 27 — a
very long march, with but a short time to do it in. Where we shall
go to from here I must inform you in another letter, but we hope
to reach one coast or the other very soon. On arriving here I was
seized with dysentery. I got over that and I was then seized with
fever, which nearly ended my days; but no, my time was not come;
for by the hand of Providence I got well, and here I am, without
hardly a shoe in which to tread the scorched, burning soil of Africa.
But I hope to pull through and reach home in about May, 1877, and
then if the cottage has some liquor we can drink health to the Stanley
Expedition. Are all well at home? I often think of you all, and that
is the most I can do. There are no merry fellows here, none of those
laughing faces I have so often seen, no kind mother or father, or
sister or brother.

But all is for the best. I wish not to return until enough work is
done to repay our toils and troubles and those who sent us.

The slaves in Ujiji are the most degraded class and the most
wretched I have seen in Africa. They are ill-fed and beaten, eaten up

4. Mwinyi Kheri.

APPENDICES

481

alive with itch and scurvy, and they are driven like cattle to work
in the fields and to build houses. If such work does not want help
from the English it is not wanted at the coast or anywhere. Then,
again, the barbarous deeds carried on with the natives.

If a fine lad or a fine young woman dies someone is supposed to
have bewitched him or her. The tribe is mustered amid clouds of
smoke from a wood fire under a large tree, then an old wizard man
comes to the crowd, who has just emerged from the thickets of
some hill, where he says he has had communication with the Sun
or Moon. All are seated on the ground and silent. The old man is
dressed in a fine tiger’s skin, with the teeth hung on his neck, which
they say contain his power of witchcraft. He mixes a certain kind
of herb, and they all drink, and he goes off in a swoon. When he
recovers all look eager on him to see who killed their son or daughter.
By this time the witch tea, as I call it, takes effect, and whoever this
affects most is the culprit, and is despatched with knives into eter-
nity.5 Do these people not need some light? “For all the land is foul
with monstrous wrong and desolation of the sons of hell.”

Then, again, the Wanguana — meaning free people — are, half of
them, slaves of Arabs. Although they know white men, and know
there is a God, and know and have seen the coast, ships and different
things, yet they are nearly as wicked and ignorant as man can be.

They believe in all kinds of witchcraft, buy and sell slaves, and
many of them are slaves themselves. In the evening one will assert
he knows of a village in such a country where a man can turn himself
into a tiger, and kill all the people that make great medicine so as
he should be the great doctor. Such is the talk around the camp fire.
We left the Victoria Niyanza and travelled through Uganda, and on
January 1, 1876, we entered the country of Unyoro, totally unknown
to any European eye. We travelled on for several days, not seeing
a single person. They had gone to earth, for they are like rabbits, and
they live chiefly underground. In time of war they put their cattle
and women underground while the men fight. They have large dogs,
which they train to fight. They also dig elephant pits, and holes to
catch men. Several of our men were caught in them and went out of
sight, but by screaming loud were heard and pulled out.

On the 11th day we reached within sight of the beautiful Albert
Niyanza.6 Here I was taken with a severe fever. We had travelled
with an escort of 2,000 men, sent by Mtesa, King of Uganda, and if

5. Compare with d’Hertefeldt et ah, Les Anciens Royaumes, 214-15. The
“tiger” skin was probably a leopard.

6. Lake George.

482

APPENDICES

they could have found a peaceable district for us to build our camp
we should have waited for the other white men; but there was no
place to build, as we did at the Victoria Niyanza while Mr. Stanley
explored the lake. On the 12th men were sent in all directions to
find a camp and report. In the evening they returned and told us that
there was no peaceable place to be found and that the villages all
around were full of armed men.

The Unyoro came to the Waganda camp (just within hearing) and
asked, “What do you want here? Why have you brought the white
men here for, but to kill us? To-morrow we will fight.” There were
many thousands about us waiting for us to go down to the lake and
then come down on us. We saw the Waganda would desert us, therefore
if we did not agree with them we should have perished by the hands
of the Unyoro, so we returned to Uganda and from there to Karagwe.

My dear brother, I cannot explain all this with pen and ink. My
words are all huddled together, so that I don’t know which is put
down first; but I must tell you in person when I come home. I can
assure you I am longing to see you all. You must tell all and show
them the letter. I cannot write to all. Tell *** and all the girls not
to be down-hearted, for I am coming when little expected, and if the
cottage is still in the wood we will give it a good African warming.
I remain your loving and affectionate brother.

STANLEY’S DESPATCHES IN PUBLICATION ORDER

Part I.

In Search of Livingstone

Document Date Written

From

Date Published

July 4, 1871

Kwihara

December 22, 1871

September 20, 1871

Kwihara

July 15, 1872

November 10, 1871

Ujiji

July 15, 1872

December 23, 1871

Ujiji

July 15, 1872

February 21, 1872

Kwihara

July 15, 1872

March 1, 1872

Kwihara

July 15, 1872

10.

March 12, 1872

Kwihara

July 15, 1872

September 21, 1871

Kwihara

August 9, 1872

November 23, 1871

Ujiji

August 10, 1872

December 26, 1871

Ujiji

August 15, 1872

Part II. The Expedition across Africa

12.

October 19, 1874

Zanzibar

December 2, 1874

13.

October 21, 1874

Zanzibar

December 3, 1874

14.

October 23, 1874

Zanzibar

December 4, 1874

15.

November 12, 1874

Zanzibar

December 24, 1874

16.

November 15, 1874

Zanzibar

December 26, 1874

17.

December 13, 1874

Mpwapwa

March 1, 1875

18.

March 1, 1875

Kagehyi, Usukuma

October 11, 1875

19.

March 4, 1875

Kagehyi

October 11, 1875

22.

May 15, 1875

Kagehyi

October 11, 1875

23.

May 15, 1875

Kagehyi

October 12, 1875

20.

April 12, 1875

Ulagalla, Uganda

November 29, 1875

21.

April 14, 1875

Mtesa’s Capital,

Uganda

November 29, 1875

24.

July 29, 1875

Mahyiga Island,

Lake Victoria

August 9, 1876

25.

August 15, 1875

Dumo, Uganda

August 10, 1876

26.

January 18, 1876

Village between Unyoro
and Uganda

August 11, 1876

27.

March 26, 1876

Arab Depot,
near Karagwe

August 11, 1876

28.

April 24, 1876

Ubagwe, Western
Unyamwezi

August 12, 1876

29.

August 7, 1876

Ujiji

March 26, 1877

30.

August 10, 1876

Ujiji

March 27, 1877

31.

August 13, 1876

Ujiji

March 27, 1877

33.

October 30, 1876

Nyangwe

October 9, 1877

36.

August 13, 1877

Kabinda

October 9, 1877

32.

October 28, 1876

Nyangwe

October 10, 1877

484

APPENDICES

34.

November 1, 1876

Nyangwe

October 10, 1877

35.

August 8, 1877

Banyamboka

October 12, 1877

37.

September 1, 1877

Loanda

November 14, 1877

39.

September 5, 1877

Loanda

November 14, 1877

40.

September 5, 1877

Loanda

November 24, 1877

38.

September 2, 1877

Loanda

November 28, 1877

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Index

Abdulla of Anjouan, 181
Abdulla bin Nasibu, 8, 21, 27
Abed bin Juma, 331
Abed bin Salim, 322, 333, 336, 364
Abid bin Suliman, 49
Aden, xx, 417, 418
Ahmed bin Ibrahim, 273
Akanyaru, 279, 281, 282, 311-13, 315
Albert, Lake, 91, 92, 98-100, 113, 167,
168, 224, 261, 291, 303, 305, 306,

327, 344, 345, 365, 373, 459,

462, 464, 474

Alexandra Nile and Lake. See Kagera
Amir bin Sultan, 23
Amram bin Moussoud, 48
Anderson, Finlay, xx
Anjouan, 52, 54, 55, 101-04, 181
Ankole. See Nyankore
Anthropological Institute, 161
Arabs, 7, 8, 10, 12, 17, 21, 24-28, 30,

37, 41, 44-51, 53, 55, 57, 59, 61, 71,
76, 84, 89-93, 96, 98, 100, 108, 109,
114-18, 120, 126, 146, 158, 167,

214, 225, 258, 273, 318-20, 322-24,
330, 331, 334, 339, 347, 348, 358, 360,
364, 373-75, 377, 476, 480
Arnold, Hines & Co., 9, 171
Arnold, Edwin, 462
Arrianus, Flavius, 168
Aruwimi River, 344, 365, 370, 381
Ashanti, xxvii, 154, 163
Asmani, 69

Bagamoyo, 9-14, 32, 33, 135, 166,
188-90, 319, 321, 398
Bahr al Gazal, 58, 112, 113
Baker, Samuel W., xxi, xxxiv, xxxvi, 7,
91, 92, 98, 99, 112, 113, 167, 168,

221, 224, 263, 284, 291, 303, 305, 306,
314, 327, 328, 345, 373, 458-60,

463, 465

Balcombe, St. A. D., 452
Bambarre. See Kabambarre
Bangala. See Ngala
Bangobango, 109, 334
Bangweulu, Lake, 55-57, 108, 111, 112,
114,357, 363, 365
Banyamboka, 340
Baraguyu, 159, 193, 233
Baraka, 309

Barghash bin Said, 8, 21, 31, 48, 88,
135, 171, 172, 177, 180-82, 190, 220,
320, 324, 325, 400, 404, 468
Baringo, 215, 237
Barker, Charlotte, 228
Barker, Frederick, 155, 192, 193, 228,
229, 240, 251,470,471
Bayley, Henry, 131
Beatrice, Princess, 270, 345
Behm, Ernst, 359

Bellefonds, Ernest Linant de, xxix, 223,
224, 227, 237, 283, 344, 345, 471
Belt & Cilley, 402
Bemba, 7, 55, 105, 122, 363
Bembe, 7, 302
Bena, 144, 159
Bende, 27,51,291,300
Bennett, James G., xix-xxiii, xxviii,

3, 4, 27, 265, 397, 404, 447-52,

462, 463
Berbera, 417

Bertram, John, 5, 8, 9, 159, 171,

174, 397, 449

Birunga Mountains, 280, 281
Bisa, 54, 55, 103-05, 363, 364
Black, Thomas O., 450
Bolobo, 366
Boma, 340, 368, 390
Bombay, Mbarak, 5, 13, 15, 19, 26-28,
40, 47, 61-64, 66, 70-72, 80, 81
Boston, Mass., xviii, 10, 408, 410,

422, 431

Bourgh, J. F. de, 295

502

INDEX

Braithwaite, J. B., 453

British India Steam Navigation Co.,

131, 155, 156
Brown, Charles H., 452
Bruce, James, xxi, 113, 303, 306
Bugaia, 218

Bugara Island, xxx, 216
Buhweju, 270, 271
Bulyankulu, 27

Bumbire Island, xxix, xxxv, 241,
243-49, 253, 256-60, 279, 473
Burdett-Coutts, Angela, 191
Burigi, Lake, 279
Burton, Richard F., xiv, xxi, xxxv,

5, 7, 8, 12, 21, 25, 26, 28, 41, 48, 68,
71, 81, 88, 91, 93, 98, 99-101, 108,
109, 130, 157, 163, 169, 208, 211, 283,
284, 288, 290, 292, 293, 301, 302, 314,
329, 342, 458, 459, 465
Busambiro, 476
Busira Island, 243, 261
Busongora, 261, 266, 270, 271, 280
Butler, David, 452
Buvuma Islands, 216, 217
Bwendi, 363

Cameron, Verney, L., 19, 25, 160, 161,
189, 282, 284, 286-88, 294,

295, 299, 314, 329-32, 359, 373,
460,461,465

Chaille-Long, Charles, 220, 283, 470
Chambezi River, 55-57, 106-08, 111,
357, 363, 364
Chanda, 47

Chebungo, Lake, 57, 110
Cheney, Frederick M., 171
Chicago Times, 425-33
Chihisar, 411, 413, 448, 453
Chikumbi, 122
Chimpanzee, 338
Chiwyu, 197, 210
Chowpereh, 62-64, 157
Cholera epidemic, 9
Chuma, James, 53, 54, 103, 119
Churchill, Henry A., 32
Clarendon, Earl of, 30
Colorado, 407, 408, 422, 431, 451
Columbine, H.M.S., 32-35
Congo River, 59, 111, 113, 114, 314,
332, 341-43, 345, 346, 356-93, 461
Cook, W. Harlow, xviii, 408, 409, 411,
413, 424-38, 442-45, 454
Cooley, William D., 284, 290, 292
Cumming, Arthur, 179, 180, 182
Cumming, R. Gordon, 96

Damascus, S. S., 423

Dar es Salaam, 133-36, 147, 153,

174, 466

Dawes, Edwyn, 131
Dawson, L. S., 398, 400-02, 404,

405, 449

De Horsey, Algernon, 169
Denver, Colorado, 431, 432
Dickinson College, 438, 446
Dirigo, 159
Doe, 18

Edward, Lake, 262
E. H. Yarrington, bark, 408
Elton, James F., 131, 153, 171
Emin Pasha, xxxiii, xxxiv
Evans, E. B., 455
Exeter Hall, 63

Falcon, whaler, 4

Far j alia Christie, 201

Farquhar, William L., 6, 12, 18, 23,

44, 120, 188, 400
Feraji, 40, 42, 43
Ferris, Mr., 165, 166
Feruzi, Robert, 474
Findlay, Alexander, 327
Fipa, 115, 116, 122,291
Freed slaves, 135, 136
Freiligrath, Hermann F., 75
Frere, H. Bartle E., xxv, 33, 177-81, 327

Gabunga, the, 241, 243, 253, 258
Galla, 135, 159

Ganda, xxxii, 7, 24, 31, 46, 47, 114-16,
210, 215, 217-23, 225-28, 237, 238,
250, 252, 261, 262, 271, 279, 318,

321, 326, 343, 347, 373, 471-76, 481
Gaya, 214-16, 218, 233-35, 237, 252
Genia, 322, 364, 376, 380
George, Lake, 263, 266, 268-72, 306,
373,475,481

Geyeya. See Luo and Gaya
Gissaka, 267, 275, 276, 279-81, 312
Glover, John, 152
Goans, 189

Gogo, 13, 18-20, 37, 82, 116, 126, 130,
136, 141, 144, 146, 159, 193, 194,

198, 203, 208, 233, 475
Gondokoro, 7, 98, 112, 119, 475
Goodhue, William, 8, 13
Goma, 287, 301,336
Gordon, Charles, xxix, xxxv, 167, 168,
223, 224, 263, 270, 282, 344, 345,

373, 462, 464, 468, 471, 474, 475
Grant, James A., xxi, 5, 8, 21, 68, 93,

INDEX

503

216, 220, 221, 226, 274, 283, 288,
303, 305, 308, 329, 342, 470
Granville, Lord, 450, 451
Gray, Dawes & Co., 131
Greene, Rufus, 9
Gufi, 273

Gufu, 279-81, 307, 312
Guha. See Holoholo

Ha, 7, 50, 51, 83-87, 126, 288, 312
Hamed bin Sulayyam, 7
Hampton Roads, 431
Hangaza. See Gufi
Harman, Henry, 438, 446, 447
Harrison, J. M., 340, 390
Hassan the Baluchi, 22
Hassan the Zigula, 71, 72
Hasson bin Salim, 143, 144
Hatton and Cookson, 340, 341, 390
Haya, 24, 31, 232, 239, 247, 258,

261, 280

Hehe, 13, 19, 159, 193
Henn, T. R., 400, 404
Herald (Omaha), 451, 452
Herodotus, 59, 122
Heron, F.W.B. Maxwell, 355
Hima, 265, 271, 334
Holoholo, 7, 57, 83, 109, 123, 191, 287,
290, 291, 295, 319-21, 330, 364
Holy Ghost Mission, 32, 33
Hopkins, David, 355
Homer, Anton, 33
Humba. See Baraguyu
Humboldt, Alexander von, 440
Hurricane of 1872, 124, 178, 181
Hyndman, Henry, xxx, xxxii

Ibaka, 362

Ibare Nkutu, 356, 367, 370
Igara, 270, 271
Igombe River, 38, 68, 69
Ihangiro, 257, 258
Ihema, Lake, 275
Ikelemba River, 366, 370
Ikengo, 386

Indians, 11, 12, 139, 141, 174
Iramba, 194, 198, 202-05, 233
Isangila, 363, 368, 389
Isma’il Pasha, xxi, 224, 303
Ituru, xxxv, 197, 198, 202, 212, 218,
458, 477, 479

Jairam Sewji, 181
Jita, 211

Johanna. See Anjouan
Johari bin Saif, 5

Johnston, A. Keith, 110, 222
Juba River, 173, 174, 224

Kabambarre, 109, 330, 334, 335, 338
Kabarega, 263, 265, 269, 271, 329, 373
Kabinda, 341, 357
Kabogo Mountain, 92
Kaduma, 250, 251, 254, 256, 257
Kafuro, 272

Kagehyi, 192, 207, 208, 211, 212, 214,
228, 230, 239, 249, 251, 256, 456, 468
Kagera River, 91, 230, 241, 273-77, 279,
281, 282, 304-08, 310-15, 347, 373,
463, 476
Kaguru, 19

Kahyoza of Bugabo, 261
Kaif Halleck, 62, 197
Kalulu, 40-42, 155, 331
Kalungwezi River, 357
Kami, 18, 33

Kamolondo, Lake, 57, 109-11, 123,

363, 365
Kamurasi, 263
Kannena, 7
Kaole, 12, 21

Kapalaga, the ssabaddu, 258, 261
Karagwe, 24, 31, 114-16, 218, 222, 226,
272-76, 278, 279, 309, 327, 343, 373,
476, 480, 482

Kasai River, 111, 113, 359, 367
Kasenge Island, 286, 287
Kasongo Kalombo, 373
Katanga, 59, 118, 122, 123, 348
Kavirondo, 215, 233
Kawe-Nyange, 294, 295, 297
Kazembe, 23, 40, 55-57, 105-08, 291
Kedi. See Lango

Khamis bin Abdulla, 46-48, 225, 226
Khamis bin Uthman, 290
Kiala, 80

Kiamtwara, 259, 261
Kibogera, 328
Kigezi, 270
Kigwa, 37
Kilwa, 147, 153
Kimbu, 38, 194

Kingani River, 15, 16, 19, 33, 124,

125, 190

King, Edward, 456, 459
Kingwere, 125
Kipingiri of Lutare, 250, 257
Kirk, John, xxi, xxii, 29-35, 47, 58, 93,
94, 101, 121, 122, 130, 131, 137, 138,
179, 180, 398, 401, 403, 405, 449, 450
Kisabengo, 16
Kitagwenda, 268, 269

504

INDEX

Kitangule River. See Kagera
Kivu, Lake, 282, 307, 312, 365
Kiziba, 232, 241, 261, 343, 378, 379
Kombo ben Ahad, 137, 138
Kome Island, 257, 262
Kongo, 57, 356, 363, 367, 371
Konjo, 270, 271

Konongo, 23, 27, 38, 50, 66, 69,

73, 76, 116, 120
Kurrereh of Kayenzi, 250
Kusu, 364, 370, 378, 379
Kwa, 367

Kwale Island, 136, 137
Kwango River, 111, 113, 356, 359,

366, 369, 386, 387, 389
Kwere, 18, 73
Kyigaju of Kome, 257

Lacerda e Almeida, F. J. M. de, 105, 107
Ladha Damji, 12, 28, 185
Lady Alice , boat, 152, 164, 165, 189,
190, 200, 206, 211, 212, 243, 274,

375, 378, 385
Lango, 267

Leewumbu River, 197, 198, 205, 206
Lega. See Lendu
Lendu, 270

Leopold II, xxxii, xxxiii
Le Saint, J.F.M., 119
Levant Herald, 420, 434, 445
Levy-Lawson, Edward, 463
Likmidas Ladha, 181, 185
Lincoln, Abraham, 57, 110
Lincoln, Lake, 57, 110, 111, 123
Liverpool, xvi, 415, 419, 422, 455
Livingstone, Agnes, 450, 451
Livingstone, David, xviii, xxi, 4, 21,

22, 27-32, 34, 35, 46, 50-60, 62, 63,
83, 89-114, 117-23, 126, 157, 159,
167, 178, 199, 206, 211, 223, 224,

266, 267, 284, 287, 288, 290-92, 301,
307, 314, 316, 320, 323, 331, 333-36,
339, 342, 344, 357, 359, 363, 380,

398, 401, 402, 404, 405, 423, 425,

440, 449, 450, 458-61, 463-65, 471
Livingstone, Janet, 450
Livingstone, Oswell, 398, 401, 404, 405
Livingstone, Thomas S., 450
Livingstone, pontoon, 162, 189, 190
Livingstone River, 339
Livingstone Search and Relief
Expedition, 125, 398, 449
Lokandamira, 50, 82
Lomami River, 110, 111, 113
Luajerri “river,” 218
Lualaba River, 57-59, 92, 109-14,

117, 118, 314, 331-33, 335, 336, 339,
340, 344, 345, 348, 357, 359, 363-65,
373, 375, 376, 380, 381, 461, 464
Luama River, 334, 338, 357
Luanda, 347, 353, 356, 372
Luapula River, 56, 57, 107-09, 111,
122, 123, 357, 363

Luba, 22, 59, 109, 114, 118, 122, 123,
295, 317, 324, 363, 364
Luegeri River, 289
Luguru, 18
Luhya, 215
Luiche River, 88

Lukonge, 208, 232, 254-56, 472, 473
Lukuga River, 283, 284, 286-90,
292-99, 301, 329, 330, 465
Lunda, 23, 40, 55, 56, 105-07
Lungu, 55, 56, 105
Luo, 214, 216, 218, 233-35, 237, 252
Luvua River, 57

Mabruki Speke, 39, 47, 71, 157
MacDonough, F. M., 451
Machunda, 328, 329
Mackinnon, William, 131
Madagascar, 402
Mafia, 150, 151, 153, 288, 466
Magdala Mountain, 77
Mahyiga Island, 241, 257, 260
Majid bin Said, 134, 135, 178
Majita Peninsula, 211, 213, 232,

233, 456
Majwara, 471

Makata Swamp, 17, 19, 126
Makoma Peak, 77
Makongo, 241, 261
Makumbi, 82, 83
Malagarasi River, 38, 50, 76-78,

80-83, 91

Mangbetu, 348, 359, 367, 373
Mansur bin Suliman, 190
Manwa Sera, 157, 309, 350, 351
Manyara, 66-69

Manyema, 21—23, 50, 57, 59, 90, 109,
114-18, 321, 323, 324, 326, 327, 330,
331, 333, 334, 336-39, 348, 363,

364, 391,459,464
Marcy, Randolph B., 163
Marenga Mkali, 193
Markham, Clements R., 160, 465
Marungu. See Tabwa
Mary A. Way, bark, 397, 402, 405
Masai, 13, 135, 167, 174, 212, 214
Masqat, 178, 180
Massassa Falls, 349-51, 353
Matumbi, 145, 146, 148

INDEX

505

Mauritius, 136, 186
Mboamaji, 135, 147, 174
Mbwenni, 132, 133
Messenger, James, 152, 163, 165,

166, 249

Mgunda Mkali, 22, 36, 38
Minnesota, U.S.S., 406, 421, 428,

430, 452

Mionvu, 84, 85, 126
Mirambo, 23-28, 31, 35, 37, 38, 44-49,
65, 66, 72, 80, 87, 96, 116, 119, 120,
198, 203, 225, 253, 254, 262, 313, 316
Missouri, 423, 451
Missouri Democrat, xviii
Mizanza, 204
Mkasiwa, 37, 44, 45, 72
Mkata River, 19
Mkindani, 101
Mkondoa River, 19
Mnywa Sere, 28, 37, 46, 72
Mohammed bin Nassur, 321
Mohoro, 147
Mombasa, 135, 227
Morongo Falls, 276
Morris, Edward Joy, 414, 415, 421,

424, 433-47, 453, 455
Morris, Thomas and Maria,
415,419,455
Morse, Mr., 9, 449
Motta Veiga, Mr., 340, 390
Moussoud, 34
Mowa Falls, 349, 350
Mponda, 53, 103

Mpororo, 270, 271, 273, 276, 279, 280
Mpwapwa, 187, 188, 191-93, 208
Mtagamoyo bin Sultani, 117, 321, 322
Mtagata Springs, 276, 280, 281, 476
Mubari, 276, 281
Mugihewah, 90, 91
Muhammad bin Gharib, 316
Muhammad bin Said, 321, 322,

342, 364

Muhammad bin Salih, 108
Mukamba, 90, 91, 266
Mukasa, the katikkiro, 219
Muli-manombe, 65
Murchison, Roderick I., 29, 94, 222
Musa of Anjouan, 54, 55, 57, 103,

104, 108

Mutambukwa, 328
Mutawwa’, 183

Mutesa I, 31, 47, 167, 210, 218-27, 237,
238, 241, 258, 261, 263, 265,

266, 271-73, 347, 471, 474, 475
Mwana Ngoi, 334
Mwanza, 211

Mweru, Lake, 56, 57, 107-09, 111,

357, 363, 364
Mwezi IV Kissabo, 92
Mwinyi Dugumbi, 321, 339
Mwinyi Kheri, 316, 480

Naiavarongo River, 281, 282, 315

Namuyonjo, 267

Napoleon Gulf, 217

Nashua, N.H., 10

Nasik, 53, 104

Nassur bin Said, 172

Ndengereko, 141

Nduru, 215

Nebraska, 452

Nevada, ship, 6

New Orleans, xvi, 431

Newton, Robert, 355

New York, 10, 171, 397, 398, 431,

435, 442

Ngala, 366, 369, 385
Ngindo, 159

Ngoni, 25, 26, 48, 54, 55, 71, 72, 82,
103-05, 329

Niger River, 344, 361, 373, 461
Nile River, 5, 7, 56, 58, 92, 98-100,

107, 111-14, 197, 212, 218, 305, 306,
315, 342, 345, 357, 369, 370, 459,
461-64, 470

Nkutu River. See Ibare Nkutu
Noe, Lewis, H., xviii, xxiii, 406-38,
440-42, 444, 447, 448, 452-56
Ntare II of Ihangiro, 258, 260
Nyaika of Toro, 267, 271
Nyampaka, 262, 263, 268, 270-72
Nyamwezi, 3, 9, 10, 22-24, 27, 28,
35-38, 44, 47, 49, 66, 74, 116, 122,
159, 160, 174, 181, 202, 277, 282, 319,
320, 322, 324, 380

Nyangwe, 117, 317, 320-23, 327, 331,
333-36, 342, 348, 359-61, 363, 364,
369, 370, 373, 374, 377, 459, 464
Nyankore, 261, 263, 266, 268, 270,

271, 276, 280, 334

Nyasa, Lake, 53, 54, 102, 103, 107, 159
Nyaturu, 194, 196-202, 204, 205,

209, 210

Nyoro, 24, 116, 222, 226, 262, 263, 265,
266, 268, 269, 271, 327-29, 343, 373,
475, 481,482
Nyungu ya Mawe, 72
Nzogera, 50, 78-80, 82, 83

Omaha, Neb., xvii, 451, 452
O’Swald of Hamburg, 171
Oswell, William C., 96

506

INDEX

Pangani, 214

Pangani River, 173, 174, 191
Park, Mungo, 361, 440, 461
Peddie, John, 361
Peninsula and Oriental Steam
Navigation Co., 131, 155, 450
Peri-plus of the Erythrean Sea, 168
Petermann, A., xxxvii
Petherick, John, 58, 99, 112
Piaggia, Carlo, 58, 112
Pike, Alice, 243
Platte River, 112, 431, 432
Pocock, Edward, 132, 155, 156, 192,

193, 196, 197, 208-10, 356, 465-70,
477, 479

Pocock, Francis, 132, 155, 156, 192,

193, 209, 210, 228, 240, 250, 251, 253,
254, 262, 316, 317, 319, 346-56, 361,
362, 370, 374, 376, 384, 389, 467-82
Pocock, Henry J., 208, 353
Pogoro, 144
Polly, bark, 6
Ponda, 291

Portsmouth, N.H., 406, 421, 452
Portugal, 55, 56, 105-07, 113, 179, 346,
356, 371-73, 460
Poto, 383-85
Price, Simon, 104
Price, Thomas H., 341
Prideaux, William F., 153
Providence, R.I., 9
Pygmies, 331

Reade, William Winwood, 329
Rega, 331, 339, 340, 364, 374, 388
Republican (Omaha), 452
Richards, George H., 451
Rift Valley, 281
Rima. See Nyaturu
Ripon, Earl of, 8
Ripon Falls, 8, 217, 218
Rojab, 157

Ropes, Emmerton & Co., 5
Rovuma River, 52, 53, 101, 102
Rowlands, John, xv, xxiv, 415, 453, 455
Royal Geographical Society, xxii, xxiv,
xxx-xxxii, 8, 21, 29, 57, 108, 154,
160, 360, 404, 465
Rua. See Luba
Ruango, 294

Ruanyara, Lake, 274, 275, 276

Rubuga, 37

Rudewa River, 19

Rufiji River, 129-33, 137-49, 151,

152, 173,466-68
Ruga-ruga, 25

Ruhinga, 90, 91
Ruiki River, 376, 377
Rujumbura, 270
Ruki River, 366, 386
Rukwa, Lake, 74

Rumanika, 167, 272-74, 276, 308-10,
327, 476

Rundi, 7, 24, 90, 91, 114, 126, 267, 273,

274, 282, 288, 302, 312, 313, 343
Rungwa River, 74

Ruri, 213, 214, 233

Rusizi River, 57, 90-92, 100, 307, 312

Russell, Capt., 397-402, 405

Rusubi, 116, 222, 279, 282, 343, 477

Rusugi River, 86

Rusunzu. See Nzogera

Ruvu River, 19

Rwanda, 261, 266, 267, 270, 271, 273,

275, 276, 280, 281, 288, 291, 312,

313, 343

Ruwenzori Mountains, xxxiv, 265, 266,
270, 475
Rwesarura, 116
Rwoma, 249, 253, 262

Sabaga Swamp, 86
Sagara, 16-18, 37, 130, 159, 174, 187,
191, 192, 343
Said bin Habib, 30
Said bin Majid, 46, 100
Said bin Salim, 8, 22, 23, 24, 26, 30,
31,41,46, 320
Said bin Sultan, 178
Salem, Mass., 5, 8-10, 171, 174, 449
Salim bin Rashid, 21, 70
Sandawi, 194, 204

Sangu, 38, 48, 50, 116, 123, 130, 144-46
Saninga Island, 137-39, 143, 151
San Salvador, 368
Sansi, 92

Sarmean, 47, 124, 157
Saruti, 272
Schultz, F. H.T., 171
Schweinfurth, Georg, 345, 348, 358,
359, 365, 464
Seagull, H.M.S., 355
Selim, 13, 15, 17, 25, 40, 43, 47, 73, 399
Sembuzi, 262, 265, 266, 268, 269, 272
Sesse Islands, 238
Sewa Haji Paru, 11, 12, 14
Seychelle Islands, 136
Shakespeare, 387
Shashi, 211-13, 230
Shaw, John W., 6, 13, 15, 17, 25, 26,

39, 43, 44, 47, 50, 60, 61, 63, 64, 73,
120, 400

INDEX

507

Shaykh bin Nasibu, 8, 27, 28, 31, 43,
60-62, 88

Shearwater, H.M.S., 130, 137
Sherif Bashaykh bin Ahmed,

30,31, 119
Sigula Island, 216
Simba, 72

Simbawenni, 16, 17, 66, 124
Simiyu River, 206, 212, 225, 230, 233,
305, 462, 463

Smith, Mackenzie & Co., 171
Smyrna, 408-11, 419, 431, 432, 448,
449, 452

Soga, 215-18, 222, 226, 267
Soko, 381, 382
Somali, 417
Songola, 364
Sorongo, 371, 372
Soud bin Said, 46
Southworth, Alvan S., xxi-xxiii
Spalding, Henry, 449
Sparhawk, Augustus, 9, 157, 171
Speke, John H., xxi, 5, 7, 8, 12, 21, 25,
26, 41, 48, 56, 68, 71, 72, 74, 88, 91,
93, 98-100, 109, 113, 114, 157, 167,
168, 178, 206-08, 211-13, 217, 218,
220, 221, 223, 224, 226, 232, 238,
239, 274, 276, 282-84, 286-88, 293,
301-05, 308, 314, 315, 329, 342, 359,
373, 456, 458-60, 463, 465, 470, 476
Stanford, Edward, 222, 363, 368
Steere, Edward, 185, 186
Stoletov, N. G., 3
Strickland, Silas A., 452
Sukuma, 27, 192, 203, 204, 206, 211,
212, 214, 215, 228, 230, 238, 239,
249, 256, 258, 391, 475, 476
Sun, the, xxiii, 406-25, 427, 428,
440-47, 451-56
Suna (Urimi), 195, 196, 209
Sundi, 363, 367, 388
Sungoro Tarib, 208, 214, 239, 469
Susi, 119

Tabor a. See Unyanyembe
Tabwa, 7, 55, 56, 105, 107, 115, 122,
123, 319, 320, 324, 326
Tanganyika, Lake, 5, 7, 58, 88, 90-92,
98-100, 107, 108, 114, 122, 168, 283,
284, 286, 287, 290-95, 299, 301, 302,
312, 330, 342, 347, 365, 373, 459,
462, 463, 464
Teke, 363
Tetela, 373
Thani bin Abdulla, 85
Thani bin Massoud, 22

Thani Kati-Kati, 31

Thetis, H.M.S., 468

Thuwayni bin Said, 178

Tippu Tip, 38, 374, 379

Toro, 261,268,271

Tozer, William G., 171, 184, 185, 186

Tucker, John C., 32, 33

Tuckey, James, 346, 359, 361, 368,

369, 389
Tura, 37

Turkey, xxiii, 408-49, 452-56
Turki bin Said, 178, 180
Tusi, 280, 288, 334
Tuta. See Ngoni

Ubwari Peninsula, 287, 301, 302

Uele River, 58, 345, 365, 381, 382

Ufumbiro. See Birunga

Ugala, 27, 37

Ugalla River, 38

Ugara. See Ugala

Ugombo, Lake, 19

Ugunda, 37, 64-66

Uhimba, 276, 279

Ujiji, 4, 6, 7, 28, 46, 49-52, 57-60, 83,
87, 88, 90, 92, 106, 108-10, 118-20,
123, 288, 289, 303, 315, 316, 318,
319, 321, 330, 333, 347, 373, 461,
468, 477, 480
Ukara, 213, 232
Ukaranga, 51, 87, 330
Ukassa Falls, 377, 378
Ukawendi, 27, 38, 50, 51, 74-76, 120
Ukerewe, 38, 208, 211, 213, 214, 232,
254, 255, 328, 343, 456, 472
Uledi, 351, 352, 354, 383
Uledi Manu-a-Sera, 47
Ulenge, Lake, 364
Uiimengo, 157
Ulyankulu, 44, 46

Universities Mission to Central Africa,
171, 183-86, 227
Unyambungu, 312

Unyanyembe, 3, 6-8, 10, 11, 15, 19-21,
23-26, 28, 36-38, 41, 42, 44-50,
61-64, 66, 71, 72, 85, 115, 116,
120-22, 146, 204, 318-21
Unyara, 215, 216
Urimba, 120
Urori. See Sangu
Usaguzi, 37
Usavira, 72

Usige, 7, 90, 92, 267, 273
Usongora. See Kiziba
Utumbi, 270, 273
Uveriveri, 195

508

INDEX

Uvinza (Manyema), 50, 78, 80, 82,

348, 364
Uvira, 92, 98

Uyowa, 24, 37, 38, 44, 72, 80
Vardon, Frank, 96

Victoria, Lake, xxix, 5, 7, 98, 113, 192,
207, 208, 210-13, 215, 216, 218, 224,
230, 241, 274-76, 283, 303-06, 342,
345, 456, 459, 463, 469, 470, 473
Victoria, Queen, xxv, 167, 450
Vinya Njara, 378, 379
Vinyata, 197, 198
Vienne, Charles de, 32, 449
Vinza, 38, 79, 82, 126, 289, 391

Wade Safeni, 323
Wakotani, 53, 54, 55, 103
Wales, xv, xvi, 415, 418, 419, 422,

453, 455

Waller, Horace, 53, 103, 329, 450
Wami River, 19, 130, 174, 191
Wangata, 386

Wanguana, 49, 84, 136, 137, 160, 161,
364, 481

Ward, Annie, xvii
Warren, Charles, 3
Warunga, 366

Wave, yawl, 131, 132, 139, 142, 145
Way, Thomas P., 397, 399
Wazula, 339

Webb, Francis R., xx, 4, 8, 9, 124, 126,
398, 403-05, 449, 465

Webb, John F., 400

Webb, William F., 96, 110

Welch, Charles O., 397, 398

Welle River. See Uele

Wharton, W. J. L., 130, 131, 137, 138

Whately, Richard, 98

Whindi, 135

White Fathers, 36

White Star Line, 155

Whitney, Richard M., 397, 402-05

Windermere, Lake. See Ruanyara

Yanzi, 22, 36, 37, 194, 204, 362, 366
Ylverton, H. R., 182
Yao, 53, 54, 102, 159
Yellala Falls, 346, 359, 367, 373,

389, 464

Yorkville, 111., 426
Young, James, 450
Yule, Henry, xxx, xxxi

Zambezi River, 55, 56, 59, 106-08,
114-16, 129, 131, 132, 138
Zanzibar, xx, iv, 6, 8, 9, 11, 13, 52, 101,
122, 134, 136, 144, 146, 153, 156, 160,
165, 168-77, 183-87, 318, 397-405,
449, 465-68
Zaramu, 18

Zigula, 16, 18, 116, 159, 191
Zimba, 348, 374, 391
Zinga, 349-51

Zinza, 232, 239, 249, 253, 257, 279

white traveller’s motto in their lands is ‘Do,
dare and endure,’ and those who come out of
Africa alive have generally to thank them-
selves for their prudence rather than their
temerity. . . . However glorious a thing it may
appear on paper, you may take my word for it
that I would much rather read of the adven-
ture than be an actor in it.” He wrote of his
second expedition: “Well, we are sent to com-
plete what these several travellers have begun
[Burton, Speke, Baker, Livingstone]. While
they are content with having discovered lakes,
I must be content with exploring those lakes
and discovering their sources, and unravelling
the complications of geographers at home. It
is a mighty work, but a fourth of that work is
already done. Until I can say I have done the
half, I bid you farewell.”

NORMAN R. BENNETT is Associate Profes-
sor of History at Boston University and a
Research Associate at the African Studies
Center. He has written extensively on the
subject of eastern Africa in the nineteenth
century. A recipient of a Ford Foundation
grant for study in Africa and Europe, 1958-
1960, he is the author of Studies in East Af-
rican History ( 1963) and editor of Leadership
in Eastern Africa: Six Political Biographies
(1968). He co-edited (with George E. Brooks,
Jr.) New England Merchants in Africa: A
History through Documents, 1802 to 1865
(1965) and (with Creighton Gabel) Recon-
structing African Culture History (1967). He
also serves as editor of the African Studies
Bulletin (for the African Studies Association)
and African Historical Studies.

Boston University African Studies Center

A. A. CASTAGNO, DIRECTOR

The African Studies Center, established in 1953, offers graduate and
undergraduate courses in anthropology, economics, geography, gov-
ernment, history, and sociology. The stress is on graduate seminars
and individual research, and emphasis is placed on the interdiscipli-
nary approach. Faculty members and related faculty, numbering
about fifteen, have all had extensive field work in Africa.

The research activities of the Center, supported in large measure
by funds from the Ford Foundation, have so far resulted in the publi-
cations listed below. Other studies are in preparation for publication.

BOSTON UNIVERSITY AFRICAN RESEARCH STUDIES

No.

Gwendolen M. Carter and William 0. Brown,
editors, Transition in Africa: Studies in Political
Adaptation.

$3.00

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[Distributed by New York University Press]

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The Family Estate in Africa. [Distributed
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Creighton Gabel, Stone Age Hunters of the Kafue :
The Gwisho A Site.

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A History through Documents, 1802 to 1865.

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to the NEW YORK HERALD, 1871-1872,

1874-1877.

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1658-1850 (trans. from Danish). $7.75

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History, Volume I. $6.00

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